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Chapter 5
BILINGUALISM
5.1. INTRODUCTION
The literature on bilingualism and multilingualism touches on issues that are of great
importance for language teaching and learning. In this unit we won't look at the
problems that Spanish/English bilinguals might have - rather we will consider what
bilingualism means and how it manifests itself in the individual and in society.
Languagé study has been concerned almost exclusively with a certain kind of ideal
language user, a monolingual individual, with perfect knowledge of one language. As
Suzanne Romaine says: “It would certainly be odd to encounter @ book with the title
Monolingualism* (Romaine 1989:1). As mentioned earlier, modern society is
increasingly made up of a mixture of different groups, cultures and languages. It is
increasingly common for educated adults to speak more than one language. Many areas
of the world contain communities where two or more languages are widely spoken and
most people are bilingual of multilingual.
The study of bilingualism has extended beyond linguistics, to include sociology and
anthropology, sociolinguistics, and communication studies. However, SLA or FLA
(foreign tanguage acquisition) has often ignored the problematic and complex issue of
bilingualism.
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5.2. WHAT IS BILINGUALISM?
Definitions of bilingualism go from Bloomfield’s (1933) “native-like control of two or
more languages" -perhaps, the definition most lay people think of when discussing the
ions that would include the ability to shop with a phrase
ion at
matter- to more modest defi
book. It has often been seen as a matter of degree, going from a very broad defi
fone end of the scale, such as incipient bilingualism, which appears ot the initial stages
of contact between two languages, to ideal or balanced bilingualism, which is native-
like contro! of two languages. We also have to distinguish between bilingual individuals
and bilingual societies.
The first distinction to be made is between individual bilingualism (bilingualism) and
societal bilingualism (diglossia). The fact that a region (for example, Quebec) is
considered bilingual does not mean that each and every member of the community is
able to speak two languages (or more}. The individuals resident in the area differ widely
in their ability to speak the two languages, and even if they possess the ability they
tend to make use of their skills differently. We will be looking more closely at
bilingualism and diglossia in the next section.
Most tests of bilingualism are designed to determine to what extent individuals use two
languages or more, and the degree of their proficiency. Balanced bilinguals are difficult
to find, but, as Baker (1996:8) says, the term is still of value in research and discussion,
as the measurements of attainment in the different languages have to be made against
some kind of ideal.
In contrast to balanced bilingualism we have the concept of semilingualism or (more
accurately) double semilingualism, as the term is not normally applied to monolinguals
Semilingual individuals are those who use two languages but habitually exhibit
deficiencies in both. The corresponding term for a monolingual would be iliteracy. Both
semilingual and iffiterate are terms with strong negative connotations. However,
semilingualism can be a very real problem for many immigrant children. The stress and
strain which they may endure, in conjunction with inadequate mother-tongue provision
in primary schooling after immigration, can result in degrees of semilingualism - with
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5.3. BILINGUALISM AND DIGLOSSIA
As we said above, the term bilingualism is typically used to describe the use of two
languages by an individual. When we look at the use of two languages in a community,
the term used is diglossia. Confusingly, diglossia has also been used to describe
varieties of the same languege. Fishman considers that diglossia refers to two
languages existing side by side within a geographical areas. More often than not, there
. what is called, a high language variety (H) and a low language variety (L). H tends to
be used in interaction outside the home and the family, while L is more common within
the home. H is the language of official communication and practically always has higher
status.
Four different situations can be considered:
1. Diglossla and individual bilingualism
Almost everyone is able to use both H and L. An example of this is Paraguay
where nearly all inhabitants speak Spanish (H), and Guarant (L).
2. Diglossia without bilingualism
‘There are (at least) two languages within a particular geographical area. One
‘group speaks one language, the other a different one. Switzerland, for
example, is to a large extent a country where different language groups are
located in different areas. However, fluent bilingual speakers of languages may
bbe the exception.
3. Bilingualism without diglossia
Most peopie are bilingual and do not restrict one language to a specific set of
purposes. On the subject of this kind of community, Fishman, as quoted by
Romaine (1989), says that the allocation of functions of the languages is,
normally imbalanced. Any society which produces functionally balanced
bilinguals who use both languages equally well in all contexts would soon
cease to be bilingual because no society needs two languages for the same set
of functions.
This assertion is interesting in view of the situation of functionally bilingual
communities. The expectation may be that one language will become more
powerful, while the other may stagnate and decrease in its functions,
eventually to disappear altogether.
4. Neither bilingualism nor diglossia
This is a basically monolingual society. Small pockets of minority language
speakers may exist, whose inhabitants insist on not having anything to do with
the majority language’e.g. the Samis in northern Scandinavia. 5
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The co-existence of two or more languages frequently gives rise to tensions among
Speakers of majority or minority languages. The situation of diglossia tends to shift
according to cultural, social, economic and political factors. It has often been said that
the conditions of survival for a minority language are not only the number of speakers,
but the number of domains in which it is used. The issue of language shift {one
language being replaced by another) is not directly relevant to the main issues of this
MA subject. Those interested in reading further will find suggestions at the end of the
unit.
5.4. TYPES OF BILINGUALISM
Bilingualism has been looked at under a number of dichotomies. Two such distinctions
are compound bilingualism and co-ordinate (successive) bilingualism, and additive and
‘subtractive bilingualism. We will take a moment to examine these distinctions
5.4.1. COMPOUND AND CO-ORDINATE BILINGUALISM
You have already come across compound and co-ordinate bilingualism in the subject
Classroom Management. Compound bilinguals are thought to use two linguistic
systems which are fused together, while co-ordinative bilinguals are said to have two
functionally independent systems. To study this distinction, many experiments have
been carried out but results have not been conclusive. The terms have therefore been
modified to distinguish between the acquisition of two or more languages from birth or
early childhood, in a bi- or multicultural environment, and the acquisition of a second
language at a later stage in life.
There are many types of bilingual families, ranging from bilingual parents in a bilingual
area, to a situation where one of the parents has chosen to address the child in a
Second language. Examples of the first instance could be a French-speaking mother and
English-speaking father in Canada, or a community where the language of one of the
Parents is the dominant language of the community and the parents each speak their
own language to the child from birth. This would be an instance of compound
bilingualism. The successive type of bilingual goes through a process which is basically
identical to that of @ second- or foreign-language learner. This could occur when a
family moves from one country to another and where members have to learn a new
language.
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In the case of co-ordinate bilingualism children normally go through a period of blending
of their languages. An English/French bilingual might produce the word tati, a blend of
thank you and merci, ot shot, which is a blend of chaud and hot. A syntactic blend like
‘Ska vi gamos? (Swedish Ska vi g8? and Spanish ¢ Vamos?) is another example. After
operating for some time with this unified system children eventually start to distinguish
between the two languages. If @ certain language is associated with one of the parents,
the child will invariably address this parent in the appropriate language, and also
produce translations for the benefit of any monolinguels present. Harding and Riley
offer the following exampl
Father: Right, Ket, we're going to eat. Have you washed your hands?
Katja: (to her French friends) Hé! On va manger. 1! faut se laver les mains.
(Herding and Riley 1986:55)
Many children of immigrant parents often have to help their parents communicate with
speakers of the majority language, and, as Harding and Riley point out "they are not
long in realising how much power this gives them” (ibid). This can often involve a
degree of spontaneous reformulation. The scene below was acted out by a Spanish!
Swedish bilingual 5-year-old girl and her Spanish father and a not very helpful Swedish
shop-assistant:
Father: Dile que es un idiota.
Little girl: Pappa sager att han inte &r intresserad. (Mi padre dice que no le interesa)
Father: Por qué no le dices lo que te dle?
‘Although all bilingual children seem to manage to interpret quite well, it must be
remembered thet good interpreting demands more than linguistic knowledge -as the
Spanich/Swedish child shows. Clearly there is also an awareness of contextual factors
at work in the child's version of the father's speech. Translation and interpreting are
separate, specialised and very different skills which require high levels of general
knowledge.
5.4.2. ADDITIVE AND SUBTRACTIVE BILINGUALISM
This is bilingualism in its sociolinguistic as opposed to its psycholinguistic aspect, and it
is a topic you came across in the subject Individual Factors. The situation is well
described by Edwards (1994: 59):
In some circumstances the learning of another language represents an expansion of
the linguistic repertoire; in others, It may lead to a replacement of the first. The
different outcomes here reflect the different social pressures and needs ... @ classic
‘example is found in the bilingualism of aristocracies and social elites in systems in
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Which it was considered natural and proper that every educated person know more
than one variety. Subtractive bilingualism, on the other hand, reflects a society
where one language is valued more than the other, where one dominates the other,
Where one is on the escendant and the other is waning.
Clearly social groups are constantly involved in struggle for hegemony - to gain and to
maintain power. Language is one aspect of this struggle and is, as Dwight Bolinger said
in 1980, “a loaded weapon". Politics and ideology influence decisions taken in the
Promotion of one language as the dominant or as the lenguage of education,
5.5. LANGUAGE PLANNING POLICIES
The following quotations from James Tolletsen’s book Planning Languege, Planning
Inequality (1991) have been included here to trigger a few thoughts about language
policies and ideology.
The policy of requiring everyone to learn a single dominant language is widely seen
as @ common-sense solution to the communication problems of multilinguel
‘societies. The appeal of this assumption is such that monolingualism fs seen as 2
solution to linguistic inequality. If linguistic minorties learn the dominant language,
‘90 the argument goes, ten they will not suffer economic and sociel inequality. This
assumption is an example of an ideology, which refers to normally unconscious
‘assumptions that come to be seen as common sense.
(1991:10)
In modem societies, language policy is used 10 sustain existing power relationships,
ie. itis ideological, With competency In specific language varieties and literacy
skills essential to tho exercise of power in modern states, policies thot shape
language and its use inevitably affect the distribution of power. ... Language
education has become increasingly ideological with the spread of Engllsh for specific
purposes, curriculs and methods that view English as @ practical skil, 2 ‘too!’ for
‘education and employment.
(1991: 11)
Exclusionary tactics of dominant groups are normally institutionelized and protected
Sy the legal system, and therefore may be difficult to recognize as examples of
exploitation,
(1991:15)
The word minority focuses attention on numerical size, but more often than not a
minority is a group with fewer rights or privileges: Historical and structural pressures
whieh have influenced language planning policies have relegated certain languages to a
situation of less consideration and status, while other languages have been adopted for
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One of the important issues in language planning is to ascertain how a dominant
language can be effectively taught to members of minority language communities. One
variable is motivation, which has habitually been thought of as one of the key factors in
language learning {see the subject /ndividual Factors). It could be that motivation is
determined by sociopolitical factors governing communities and not (only) individuals
such as the economic interests associated with different language varieties, ideological
support for language leaming, and access to quality education (see Tollefsen 1991:33)
5.6. COGNITIVE THEORIES OF BILINGUALISM AND
THE CURRICULUM
‘Simplistic models of bilingualism often represent the two languages as balanced on a
‘scales inside the brain. Cummins’ (1976) Iceberg Analogy (als0 known as the Common
Underlying Proficiency model), or the Thresholds Theory {Cummins 1976; Toukomaa &
Skutnabb-Kangas 1977) provide a better idea of how the bilingual brain works. For @
detailed explanation of these models, see Baker 1997.
Much research is currently being devoted to the phenomenon of code-switching. This
refers to the inclusion in one language of elements from another, as we saw in Unit 2.
The occurrence of this phenomenon in bilinguals is related to a number of factors,
including not only issues of cultural identity, but also socially specific contextual
factors. Young bilinguals code-switch frequently, but it is also adopted by older
bilinguals when speaking a common language in an environment that triggers reference
to elements from the wider cultural context. An example of this would be when English
native speakers interact in a Spanish-speaking country, and refer to cultural elements in
‘a mixture of English and Spanish:
A: I'm exhausted. | think I'll have a siesta.
B: Yeah, me too.
Code-switching is in fact seen to take place in a wide variety of situations. Reading
5.1., which is part of a chapter on bilingual children and code-switching by Suzanne
Romaine (1989), refers to many of the situations in which code switching can happen.
Task 5.1
Read Romaine's chapter on children and code-switching in Reading 6.1, and
answer the following questions.
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1. What do each of the following references to code-switching mean?
~ addressee
~ pragmatic effect
= achange of identity
~ a metalinguistic device
> triggering
= unknown vocabulary
~ What differences between child and adult code-switching does
Romaine mention?
2. Briefly summarise the affective factors which may affect bilingualism in
children,
‘3. What is the author's view of the critical period hypothesis?
Note: All answers must be in your own words.
5.7. THE YOUNGER-THE- BETTER-LANGUAGE-
LEARNER FALLACY
Much has been said about the existence of a critical period for language learning,
situated in the early years of childhood. Whether or not children make ‘better’ language
learners than adults has already been discussed in the subjects Second Language
Acquisition and Individual Factors, where we saw that the view of young language
learners as being better learners than older ones has been refuted. There are elements
of language learning, such as phonology, which are enhanced by early learning, but it
Seems to be the case that older learners perform better on morphology and grammar. It
would also seem that the more analytical type of skills and those which are
Pragmatically determined are acquired with greater cognitive maturity
We have to consider that children take many years in acquiring proficiency in their
mother-tongue, certainly many more than are required by the average mature language
leamer in the learning of a foreign language. In fact children have little else to do except
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5.8. CONCLUSION
In spite of what can be seen as neglect by mainstream SLA, bilingualism is an issue that
affects us all as language teachers. Our classrooms are in fact small bilingual
communities. When we look at the behaviour of bilinguals in society -whether they are
incipient or balanced- we can see that an insistence on English as the only language in
the classroom does not take into consideration the toing and froing between linguistic
codes that bilingualism implies. Translation and recourse to L1, even when these
practices have been banned by the teacher, are present in all our language classes.
5.9, READINGS
[1] READING 6.1; Romaine, S. (1989) Bilingualism. Oxford: Blackwell, pp. 204-
218.
5.10. SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER READING
[1] BAKER, C. (1997): Foundations of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
12] HARDING & RILEY (1987): The Bilingual Family. A Handbook for Parents.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
131 PRIDE & HOLMES (eds.) (1972): Sociolinguistics. London: Penguin
[4] ROMAINE, S. (1989): Bilingualism. Oxford: Blackwell.