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2794 S Social Justice Theory
memory also necessarily is involved in social intelli-
gence; it allows for storing and recalling social infor-
mation. This type of memory typically is
(operationalized) as a memory for name and faces
but may cover a broader range of contents (Kosmitzki
and John 1993). Social intelligence also involves social
knowledge, which involves the “procedural” social
memory associated with memory and understanding
(Weis and Süß 2007). Added to these aspects of social
memory would be the ability to deal with people and
use appropriate social techniques in interactions with
others. These more developed definitions continue to
address Thorndike’s (1920) differentiation between
a cognitive component (involving understanding social
relationships) and behavioral component (involving
the management of relationships) of social intelligence.
Despite the significance of social intelligence to
social functioning, research in this area has not devel-
oped considerably. Nor has this area of study focused
much on the period of adolescence or considered fully
the developmental components of what would consti-
tute social intelligence. Rather than focus on social
intelligence itself, the study of adolescence has focused
more on related areas such as social skills, self-
regulation, and interactions with peers and family
members. These areas of research are all related closely
to social intelligence, but they do not address it directly
to develop, for example, measures that would assess
social intelligence in a way that intelligence is assessed,
which is what the field of social intelligence has
attempted to do but mainly with adults. This area of
research remains a potentially fruitful one if it would
specifically focus on adolescents and youth to under-
stand better the developmental roots, changes, and
nature of social intelligence.
Cross-References
▶ Emotional Intelligence
References
Kloep, M. (1999). Love is all you need? Focusing on adolescents’ life
concerns from an ecological point of view. Journal of Adolescence,
22, 49–63.
Kosmitzki, C., & John, O. (1993). The implicit use of explicit
conceptions of social intelligence. Personality and Individual
Differences, 15, 11–23.
Spear, L. P. (2000). The adolescent brain and age-related behavioral
manifestations. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 24,
417–463.
Thorndike, E. (1920). Intelligence and its uses. Harper’s Magazine,
140, 227–235.
Weis, S., & Süß, H. (2007). Reviving the search for social intelligence-
A multitrait-multimethod study of its structure and construct
validity. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 3–14.
William, D., Killgore, S., & Yurgelun-Todd, D. A. (2007). Neural
correlates of emotional intelligence in adolescent children.
Cognitive, Affective & Behavioral Neuroscience, 7, 140–151.
Social Justice Theory
SALLY M. HAGE, ERIN E. RING, MELANIE M. LANTZ
Division of Counseling Psychology, University at
Albany, Albany, NY, USA
Overview
The intent of this essay is to provide a concise overview
of the relevance and implications of social justice the-
ory to adolescence. To begin, a description of what is
meant by the term “social justice” is presented. Next,
the relevance of social justice theory to adolescence is
described, and relevant research addressing critical
social justice issues in adolescent populations is expli-
cated. Finally, future research directions and the impli-
cations of a social justice approach to work with
adolescents are discussed.
Introduction
For several reasons, social justice theory is important to
consider in the context of adolescence. Research has
shown that the effects of social injustice are deleterious
in the adolescent population. Poverty and family dys-
function serve as risk factors for a number of setbacks
in adolescence, including mental, emotional, and
behavioral disorders, delayed cognitive development,
and poor physical well-being (O’Connell et al. 2009).
Furthermore, these negative effects disproportionately
affect the lives of children and adolescents. The rate of
children and youth living in poverty in America has
been consistently higher than that of adults for decades,
more than 1½ times higher, and this rate continues to
increase. For example, the percentage of adolescent
children (ages 12–17) living in low-income families
increased from 33% in 2000 to 36% in 2008 (Wight
and Chau 2009).

Furthermore, it is children and adolescents within
communities of color, who are often among those most
negatively impacted by situations of inequality and
injustice. For example, ethnic minority children and
those in low-income households are more likely to
experience heightened rates of violence and less likely
to live in neighborhoods that offer resources such as
parks, museums, and libraries (O’Connell et al. 2009).
Neighborhoods without such features are less able to
promote the positive development and well-being of
young people (O’Connell et al. 2009). Before delving
into this research, it is important to provide a clear
definition of the term “social justice.”
Defining Social Justice
Social justice is generally defined as the fair and equi-
table distribution of power, resources, and obligations
in society to all people, regardless of race or ethnicity,
age, gender, ability status, sexual orientation, and reli-
gious or spiritual background (Van den Bos 2003).
Fundamental principles underlying this definition
include values of inclusion, collaboration, cooperation,
equal access, and equal opportunity. Such values are
also the foundation of a democratic and egalitarian
society (Sue 2001). In addition, a crucial link exists
between social justice and overall health and well-
being. For individuals, the absence of justice often
represents increased physical and emotional suffering
as well as greater vulnerability to illness. Furthermore,
social justice issues and access to resources are also
inexorably tied to collective well-being (e.g., relation-
ships and political welfare) of families, communities,
and society (Hage 2005; Kenny and Hage 2009;
Prilleltensky and Nelson 2002).
Effects of Inequality on Adolescents
Much research documents the adverse effects of pov-
erty and inequality on the physical, psychological, and
social development of adolescents (e.g., Evans and Kim
2007; Hay et al. 2007; Wadsworth et al. 2008; Young
et al. 2001). For example, Abernathy et al. (2002) noted
that adverse health outcomes start in infancy, as pov-
erty is associated with higher rates of infant mortality.
In their study, they assessed how the home environ-
ment and family income level affect adolescents’ phys-
ical well-being. Results showed that negative health-
related behaviors were associated with lower levels of
Social Justice Theory S 2795
income. Specifically, adolescents living in lower-
income families were more likely to live in a smoking
household, more likely to smoke cigarettes themselves,
and were less physically active. Adolescents in lower-
income families were also less likely to have a regular
physician (Abernathy et al. 2002).
Elgar et al. (2005) also found evidence of
a relationship between negative health behaviors and
socioeconomic status. These authors investigate the
effects of national-level income inequality – that is,
income disparities between the rich and poor – on
negative health behaviors, such as drinking and
smoking. Elgar et al. (2005) assessed the relationship
between living in a country with higher levels of
income inequality and alcohol consumption among
11, 13, and 15-year-olds. They found that the 11- and
13-year-olds living in countries with more income
inequality were significantly more likely to drink alco-
hol. They were also more likely to drink more often,
and the 11-year-olds were more likely to drink until
a state of drunkenness was achieved (Elgar et al. 2005).
Much literature confirms the link between poverty
in adolescence and adverse health risks and conditions
(e.g., Evans and Kim 2007). These negative health fac-
tors may contribute to a shortened lifespan for adoles-
cents living in poverty, and likely contribute to higher
rates of chronic health problems among adults living in
poverty. For example, Miech et al. (2006) found that
rates of obesity were higher among poor adolescents,
with adolescents in their sample also less likely to be
physically active. Vieweg et al. (2007) found a similar
link between poverty and obesity. They found that
receiving public health insurance (and lack of private
health insurance) was positively correlated with
unhealthy weight levels in adolescents. In addition,
S
the incidence of unhealthy weight was highest in His-
panic adolescents, followed by Black adolescents
(Vieweg et al. 2007).
The psychological effects of living in poverty have
been shown to be equally problematic during adoles-
cence. Adolescents living in poverty often cope with
stressful life situations, such as domestic disputes and
neighborhood violence, at a higher rate than youth
from families with adequate income (Center for Dis-
ease Control 2007). In addition, adolescents of color
are more likely than White adolescents to live in the
poorest, crime-ridden neighborhoods, which place
racial minority adolescents at greater risk of exposure
2796 S Social Justice Theory
to violence and the effects of negative environments
(Douglas-Hall et al. 2006; Schiavone 2009).
Schiavone (2009) interviewed adolescents living in
impoverished communities about their encounters
with violence. All 14 racial minority youths interviewed
indicated that they frequently witnessed violence in
their communities. Participants described these expe-
riences as emotionally distressing, leading to feelings of
helplessness and fear, which caused them to be distrust-
ful (Schiavone 2009). Furthermore, living under
conditions of poverty also tends to demand adult
role-taking earlier among adolescence (Dashiff et al.
2009). Dashiff et al. (2009) found that adolescents’
awareness of the financial difficulties their parents
face appeared to cause negative mood effects, a sense
of helplessness, and shame. Adolescents living in pov-
erty are also more at risk for depression, substance
abuse, and early sexual activity. Despite these increased
mental health risks, the authors found that
impoverished communities often lacked adequate
mental healthcare (Dashiff et al. 2009).
Simultaneously, school environments often serve to
perpetuate and institutionalize systems of injustice for
adolescents (Kozol 1991, 2005). Public school districts
in the most impoverished communities have fewer
resources and opportunities for their youth. For exam-
ple, in 2003, New York City spent $11,627 on the
education of each child, while in Nassau County on
Long Island, New York, the town of Manhasset spent
$22,311 (Kozol 2005). Too often, classrooms in poorer
communities are overcrowded, understaffed, and
lacking basic equipment and textbooks needed for
teaching (Kozol 1991). In addition, such schools are
comprised of mostly Black and Hispanic students,
often accounting for a majority of the student body.
Following his tour of 60 American public schools,
Kozol (1991) found that conditions had actually
grown worse for urban children in the 50 years since
the Supreme Court landmark ruling of Brown versus
the Board of Education, in which the policy of segre-
gated schools was dismantled. As described by Kozol
(2005), “What is happening right now in the poorest
communities of America – which are largely black
communities. . . is the worst situation black America
has faced since slavery” (p. 313).
Schools and family environments also may be
unsafe environments for gay, lesbian, bisexual, and
transgender youth. Perceived sexuality has been noted
to be a primary reason for harassment in schools
(Matthews et al. 2009). Lesbian, gay, and bisexual
youth who have experienced rejection during adoles-
cence were also recently found to be 8.4 times more
likely to report having attempted suicide, 5.9 times
more likely to report high levels of depression, 3.4
times more likely to use illegal drugs, and 3.4 times
more likely to report having engaged in unprotected
sexual intercourse compared with peers from families
that reported no or low levels of rejection (Ryan et al.
2009). These results mirrored other studies, which
found that harassment or rejection in the school envi-
ronment due to individual differences was harmful to
adolescent development, putting such youth at greater
risk for substance use, poorer grades, lower self-esteem,
and poorer mental health (Descamps et al. 2000; Gay,
Lesbian and Straight Education Network 2005; Hodges
and Perry 1999).
One of the primary avenues for promoting social
justice and reducing inequality for adolescents is
through the implementation of preventive interven-
tions. The following section will describe examples of
preventive interventions with youth, and guidelines
and principles for their implementation.
Preventive Interventions and Social
Justice
Preventive interventions may function best by targeting
risk factors and strengthening protective factors in
young people (Kenny et al. 2009; Wolf 2005). Protective
and risk factors occur both on an individual and soci-
etal level, thus affecting adolescents within multiple
communities and systems. Protective factors include
the abilities that at-risk individuals have to develop
strengths in spite of negative environmental circum-
stances (e.g., poverty, prejudice, and discrimination)
(Walsh et al. 2009). Such factors can include resilience,
self-efficacy, community involvement, and academic
achievement. Although these components do not pre-
vent at-risk adolescents from facing social injustice,
they increase the likelihood of positive outcomes for
youth who face barriers related to their community,
school, or home environment.
Preventive interventions that promote social justice
are best designed as systemic interventions that reduce
inequality in a variety of settings such as schools and
communities (Kenny et al. 2009; Wolf 2005). These
prevention programs work to simultaneously increase

competencies and decrease problems in young people
in order to empower them (Wolf 2005). They strive to
give youth the knowledge and skills needed to more
effectively deal with situations of unequal social power,
as well as work to change social policies that may serve
as barriers in the promotion of social justice (Wolf
2005). Successful interventions provide adolescents,
families, and communities with the tools and motiva-
tion needed to create change on both an individual and
systemic level and to promote social justice (Conyne
2004).
Contextual Factors for Adolescents
Well-designed preventive interventions take account of
social and contextual factors (e.g., poverty and discrim-
ination), and promote community-wide involvement
(Hage and Kenny 2009; Kenny et al. 2009). Ecological
theory is one useful model that is frequently utilized in
developing effective preventive interventions, as it
requires an awareness of many interacting contexts
that create adolescents’ life circumstances
(Bronfenbrenner 1979). These systems include the
social, familial, school, and community context of ado-
lescents’ lives, all of which need to be considered in
creating, designing, and implementing effective pre-
ventive interventions.
Guidelines for Effective Preventive
Interventions
Prevention scholars have begun to identify a set of
guidelines for effective social justice–oriented preven-
tive interventions that are relevant to work with
adolescents (Hage et al. 2007; Walsh et al. 2009). First,
it is imperative that prevention programs be designed
with an understanding of the social context specific to
adolescents (Walsh et al. 2009). More specifically,
programs should address both risk and protective
factors within each setting relevant to the lives of
adolescents, including the social, familial, school,
governmental, and community levels. Secondly,
programs should be created with the ultimate goal of
social justice and structural change, recognizing that
genuine change must go beyond an individual level
(Hage and Kenny 2009; Kenny et al. 2009). Thirdly,
effective preventive interventions are also geared
toward the appropriate developmental level of the tar-
get population. For example, adolescence is character-
ized by a transition from elementary school to high
Social Justice Theory S 2797
school and into adulthood. With this transition come
decisions pertaining to work, school, family, and
increasing levels of responsibility both for oneself and
for one’s community. By recognizing adolescents’
unique developmental needs, preventive interventions
will more effectively support the transition from ado-
lescence into adulthood (Walsh et al. 2009).
In addition to attention to the unique developmen-
tal needs of adolescents, preventive interventions
should take the cultural context of adolescents into
account in designing, implementing, and evaluating
prevention programs (Walsh et al. 2009). Multiple fac-
tors shape the beliefs and behaviors of an individual
adolescent, including racial–cultural identity, ethnic
background, family traditions, peer behaviors, and
acculturation levels. These cultural influences create
an identity that is consistently changing and evolving.
Preventive programs that consider the cultural context
of adolescence attend to the norms, attitudes, beliefs,
and experiences of the target group of adolescents, in
their program development, implementation, and
evaluation efforts. Not attending to the context may
result in programs that inappropriately impose their
own values on the target population (Hage et al. 2007).
It is also important to note that collaboration across
a variety of disciplines, such as counseling, social work,
community psychology, and other related fields,
strengthens such programs so that individuals are able
to work toward structural change on multiple levels
(Hage et al. 2007; Walsh et al. 2009). This collaboration
is crucial because it reduces the potential for miscom-
munication and allows for greater consideration of the
specific context of the target community, thereby
enhancing program relevance and likelihood of
a successful outcome. In addition, it is also imperative
S
that leaders evaluate the extent to which the program
meets their specific social justice goals (Walsh et al.
2009), such as a decrease in social inequities. Finally,
professionals need to carry out these programs over
time in order to reach as many individuals as possible
and sustain smaller, short-term changes that have been
made (Walsh et al. 2009).
In sum, these principles can be used to implement
prevention programs and can help program leaders
reach social justice goals by working to eliminate social
inequalities. A number of programs that work with
adolescents have used these factors to promote social
justice, and have shown promising results, as well as the
2798 S Social Justice Theory
potential to create and maintain structural change.
Some examples of these programs are discussed in the
next section.
Examples of Preventive Interventions
That Promote Social Justice
The number of preventive interventions for adolescents
that target social justice has grown tremendously in the
past few years (Wolf 2005). One such program, known
as The Boston Connects Program, takes a multilevel
approach to promoting social justice by targeting stu-
dents, peers, families, schools, and communities
(Walsh et al. 2008). Students and families in the pro-
gram are provided with resources to improve academic
performance, social competencies, school and commu-
nity involvement, and support on the individual, peer,
and familial levels. The program involves a large-scale
intervention targeting both neighborhoods and schools
to address risk (e.g., violence, aggression) and protec-
tive factors (e.g., mentorship and service opportuni-
ties). Evaluations of this program revealed increased
support services for students, more community
involvement in schools, and improved academic suc-
cess. More specifically, data suggested that at-risk stu-
dents in the program progressed academically at the
same rate as (if not faster than) students who were not
in the program because they were not at risk (Kenny
et al. 2009).
An additional example is the Communities That
Care program based in Pennsylvania, which uses pre-
vention strategies to address problem behaviors of at-
risk adolescents in over 100 communities (Feinberg
et al. 2005). One of the most important features of
this program is a prevention board made up of com-
munity members that create an individualized risk
assessment for each community. Preventive interven-
tions are then implemented for each community,
targeting problem behaviors such as teen pregnancy,
substance use, school dropout, and acts of violence.
Leaders from each community serve as the bridge for
program and community involvement, ultimately cre-
ating a collaborative partnership in which all parties
work to establish social justice at the community level.
Program evaluations have shown multiple benefits,
including increased community involvement and col-
laboration in programs, as well as improvements in
school performance, school safety, parenting, practices
and family and community relations (Hawkins et al.
2002; Jenson et al. 1997; Office of Juvenile Justice and
Delinquency Prevention [OJJDP] 1996). Evaluations
have also shown decreased problems in school (e.g.,
detention, failure, truancy, suspension, fighting) and
decreases in weapons charges, burglaries, and drug
offenses (Jenson et al. 1997; OJJDP 1996).
A third preventive program that works with adoles-
cents who face multiple societal barriers, such as pov-
erty and racism, is Tools For Tomorrow, which works
with urban youth in public high schools in Boston,
Massachusetts (Kenny et al. 2007). The focus of Tools
For Tomorrow is on a pivotal point in adolescence,
high school graduation. This program educates stu-
dents about further educational and career opportuni-
ties available post-graduation, while also informing
them of structural barriers that they will inevitably
face due to the social stratification of society (e.g.,
racism, classism). The program’s ultimate goal is to
promote social justice for urban youth by addressing
barriers and giving students access to the tools needed
to prevent negative consequences of school dropout
(e.g., lifelong poverty). Initial findings demonstrate
that teachers who worked with students in the program
observed improvements in decision-making skills
(Solberg et al. 2002). Early evaluations also suggest
positive results pertaining to binge drinking, delin-
quent behavior, and other targeted risk factors
(O’Connell et al. 2009). Finally, the program has also
formed a strong collaborative relationship between an
area university (i.e., Boston College) and the public
school system (i.e., Boston high schools), allowing the
intervention to initiate change from more than one
level.
The above preventive interventions provide exam-
ples of effective programs that have worked to increase
awareness of social barriers and decrease social ineq-
uities on multiple levels. By following the principles
and guidelines outlined above that speak to effective
preventive interventions (Walsh et al. 2009), profes-
sionals in the helping profession can effectively design,
implement, and evaluate programs that promote social
justice and target risk and protective factors for
adolescents.
Conclusion
This essay provides an overview of critical issues related
to a social justice theory of adolescence. Researchers
interested in promoting social justice with adolescent

populations can contribute to existing work by identi-
fying the causes and effects of oppression in the larger
society, and by exploring how oppression and its con-
sequences can be prevented. Examples include studies
on preventing dating violence (Cornelius and
Resseguie 2007), preventing bias against gay and les-
bian youth (Fisher et al. 2008; Morsillo and
Prilleltensky 2007) and promoting career development
for adolescent girls (O’Brien et al. 2000). In sum, in
order to impact issues relevant to social justice in
adolescents, researchers need to work toward develop-
ing effective preventive interventions that address soci-
etal issues of discrimination, and exploitation, such as
bias against people based on their race, ethnicity, sexual
orientation, age, religion, and gender (APA 2003; Perry
and Albee 1994).
The examples of social justice prevention practice
contained in this essay are meant to provide direction
to practitioners, researchers, and theorists in mitigating
the harmful effects of poverty and other inequities on
youth, and in empowering youth to use their skills and
knowledge to engage in creating social change.
A primary avenue for cultivating adolescents’ skills
and awareness is through education about the social
and historical context of social injustice and about
factors that contribute to the well-being of all adoles-
cents. Roaten and Schmidt (2009) propose beginning
such education as early as elementary school by
integrating experiential activities and self-awareness
exercises into classroom meetings and curricula. Such
activities aim at expanding children’s knowledge of
social inequality and sense of cultural empathy.
They note that such activities not only increase
self-awareness but also lead students to confront
their biases and ethnocentricity (Roaten and Schmidt
2009).
Furthermore, in addition to education about
oppression and to designing preventative interventions
aimed at reducing or eliminating the negative effects of
social injustice on adolescents, scholars and youth
leaders need to engage in substantial policy change to
adequately address pressing social concerns facing ado-
lescents. For example, professionals can engage in train-
ing of school personnel (e.g., teachers, psychologists) to
assist them with developing skills and knowledge about
implementing prevention projects that target adoles-
cents (Romano 1997). Youth leaders might also become
actively involved in political initiatives that lend their
Social Justice Theory S 2799
expertise as it relates to health promotion and the pre-
vention of psychological and physical distress among
adolescents. Examples include public advocacy initia-
tives and legislation to reduce community and school
violence, to reduce adolescent drug use, and support for
cigarette smoking bans in schools and other places
frequented by youth. Professionals can further advocate
for the support of federal funding priorities that address
adolescent health promotion through agencies such as
the National Institute of Mental Health, Substance
Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration,
and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency.
These efforts will work toward ensuring that all youth
are provided with resources and opportunities to
become successful leaders for the next generation.
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Social Learning Theory
ROGER J. R. LEVESQUE
Indiana University, Bloomington, IN, USA
Social learning theory emphasizes the importance of
observing and modeling the behaviors, attitudes, and
emotional reactions of others and focuses on the recip-
rocal action between individuals and their environ-
ment to determine some aspects of behavior. It is one
of the most popular theories in psychological science
and criminology. In psychological science, Bandura
(1969, 1973) proposed a social learning model that
spans both cognitive and behavioral frameworks by
encompassing attention, retention, reproduction, and
motivation. His model has been applied extensively to
the understanding of aggression and psychological dis-
orders, especially in the context of behavior modifica-
tion. In criminology, Akers (1973, 1990, 1998)
proposed a social learning theory composed of four
major concepts – differential association, reinforce-
ment, imitation/modeling, and definitions. Akers’ the-
ory proposes that individuals learn criminal behaviors
as they do noncriminal ones and seeks to specify how
they learn these criminal and noncriminal behaviors
and behavioral cues through reinforcement. Akers’ the-
ory suggests that individuals learn to anticipate rewards
and punishments for criminal behaviors within inti-
mate associations to the extent that these behaviors
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Social Networking in Online and Offline Contexts S 2801
were previously reinforced, either directly or vicari-
ously. Once behavioral consequences are anticipated,
the theory assumes that reinforcement will increase the
chances of the behavior since individuals are deemed to
maximize rewards and minimize punishments. Social
learning theory, regardless of whether it seeks to
explain aggression (Bandura 1977) or delinquent
behavior (Akers), importantly incorporates protective
and preventive factors in addition to factors that facil-
itate the problem behavior under investigation. The
focus is on the balance of influences that make for the
probability of problem or conforming behavior, and
those influences are not only from one’s learning
history but also from those operating within given
situations and those that are predictive of future
behavior.
References
Akers, R. L. (1973). Deviant behavior: A social learning approach.
Belmont: Wadsworth.
Akers, R. L. (1990). Rational choice, deterrence, and social learning
theory in criminology: The path not taken. Journal of Criminal
Law and Criminology, 81, 653–76.
Akers, R. L. (1998). Social learning and social structure: A general
theory of crime and deviance. Boston: Northeastern University
Press.
Bandura, A. (1969). Principles of behavior modification. New York:
Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Bandura, A. (1973). Aggression: A social learning analysis. Englewood
Cliffs: Prentice-Hall.
Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. New York: General Learn-
ing Press.
Social Networking in Online S
and Offline Contexts
AMORI YEE MIKAMI1, DAVID E. SZWEDO2
1
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA
2
Department of Psychology, University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, VA, USA
Overview
Adolescence is a developmental period in which social
networks (cohesive groupings of peers to which the
youth belongs) become important for identity, adjust-
ment, and future relationships. This essay provides an