Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10591-018-9473-y

ORIGINAL PAPER

Mothers Talk Back: Exploring the Experiences of Formerly Incarcerated

Mothers
Shannon Cooper‑Sadlo1,4   · Michael A. Mancini1 · Dixie D. Meyer2 · Jessica L. Chou3

Published online: 18 July 2018

© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2018

Abstract
The experiences of formerly incarcerated mothers are rarely examined despite the sharp rise in female incarceration over
the past 2 decades. This project used a transcendental phenomenological approach and in-depth interviews with 12 formerly
incarcerated mothers as they reflected on their motherhood experiences before, during and after their incarceration. Mothers
described how they struggled to negotiate their own stress, trauma, addiction, and shame, and offer insights for how service
systems and professionals can help mothers reunify with their families and re-enter society. Clinical implications for systems
of care, policy and practice are explored.

Keywords  Mothers · Substance use · Incarceration · Family re-unification

Introduction welfare systems (Chesney-Lind and Pasko 2013; Cobbina

The rise in incarceration rates of mothers over the last 2 dec-
ades has disrupted thousands of families in the United States
by removing, in many cases, the sole or primary caretaker
within a family (Bloom and Brown 2011; Bloom et al. 2004;
Brown and Bloom 2009; Chesney-Lind and Pasko 2013;
Maruschak et al. 2010). This disruption extends beyond the
incarceration period as mothers must endure the stigma of a
felony conviction while continuing to experience addiction,
mental health problems, poverty and limited opportunities
(Arditti 2012; Bloom et al. 2004; Spjeldnes and Goodkind
2009; Van Wormer and Bartollas 2014). In order to meet
the court-mandated requirements of their release and reuni-
fication with their children, mothers must also negotiate the
competing agendas of multiple state institutions such as
probation and parole, healthcare, social service, and child
* Shannon Cooper‑Sadlo
shannon.coopersadlo@slu.edu
1
School of Social Work, College for Public Health and Social
Justice, Saint Louis University, St. Louis, MO, USA
2
Family and Community Medicine, School of Medicine, Saint
Louis University, St. Louis, MO, USA
3
Department of Counseling and Family Therapy, College
of Nursing of Health Professions, Drexel University,
Philadelphia, USA
4
St. Louis, USA
2010; Covington 2003).
Compounding these disadvantages, mothers must rec-
oncile their own internalized ideas of what it means to be
a mother with newly prescribed labels such as “criminal,”
“convict” and “addict” assigned to them by the criminal
justice system (Cobbina 2010). Little research has been
conducted that explores how formerly incarcerated moth-
ers negotiate these experiences from a firsthand perspective
(Celinska and Siegel 2010; Covington 2003; Dodge and
Pogrebin 2001; Herrschaft et al. 2009). Increasing the litera-
ture in this area can assist family therapists to understand the
needs of this population as they begin the reunification pro-
cess. This study applied a transcendental phenomenological
approach to in-depth interviews with 12 formerly incarcer-
ated mothers. This approach was chosen because it would
yield detailed descriptions of the subjective, lived experi-
ences of the women in the study. Participants reflected on
their motherhood experiences before, during and after their
incarceration and how these experiences affected their own
personal identities and their familial relationships. Based on
the results, the ways in which family therapists can identify
how systems of care, policies and therapeutic practices can
be improved to be more responsive to the needs of mothers
and their families are discussed.

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Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101 93
Motherhood, Incarceration, and Substance
Use
In a recent survey of federal and state prisons, 32% of
incarcerated women reported that their incarceration
was precipitated by drug use offenses (Maruschak et al.
2010). Of those women, over 65,000 were mothers to
approximately 147,000 minor children (Maruschak et al.
2010). These statistics reveal a growing and marginalized
population of post-incarcerated women and their families
(Arditti and Few 2008; Snyder 2009). The services offered
by the criminal justice, mental health, substance abuse,
and child welfare systems to this growing population have
been insufficient and ineffective (Bloom and Brown 2011;
Bloom et al. 2004; Holtfreter and Morash 2003; Snyder
2009). While important research has been conducted on
the factors that influence maternal incarceration such as
substance use, childhood trauma, poverty, and unstable
relationships, little research has been conducted that
has focused on the first-hand experiences of the women
attempting to negotiate reentry, reunification, and recov-
ery (Brown and Bloom 2009; Cobbina 2010; Dodge and
Pogrebin 2001).
Incarcerated mothers with substance use disorders
endure the psychological burdens that accompany their
perceived betrayal of socially prescribed norms and expec-
tations (Berry and Eigenberg 2003; Celinska and Siegel
2010; Stringer and Barnes 2012). Traditionally, mothers
are considered the thread that connects and stabilizes fami-
lies (Arendell 2000). The enmeshed identities of mother-
hood and womanhood are constructed and reinforced by
culturally dominated discourses and social practices within
the familial, cultural, legal, social, and political spheres
(Braverman 1989; Hare-Mustin 1989). Dodge and Pogre-
bin (2001) identified that women who have been involved
in the criminal justice system begin to view themselves
with the label of “criminal” or “addict,” and this label
becomes their “master identity,” (p. 42). This identity is
reinforced through the social service systems that deny
financial assistance, employers who refuse to hire women
with felony convictions, and family services that terminate
parental rights. However, families need to be given the
opportunity to create their own definitions of normalcy
based on their experiences, values, and beliefs, rather than
be defined by dominant discourse (Walsh 2006).
A Family Resilience Framework
In Walsh’s (2006) exploration of family resilience she cre-
ated a framework and theoretical background that reframed
the idea of pathological families. This framework allows
therapists to utilize a perspective that reduces stigmatizing
labels by drawing from individual and family strengths
rather than deficits (Walsh 2006). Current literature indi-
cates that incarcerated women seek to distance themselves
from the labels of addict, felon, and unfit mother (Cobbina
2010; Michalsen 2011; Shamai and Kochal 2008; Snyder
2009; Spjeldnes and Goodkind 2009; Wright et al. 2012).
Therefore, instead of concentrating on the negative labels,
diagnoses, and problematic behaviors, the focus shifts to
helping families acquire the skills needed to adapt and
cope with the stressful experiences facing the families
as they navigate the reunification process (Hawley 2000;
Walsh 2002). A family resilience framework provides
the structure for creating a new narrative, one based on
hope, connection, and recovery, rather than on pathology,
alienation, and punishment (Hawley 2000; Walsh 2002).
A resiliency framework holds that mothers who have dem-
onstrated a commitment to mothering, even while incar-
cerated, should be allowed the opportunity to participate
in the lives of their children (Stringer and Barnes 2012).
By applying a family resilience framework and therefore,
creating a new narrative of inclusion and acceptance, the
mother can begin to establish her role as a mother in recov-
ery (Walsh 2006).
Methods
Recruitment
Participants for this study were recruited from a post-incar-
ceration support group held at a community-based mental
health agency that exclusively serves women who have expe-
rienced substance abuse, mental illness, and trauma. At the
meetings, the first author provided information about the
study and secured informed consent. To meet inclusion cri-
teria for the study, participants must have: (1) experienced
a minimum incarceration period of 24 months due to drug/
alcohol or related nonviolent offenses; (2) reported at least
one child under the age of 18 placed in either kinship care
(care of relatives) or foster care during incarceration; (3)
lived outside of prison for 1 year and reunified with minor
children; and (4) reported a history of substance abuse and
trauma. All 13 eligible participants who were recruited
agreed to participate in the study. One potential partici-
pant did not attend the scheduled appointment and did not
reschedule. The institutional review board of the University
of the first and second authors approved this study.
Data Collection
The first author conducted each of the 12 semi-structured
interviews in a private setting at the agency. Interviews
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ranged from 30 to 60  min. Each interview was audio
recorded and transcribed. Key informants at the agency who
have experienced incarceration, but who were not eligible
to participate in the study, reviewed the interview guide
for authenticity and credibility. Participants were asked to
provide a detailed description of the experience of being a
mother prior to and during their incarceration, and during
their post-incarceration reunification with their children.
Participants were asked to elaborate how they viewed them-
selves as mothers, including the positive and challenging
aspects of the specific time periods during their journey
through motherhood. Specific questions in the interview
guide included: (1) tell me about your journey of mother-
hood; (2) what were the positive periods of your motherhood
experience and how did you feel about yourself as a mother
during that time?; (3) what were the challenging periods of
your motherhood experience and how did you feel about
yourself as a mother during that time? Participants were
encouraged to discuss each question during pre-release,
post-release, and during reunification.
Participant Demographics
Of the 12 mothers who participated in this study, 75% were
African American (n = 9) and 25% (n = 3) were Caucasian.
The average age of the sample was 46.8 years of age. The
average number of children for each participant was three
and ranged from 1 to 6 children. The average number of
incarcerations for the group was approximately three and
the range was from 1 to 5. The average amount of time since
participants’ last incarceration was 9 years and ranged from
1 to 22 years.
The participants of the study provided information
regarding their experiences of childhood trauma, interper-
sonal violence, family instability, poverty, and mental ill-
ness. The majority (n = 10) reported parental substance use,
and one of the participants experienced parental incarcera-
tion and placement in the foster care system. The majority
of the participants in the study (n = 11) were the primary
caretakers of their children before incarceration and reported
that they were expected to resume that role upon release.
Although participants attempted to maintain sobriety upon
release, all but one reported relapse and re-incarceration.
Most of the women (n = 8) maintained their parental rights
to at least one of their children, while four women reported
they forfeited guardianship of their dependents to family
members or foster parents to ensure the safety and stability
of their young children.
Analysis
Analysis procedures followed Moustakas’s (1994) method
of transcendental phenomenological analysis. This method
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Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101
required multiple readings of each transcript to attune to the
whole interview (Creswell 2007). During the first cycle of
coding, the three-person research team conducted an ini-
tial line-by-line reading of each transcript (Creswell 2007).
Through a process of horizontalization, significant non-
repeating statements and phrases describing participants’
experiences of motherhood were initially coded (Creswell
2007; Moustakas 1994). The initial line-by-line coding pro-
cess led to a list of 44 codes, which were peer-reviewed
within the research team to ensure trustworthiness. Initial
codes were then revised and grouped into 14 categories and
sub-categories. This process consisted of extracting verba-
tim participant quotes from the transcripts, formulating and
assigning “meaning,” clustering meanings into organized
themes, and using rich descriptions to support the mean-
ings (Creswell 2007; Moustakas 1994).
Upon completion of the initial coding process, a second
cycle of coding was conducted. This second cycle involved
the research team reading each transcript, reviewing memo-
notes and applying within-case and cross-case analytic
methods to separate the 14 categories and sub-categories
into distinct, non-repeating themes (Creswell 2007; Mous-
takas 1994). Three overarching themes with subsequent
subthemes were identified within the mothers’ context of
addiction, incarceration, and reunification.
Multiple strategies were employed to enhance the
methodological rigor in this study (Creswell 2007). First,
researcher bias was clarified through a process of “brack-
eting” the researcher’s personal experiences to focus the
study on the participant experiences (Creswell 2007; Mous-
takas 1994). Second, it was determined that saturation was
achieved in this study after 12 interviews. Interviews pro-
vided a large amount of rich, multilayered data. Saturation
was determined after no new codes or themes emerged
from the data. Third, the process of triangulation was used
to interpret data in two ways. Theoretical perspectives that
included feminist theory and family resiliency theory were
used to examine data. Peer review sessions with the research
team were also used to discuss and clarify data codes and
themes. Fourth, all participants were provided the opportu-
nity to review the team’s analytic findings to ensure accuracy
and offer feedback through a process of member checking.
Finally, consistent with transcendental phenomenological
research methodology, rich descriptions of the phenomenon
allowed for consideration of study transferability (Creswell
2007).
Self as Researcher and Bracketing
The process of bracketing was used throughout the study. In
this process, the researcher “unpacks” her personal experi-
ences and perspectives in order to uncover, acknowledge and
address any biases that may impact how data is interpreted.
Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101 95
In this process, the first author reflected on how being a
white mother, social worker, feminist and member of the
middle class may impact her interpretation of the stories
provided by the mothers interviewed in this study. The first
author made notes of potential assumptions and biases and
how these might have influenced data collection and analy-
sis. These findings were processed with the research team
members during monthly meetings and were utilized during
analysis sessions in order to reduce the impact of researcher
bias in the interpretation of the participants’ narratives.
Results
Forty-four codes were organized into three themes with
seven sub-themes. The themes identified were: (1) expe-
riencing motherhood, (2) struggles of motherhood during
incarceration and (3) motherhood after incarceration and
reunification. The first theme explored the general intersec-
tions of participants’ experiences of motherhood and addic-
tion and the difficult decisions that they had to make as a
mother. In the second theme, participants described their
experiences of motherhood during incarceration and sub-
sequent reunification with their families and gave advice to
other struggling mothers and service professionals based on
these experiences. In the third theme, participants’ reflected
on their current experiences of motherhood and the hope
they have for their future.
Theme One: Experiencing Motherhood
In this theme, participants described their general experi-
ences with motherhood as they struggled to cope with addic-
tion, poverty, and past trauma. The first sub-theme explores
the genuine love participants had for their children as they
struggled to provide for them and shield them from the
impacts of interpersonal violence, addiction and poverty.
The second sub-theme explores the impact of addiction
on participants’ experience of motherhood and the conse-
quences of their addiction on their relationships with their
children and their own sense of self.
A Mother’s Love
In this sub-theme, participants describe their experiences
attempting to provide stability and care for their children.
All of the participants were able to describe significant peri-
ods of time when they actively engaged in the mothering
of their children. Participants described a genuine love for
their children and a desire to be a good parent and discussed
how providing for children brought a sense of pride and joy
to their lives.
…the more positive things that I enjoy about being
a mother is just being a mother…having someone I
could take care of and look to and, you know, bright
eyes and stuff. It was just really good. (Faye)
Participants also described how they struggled to protect
and provide for their children during active substance use by
attempting to shield their children from the effects of their
drug use by placing them with more stable caregivers.
I have not seen her since she was three and it’s prob-
ably the best thing I ever did even though it hurts really
bad because she’s got a great life. And I would never
have been able to give it to her. (Christine)
Well, one thing I didn’t do was bring my kids in my
world where I was, things I was doin’. Seeing things
they’re not supposed to see, being around things you’re
not supposed to be around, I didn’t bring my kids to
that. (Kaye)
Some participants described making the choice to relin-
quish guardianship of their children to more stable caregiv-
ers, while others described the struggle to keep their chil-
dren. The following two quotes illustrate these two difficult
choices.
I participated in every team meeting. I participated
in every court hearing. I participated. I showed up.
Even though they nailed me to the cross—they got me
this close with a pen in hand to signing those parental
rights over. But I showed up. (Andrea)
And I had those kids, and it was not my family mem-
bers’ responsibility. It was mine, and so I, at least, had
to try to be a mother, before I just gave them away.
Because now we were to the point where they [the
family] said, “If they come back this time, it’s gonna
be for good.” And so I said, “Well, at least let me try
everything possible. Whatever they say we need to do.
At least let me try, before I just give up,” you know.
And so I tried it, and I’m still trying. (Lydia)
Participants described being a mother as a complex
endeavor that involved great joy as well as pain, guilt,
and shame. Although the participants were challenged
by the everyday responsibilities of mothering, the
desire to be a mother remained strong. Participants’
stories show a complex weaving of parental behaviors
that are nurturing, protective, and sacrificing and at the
same time neglectful and destructive.
Motherhood and Addiction
The path to addiction for participants began long before
they were mothers. All participants reported a transgen-
erational cycle of mental illness, poverty, substance use,
and violence. While motherhood was often viewed as a
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96
motivating factor to refrain from drug and alcohol use,
an overwhelming majority (n = 10) reported abusing sub-
stances at some point during their pregnancies and all of
the women reported using substances during their chil-
dren’s early years. Mothers also reported leaving their
children for extended periods of time with friends, family,
or their older children. In the following quote, a mother
describes how her decision to leave her child to use drugs
haunts her years later.
I’ll never forget when I walked out on her. It was just
like it happened yesterday. It was so terrible. And she
was begging me not to go. And she didn’t feel good.
And my dad and my stepmom were there because
my fiancé had called ‘em because he knew some-
thing was up. And I remember her holding my leg
and I walked out to go get high. And that was pretty
much the last time I ever really got to be around her.
(Christine)
Mothering during their active addiction was tumultu-
ous, which often led to problematic relationships with
their children. Participants frequently described experi-
encing guilt and shame for abandoning their children and
the anger their children still harbor towards them.
Growing [up] with a grudge. I feel like that could
never be erased, no matter what I do. What happened
to them will never go away. Will always remember
it. Will always hate me for it, because I’m mom and
I let that happen. Because I was not on top of my
job. (Renita)
Participants recognized how their choices impacted their
children and most sought forgiveness from their children and
families. Most participants reported reconciling with their
children and families despite the persistent strain of addic-
tion on the bond between mother and child.
Theme Two: Struggles of Motherhood During
Incarceration and Reunification
In this theme, participants described their motherhood expe-
riences during their incarceration and reunification with their
children after prison. The first sub-theme describes partici-
pants’ experience of incarceration and its impact on moth-
ering as well as their advice for other incarcerated moth-
ers. The second sub-theme describes the complexities and
challenges faced by participants as they reunited with their
children and their advice to other mothers going through the
reunification process. The third sub-theme describes par-
ticipants’ views on how criminal justice, mental health and
child welfare professionals and service systems can better
help mothers achieve their recovery goals.
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Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101
The Experience of Mothering While Incarcerated
Not surprisingly, participants described their incarceration
and separation from their children as a very distressing
experience. All participants described the intense worry
and sadness they experienced during their incarcerations.
One of the most reported coping skills included distancing
themselves from the outside world and their children. The
overwhelming majority (n = 11) reported that prison was
so frightening and painful for their children that they were
forced to limit contact to phone calls and letters.
Because I saw my daughter that day kicking and
screaming and hollering and not understanding why
she was talking to her mother through a piece of
glass and why I couldn’t leave. And every time I
seemed to call, she, you know, had this fit, and then
they [family members] would have to deal with it.
And she would be depressed. I felt that in order for
the kids to be halfway okay that I needed to limit my
contact with them. (Lynn)
I did not want my kids to see me when I was incar-
cerated….it would’ve just broke my spirit to see my
kids walk away from me, and I couldn’t like grab
‘em. Most of the calls with them were brief because
I didn’t want to break. (Daisy)
The disruption caused by incarceration extended into
the lives of the entire family system. During their periods
of incarceration, children were cared for by extended fam-
ily to avoid the termination of parental rights. For some,
this meant siblings were separated and placed with dif-
ferent caretakers. One of the participants terminated her
parental rights in prison so that her mother could offi-
cially adopt her son to avoid foster care system involve-
ment. Despite these difficulties, when asked to give advice
to other incarcerated mothers participants stressed the
importance of using the time in prison for reflection and
self-improvement.
Because if you have this time to yourself and you
have this quiet and you have none of these distrac-
tions and you really spend time meditating and com-
muning, that there’s a certain level of spirituality that
washes over you. (Lynn)
You’re gonna be in a dark place, because if it’s your
first time leavin’ home and leavin’ your kids, you’re
gonna miss ‘em. You’re gonna feel that void in your
heart. And it’s gonna make you feel guilty. You’re
gonna beat up on yourself. And when you’re incar-
cerated, you’re gonna face all kinds of obstacles, all
kinds of obstacles… So just try to be strong, get into
a program, get into school, get into somethin’ posi-
tive…. (Bea)
Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101 97

Participants noted that being in prison was a life alter- a complicated endeavor. However, the women maintained
ing experience that stripped a person of their dignity and hope that they would be able to build strong, healthy bonds
self-worth. They encouraged mothers to use the time they with their children again. All of the women expressed
had while incarcerated to regain a sense of self-esteem and regret about their expectations of warm homecomings and
develop the skills necessary to live a productive life once holding the belief that they would resume life as it was
freedom was attained. Unfortunately, as will be described in before they left. While all the women reported an expec-
another sub-theme, effective services designed to help moth- tation of reclaiming their role as mother, most reported
ers transform their lives were identified as lacking inside and they were met with resistance and anger. To mothers going
outside the prison system. through the reunification process, participants encour-
aged patience, humility, accountability, and openness to
The Complex Struggle of Reunification the experiences and feelings of their children. They also
offered reassurance and hope that relationships can heal
The majority of the women (n = 11) were reunified with their over time.
children after incarceration and regained legal guardianship.
If your kids are older, I mean, just like any person,
Participants struggled to assert an active role in the lives of
they’re gonna have hurt feelings. You know, just
their children while trying to maintain sobriety and reuni-
humble yourself. Humble yourself and accept what
fication was reported as an overwhelming endeavor com-
has happened and that their feelings are valid. You
plicated by the lack of available resources to women with
know? And that it will get better. If you put work
a felony conviction. Upon release, 11 out of the 12 women
into it, they’re gonna forgive you. They’re gonna love
returned directly to their homes. Only 2 of those 11 partici-
you. (Dawn)
pants reported receiving family therapy during their reunifi-
It’s not up to you. You have to give your kids the
cation process. All of the participants described problematic
space and the decision. I mean, you make that initial
transitions. They frequently identified the damage caused
step. But yet you can’t force that whole immediate
by their absence as a barrier in reestablishing relation-
connect with your child…You can’t expect to come
ships with their children and families. All participants dis-
home from jail and your kids love you with open
cussed the obstacles of re-entry with a felony record, which
arms because, after a certain amount of time, you are
included obtaining and maintaining employment, securing
now a stranger… (Daisy)
stable housing, and providing the day-to-day needs of their
families. But the most essential and challenging undertak- Not only did participants offer advice to mothers, they
ing reported by participants was securing their place as a also offered information to those systems of care and reha-
mother to their children. The guilt and shame experienced by bilitation that become involved with women and families.
participants and the anger and distrust of their children and The majority of participants (n = 10) reported receiving no
families impeded participants’ return to a mothering role. formal family or mental health services to assist them in
the process of mending damaged relationships. As will be
Plus just me tryin’ to deal with the own guilt and
described next, participants identified the need for services
shame for everything that I had done and not feeling
focused on rehabilitation and restoring dignity.
worthy and not feeling like maybe I probably wasn’t
the best person to raise these kids…And they were
her children as far as she was concerned. Um, she was
The Need for Enhanced Support and Rehabilitation Services
doing something one day, and I told her, I was like,
“Stop it.” And she—my—she says, “These are my
All of the women in this study have been involved with help-
kids.” Yes. “These are my kids.” I was like, “These—
ing professionals in the criminal justice, mental health and
these aren’t your kids, honey.” (Lynn)
child welfare systems. Unfortunately, most of the experi-
The kids sat in one corner. I sat in the next, and I
ences have left the women feeling traumatized, humiliated,
looked at them, and they looked at me. And it was
and powerless. Participants provided the following advice to
just like they didn’t really know me, and I didn’t really
professionals about what incarcerated mothers need in order
know them…My oldest daughter, she was always
to heal and grow. The most explicit message expressed by
thrust into the mother role. And so it was a power
all the participants was the need to be seen, heard, educated,
struggle with that, you know. Here I’m trying to cre-
and supported by the people who have the power to help.
ate structure, and she like, “Where you been all these
years?” (Lydia) I wish I had known that going to prison is like taking
your dignity and putting it to the side, and picking it
Participants reported that re-establishing a place in the
back up on your way out the door. (Renita)
family order after their release from prison proved to be

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98 Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101

Listen, just listen because people will tell you eve- recommendations of participants included an increase in
rything you need to know, if you just listen and pay family preservation services, family therapy through the
attention, and be more compassionate…. (Lydia) re-unification process, assistance in accessing resources,
and for professionals to be oriented toward empowerment
While all the women relayed experiences of mistreatment
rather than punishment. While participants recognized that
at the hands of helping professionals, they also acknowl-
they were not always making good decisions as mothers,
edged how simple gestures of kindness by a probation
they believed that they needed the opportunity to learn
officer, a judge, a case worker or a prison guard made a
and change.
difference in their lives. Unfortunately, these experiences
were not the norm. The lack of adequate services to meet the
needs of women and their families was identified as a barrier
Theme Three: Motherhood After Incarceration
to successful re-entry and reunification. Participants stressed
and Reunification
that the criminal justice system must provide education and
training services focused on rehabilitation. They stated that
In this theme, participants describe their experiences of
the mental health system should employ professionals who
motherhood after their release and initial re-unification
are able to engage in empathic listening, provide effective
period up to the time of the interview. The first sub-theme
assessment and treatment services for psychiatric symptoms
describes how participants continue to struggle in their
and teach problem solving and other coping skills. They also
relationships with their children and families well after the
stated the need for the child welfare system to provide par-
reunification process. The second sub-theme describes the
ents with the skills and resources necessary to create healthy
hope that participants have for the future now that they have
family environments.
entered the recovery process.
Ten of the twelve women in the study suffered a relapse
and were re-incarcerated due to a lack of adequate treat-
ment during their incarceration and post-release. Factors
Continuing Struggles of Motherhood
they identified as contributing to their relapse included
struggling to stay occupied, distress from child separation,
The overwhelming majority of the participants (n = 10) have
and lack of appropriate services through the criminal justice
regular contact with at least one of their children. Of those
system both during and post-incarceration to help the them
that have regular contact, half currently reside with at least
prepare for and manage the demands of re-entry. Participants
one of their children. The majority of participants (n = 9)
all agreed that employment, education, counseling, and par-
have adult children, while five of the participants still have
enting skills services would have eased their transitions back
minor children for whom they are the primary caretakers.
into the community. Furthermore, all participants reported
The 10 women who have regular contact with their children
that they wanted to be treated with compassion and dignity
reported their current relationships were positive despite a
by the professionals who were a part of their incarceration
difficult initial reunification process. The mothers who have
and re-entry.
limited or no contact with at least one child continue to
Even the most hardened criminal, I think, deserves struggle with the loss of the relationship. Although there is
some dignity and some hope. You know, to under- regret and hurt, there is acceptance of their child’s decision
stand that this is not something that we wanted…We to limit the relationship, as well as an acknowledgement of
did something wrong. We’re paying for it enough. the influence of their choices in that decision.
You don’t have to treat us like unwanted guests. We
I can’t beg you to love me or to be my—to act like
already know that. Give us some things that’s going
you’re my child or—I don’t know when your wounds
to garner some positive outcome. If I’m in here to be
are gonna heal. I just don’t know what to do, but I’m
rehabilitated, I know you have to tear it down a little
not gonna push them or force myself on them…. If
bit, well okay, I’m sufficiently torn down. Let’s start
I can go back and relive my younger days and life I
the rebuilding process. (Andrea)
would do so different. (Renita)
Help us. Educate, educate, educate, educate, educate…
if I knew better, I would’ve done better. But now that Participants in this study reported they are forever
I know better, I am doing better. And I know better changed by the hardships they have endured, but maintain
because people have taught me. (Renee) hope for a better future for themselves and their families.
The impacts of trauma and addiction as well as the ongo-
All participants described how positive relation-
ing stigma of incarceration continue to burden participants
ships with dedicated and compassionate professionals
as they struggle to regain a sense of stability within their
had positively impacted their process of recovery. The
families.

13
Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101 99
Redemption and Hope
Despite reporting a challenging road to recovery, the moth-
ers continue strive to be the women they feel they were
always meant to be. As one participant stated, “What moti-
vates me now is the support and the love I have for myself…
because I know I’m here for a purpose.” This message was
interwoven into their narratives and demonstrated by their
accomplishments. Since the time of incarceration, half of the
participants returned to school, with one participant obtain-
ing a master’s degree. Seven participants live independently
and four have secured employment. Two participants have
become the primary caretakers of their grandchildren and
three participants care for their ailing parents.
I wanna enjoy my grandkids. And I wanna be an exam-
ple for them. And be proud of their grandma. I’m glad
that I didn’t give up on my life. And it feels good to
feel normal again. I get an opportunity to do that—
bein’ a mom all over again. (Bea)
All of the participants discussed the importance of a
higher power, the desire to be connected to family and a
supportive community, and the belief that they can succeed.
Despite the fact that some participants continue to strug-
gle with their recovery, all stated that they believed they
were capable of change and that giving up was no longer
an option. The mothers maintained hope for the future and
believed in their strength to prosper in spite of many obsta-
cles. It is important to note that this sense of hope did not
develop because of the support participants received from
various service systems, but rather in spite of their experi-
ences with those systems. Access to adequate rehabilitation
services may have provided participants with an opportunity
to achieve recovery sooner and with less turbulence along
the way.
Discussion
The family resilience framework provides a lens to under-
stand the stories of the participants and to light the way for
more responsive service systems and professional training
programs. Other studies have reported that a primary desire
of incarcerated women is to reclaim her role as mother and
caretaker for the family (Arditti 2012; Arditti et al. 2010;
Celinska and Siegel 2010; Shamai and Kochal 2008). The
family resiliency framework highlights the importance of
using a strength-based approach while taking into considera-
tion the sociocultural context in which families’ function,
by supporting individuals and families in making meaning
from their adverse experience. It is important to note that
the women in the study were able to separate their behaviors
from their identities (Celinska and Siegel 2010; Berry and
Eigenberg 2003; Herrschaft et al. 2009). All of the partici-
pants reported they loved their children and had a desire to
protect, care, and provide for them. They articulated the guilt
and shame they felt when they did not fulfill the duties of
mothering. However, they also rejected the labels of “addict”
and “felon” as the dominating constructs in their lives in
favor of identifying themselves as mothers in recovery. The
process of acceptance and forgiveness was the beginning of
their recovery and guided the women to rebuild and restruc-
ture their families.
For family therapists working with multi-stressed families
as they attempt to renegotiate reunification, the paradigm
shift to a focus on strengths, on shared meaning-making in
adversity, on connection to community resources, and on
identification of protective factors provides a framework
for accessing the inherent power in families (Hawley 2000;
Walsh 2002, 2006). Recognizing the basic needs for con-
nectedness and attachment allows individuals to create a
context for safety and the groundwork for adaptability and
change (Becvar 2007; Walsh 2006). Importantly, a family
resilience framework in substance abuse interventions and
family reunification recognizes that developing a social net-
work to support the individual and family, providing inte-
grated care, and facilitating changes in the family and the
community are essential to successful treatment and family
strength (Arditti 2012; Becvar 2007; Walsh 2006).
Clinical Implications for Family Therapists
Family therapists are well-positioned to work among larger
systems to meet the various needs of incarcerated mothers
with substance use disorders. It is vital that family therapists
take a broader scope in understanding larger systemic pro-
cesses facing families with an incarcerated parent (Barretti
and Beitin 2010). Family therapists must consider multiple
systems and provide best practices not only at an individual
or family systems level, but at a larger systemic level as well
(Willerton et al. 2008). The present study highlights the need
for family therapists to continue applying their broad pur-
view of systems to incarcerated mothers with substance use
disorders which allows for intervention at multiple systems
of care.
In order to understand a family system, therapists must
recognize the context of the environment in which the family
exists (Becvar and Becvar 1999). The responses provided
by the participants in this study contained invaluable infor-
mation for professionals about the unique needs of women
and their families navigating the complexities of multiple
service systems. All of the mothers in the study identified
gaps in available services and noted the difficulties in access-
ing these services. However, the most important insights
from these women focused on the importance of establish-
ing strength-based, family-centered care and for significant
13

100
changes in the policies that negatively impact the ability of
mothers to successfully reintegrate into the community. Sys-
tems of care that serve incarcerated mothers are often frag-
mented, culturally inappropriate and inaccessible (Arditti
et al. 2010). Holistic services that are tailored to meet the
complex needs of incarcerated mothers are needed. These
services would ideally integrate substance abuse, trauma,
mental health, and physical health treatment for mothers,
while also providing opportunities to develop work and par-
enting skills (Arditti 2012; Herrschaft et al. 2009; Stringer
and Barnes 2012). Research has found that by addressing
the needs of women and their families from a family-cen-
tered perspective, helping professionals can acknowledge
the strengths and connections of the individual, family and
community (Arditti 2012; Cobbina 2010; Snyder 2009).
While incarcerated, mothers need concrete services to
address their immediate survival needs, the relational and
emotional needs of her family are of equal importance. The
stigma of being labeled a felon and an addict were barri-
ers to obtaining employment, housing, and financial assis-
tance, however, the label of an unfit mother was reportedly
the most hurtful. These labels were consistently reinforced
through the denial of services, employment opportunities,
and the societal marginalization that impeded their ability
to reestablish themselves in their families and communi-
ties (Berry and Eigenberg 2003; Celinska and Siegel 2010;
Herrschaft et al. 2009; O’Brien and Lee 2006; Stringer and
Barnes 2012). In-home family preservation services that
include wrap-around case management, in addition to fam-
ily therapy, represent an important strategy to helping moth-
ers in their re-entry and reunification process by helping
them obtain the resources necessary to reintegrate into the
community and become independent (Arditti 2012; Cobbina
2010; Snyder 2009).
Implications for Future Research
This study provides a starting point for continued research
projects to explore the unique needs of incarcerated mothers
and their families. More research is needed that examines the
experience of the family members who serve as the caretak-
ers the children of incarcerated mothers (i.e. grandmoth-
ers, aunts, fictive kin) to better understand the challenges
families face (Herrschaft et al. 2009; Stringer and Barnes
2012). It is vital to include the experiences of the children
who are separated from their mothers. While the women in
this study articulated the experiences of their children, the
women had to speculate about their children’s thoughts and
feelings. Developing an understanding of the struggles and
strengths of children impacted by maternal substance use
and incarceration is essential to providing effective services
that promote healthy families.
13
Contemporary Family Therapy (2019) 41:92–101
Limitations
A limitation inherent to naturalistic inquiry and qualitative
research is the small and relatively homogenous sample that
prohibits generalizability of the findings to a larger popula-
tion. All participants were recruited from the same treatment
facility further limiting the generalizability of the sample.
Because all participants were in the process of completing
treatment, this population may be fundamentally different
from a non-treatment sample. Participants may have altered
their responses to influence the researcher or create a more
positive view of themselves. Lastly, only three participants
were available to participate in the process of member
checking, thus reducing the researcher’s ability to validate
the responses of the entire sample.
Conclusion
This study provided an exploration of the lives of moth-
ers who have experienced substance use, incarceration,
and the reunification with their children. The narratives of
the women who participated are intertwined with societal
norms and expectations of motherhood. The findings of
this study illustrate the importance of including the voices
of the women who have firsthand experience with incar-
ceration to provide the perspectives that acknowledge and
value resilience and recovery as avenues for reconstruct-
ing healthy families. These stories provide insights that can
inform the development of local, state and federal systems
and policies to be more responsive to the needs of families
and caregivers.
Compliance with Ethical Standards 
Conflict of interest  The authors declare that they have no conflict of
interest.
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