DRAFT ONLY. COMMENTS WELCOME.

A GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF MANDAYA

Edward G. Estrera
edwardgeligestrera@gmail.com
University of the Philippines
Diliman, Quezon City

ABSTRACT

Mandaya is a Philippine language prevalently spoken in Baganga, Boston, Caraga, Cateel, and
Mati City Davao Oriental that belongs to the Mansakan subgroup composed of Kalagan,
Kinamayo, Mansaka, and Tagakaolo (Blust, 1991; Zorc, Lobel, and Hall, 2019). Despite of its
vigorous status, Mandaya remains one among the many understudied Philippine languages
(Eberhard, Simons, and Fennig, 2019). Consequently, this paper provides a preliminary
description of Mandaya by developing a grammatical sketch that discusses and explains its salient
phonological (i.e., phonemic inventory, non/suspect syllables, and stress) and morphosyntactic
(i.e., referential expressions, verbs, statives, pragmatically-un/marked constructions, discourse
connectives, and pragmatic particles) features. Furthermore, findings of this study will aid
Mandaya in becoming a mother tongue as it meets one of the four minima set by the Department
of Education and will promote and underscore the need to document Philippine languages.

Keywords: mry, msk, kge, klg, a voiced interdental lateral

ISO 639-3 language codes: mry

1. INTRODUCTION

Mandaya is a Philippine language

spoken prevalently in Baganga,
Boston, Caraga, Cateel, Manay, and
Mati City, Davao Oriental and
Maragusan, Davao de Oro. In terms
of language vitality, Mandaya is
classified as a vigorous language—
i.e., the language is used for face-to-
face communication, and the
language is sustainable (Eberhard,
Simons, and Fennig, 2019).
Moreover, it belongs to the Mansakan
subgroup composed of Kalagan,
Kinamayo, Mansaka, and Tagakaolo
and recently established as one of the
seven branches of Greater Central
Philippines or GCP (Blust, 1991;
Zorc, Lobel, and Hall, 2019). Figure 1. Map of municipalities in Davao Oriental
where most native speakers are located. Google map
reformulated on www.mapcustomizer.com

Although there are lexicographic and dialectological studies written about it as well as a few
mentions in the diachronic studies of Philippine languages, Mandaya remains one among the many
understudied Philippine languages that need to be documented for development or revitalization
(Barnard and Forster, 1954; Zorc, 1977; Blust, 1991; Gallman, 1997; Pasion 2014 and 2015). As
a preliminary study to spearhead the grammatical description in Mandaya, this paper aims to
describe its grammatical features based on its variant used in Cateel, Davao Oriental. Moreover, it
discusses and explains the phonological (i.e., the phonemic inventory, non/suspect syllables, and
stress) and morphosyntactic (i.e., referential expressions, verbs, statives, pragmatically-un/marked
constructions, discourse connectives, and pragmatic particles). Finally, the findings will help
Mandaya in becoming a mother tongue in areas where it is natively spoken as this study meets one
of the four minima (i.e. orthography, dictionary, and literary materials) set by the Department of
Education and will promote and underscore the need to document Philippine languages.

1.1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This study is purely descriptive, but it builds on the following works—i.e., Payne (1997) in order
to describe the morphosyntactic features of Mandaya and Ladefoged and Johnson (2011) for its
phonological features.

1.2 METHODS

Based only on one variant of Mandaya spoken in Cateel, Davao Oriental, this paper primarily used
spoken data—specifically, sixteen (16) spoken narratives—because in most minority languages in
the Philippine languages, written data are scarce; moreover, four (4) native speakers, composed of
two males and two females, participated in this study and performed four elicitation tasks, all of
which are done in their mother tongue:

1. Self-Introduction (in which the native speaker introduces him/herself);

2. Interesting Story (in which the native speaker shares or recounts a story that is interesting
to him/her);

3. Pear Story (in which the native speaker will watch a five-minute video without dialogue
about a man harvesting pears and a boy stealing a basket of pears and stumbling upon a
rock and will have to narrate what happens in the video); and

4. Frog, Where Are You? (in which the native speaker will view a thirty-page book of a
story about a boy whose frog is missing and will narrate what happens in the book)

Then, because unlike written data which have clear division—i.e., typographical spaces—the
spoken data do not, the spoken narratives, thus, were segmented in terms of phonemes, syllables,
and intonation units (IUs)—a prosodic unit marked by change in intonation, which provides a more
realistic account of how spoken language is actually chunked out; the segmentation—through
Praat (a software which allows users to segment the speech in terms of phonemes, syllables, and
intonation units and to observe their acoustic properties [i.e., formant values and waves] and
suprasegmental features [i.e., intonation, intensity, and pitch]); to initially establish the phonemic
inventory of Mandaya, the formant values (both F1 and F2) of Mandaya vowels were extracted,
while the syllabic structures were manually counted and determined. Once segmented and
transcribed, each narrative was named according to the combination of the first letters of the first
word of each task and the first name of each informant and the number of IUs (e.g., FA-001-060),
after which the narratives were input on Antconc (which allows users to perform a corpus-driven
analysis on data) in order to characterize the morphosyntactic features of Mandaya.

2. PHONOLOGY

This section thoroughly discusses the phonological structure of Mandaya: the phonemic inventory
(which includes consonants and vowels) in 2.1., the basic syllabic structure in 2.2., and stress in
2.3.

2.1. PHONEMIC INVENTORY

Mandaya has twenty (19) phonemes which consist of seventeen (16) consonants and three (3)
vowels, which are described in 2.1.1., and 2.1.2., respectively; their being phonemic is established
through (near-)minimal pairs.

2.1.1. Consonants

Table 1 shows the seventeen (16) consonants in Mandaya, which are distinguished in terms of the
places of articulation (i.e., bilabial, interdental, dental, alveolar, palatal, velar, and glottal), the
manners of articulation (i.e., stop, fricative, nasal, approximant, lateral), and voicing (i.e., voiced
or voiceless).

MANNER
PLACE Stop Fricative Nasal Lateral Approximant
Bilabial p b m
Interdental ly
Dental t d n
Alveolar s l
Palatal j
Velar k g ŋ w
Glottal ʔ h

Table 1. Consonants in Mandaya

Moreover, the voiced alveolar trill in Mandaya is provisionally treated as phonetic on account of
the absence of minimal pairs in the data.

(1) /ka.di/ surprise marker

→ [ka.'ri]

In (1), the voiced dental stop /d/ becomes a trill [r] intervocally; the trill also occurs in the following
words in (2):

(2) 'baː.raŋ curse

ma.ra.ˈʔat bad

2.1.1.1 Stops

First of all, stops in Mandaya are unreleased (or unaspirated) and come in pairs (i.e., voiced and
voiceless) except for the glottal stop; they are bilabial /p, b/ in (3) and (4), dental /t, d/ in (5) and
(6), velar /k, g/ in (7) and (8), and glottal /ʔ/ in (9).

(3) /p/

pi.'suʔ chick 'ʔiː.suʔ boy

pa.'taj dead ʔa.'taj liver

(4) /b/

'buː.ŋut mustache 'puː.ŋut beard

bu.'baj woman bu.'taj mountain

 (5) /t/

tug to sleep hug to fall (to the ground)

ba.'tu rock ba.'ʔu terrapin

(6) /d/

da.'maŋ spider 'maː.maŋ ant

ʔi.'duʔ dog 'ʔiː.suʔ boy

(7) /k/

ku.ˈsug strong ʔu.'sug man

ʔam.'bak frog ʔam.'baw rat

(8) /g/

ʔi.ˈguʔ to hit ʔi.'duʔ dog

ga.'was to go out 'laː.was body

(9) /ʔ/

ʔa.ˈmaŋ deaf ˈkaː.maŋ to take

bu.'waʔ foam 'buː.wak flower

2.1.1.2. Fricatives

Fricatives in Mandaya are alveolar /s/ in (10) and glottal /h/ in (11) and are voiceless.

(10) /s/

sud to put something ʔud worm

into a jar, etc.

'laː.was body 'laː.waj saliva

(11) /h/

hi.ˈku to laugh 'siː.ku elbow

 bu.ˈhiʔ alive bu.'liʔ vagina

2.1.1.3. Nasals

Nasals in Mandaya are voiced and are bilabial /m/ in (12), dental /n/ in (13), and velar /ŋ/ in (14).

(12) /m/

ma.'ta eye pa.'ta a stick of wood

'maː.maŋ ant ˈkaː.maŋ to take

(13) /n/

ˈbuː.nal to strike ˈbuː.kal to boil

ʔa.'wun existential there ʔa.'wuʔ fog

(14) /ŋ/

ŋa.ˈdi to come over ka.ˈdi mirative discourse marker

da.'maŋ spider da.ˈman angry

2.1.1.4. Laterals

Mandaya has two lateral sounds—interdental /ly/ in (15) and alveolar /l/ in (16)—which are both
voiced; however, the voiced interdental lateral needs more minimal pairs to fully establish its
phonemic status because in the data gathered, only a near-minimal pair is available.

(15) /ly/

ʔa.ˈlyug stream ʔa.ˈwun existential there

(16) /l/

ˈlaː.ʔin other, different ˈhaː.ʔin where

la.'but buttocks ˈkaː.but to dig

2.1.1.5. Approximants

Approximants in Mandaya are voiced and are palatal /j/ in (17) and (labio)velar /w/ in (18).

(17) /j/

ja.'ʔan third-person ka.'ʔan to eat

singular absolutive

'kiː.laj eyebrow ki.'lat lightning

(18) /w/

wa.'bang shrimp 'taː.baŋ to help

ˈpaː.naw to walk pa.'naʔ arrow

2.1.2. Vowels

As shown in Table 2, Mandaya has a three-vowel system, which is affected by height, closeness,
and the degree of lip rounding; it consists of close-front-unrounded /i/ in (19), close-back-rounded
/u/ in (20), and open-mid-central unrounded /a/ in (21) sounds.

Front Central Back

Close /i/ /u/
Close-Mid
Open-Mid /a/
Open

Table 2. Vowels in Mandaya

(19) /i/

si.'ki leg 'siː.ku elbow

pa.'tiŋ shark pa.'tuŋ bamboo

(20) /u/

bu.'gas rice grain ba.ˈgas big

pu.'suʔ heart pu.'saʔ skeleton

(21) /a/

ˈkuː.but to pinch ˈkaː.but to dig

 bu.'kag basket bu.'kug bone

2.2. SYLLABIC STRUCTURE

As shown in Table 3, only the syllable patterns CV and CVC are considered non-suspect according
to the phonotactic rules of Mandaya while the syllable CCV, suspect.

Syllable Patterns
Non-Suspect CV
CVC
Suspect CCV

Table 3. Syllable Patterns in Mandaya

In a non-suspect syllabic structure in Mandaya as in (22) and (23), the onset (at the beginning of
the syllable) and the nucleus are obligatory while the coda (at the end of the syllable) is more likely
to be optional.

(22) CV

ʔu head

'ʔiː.suʔ boy

ma.'ta eye

si.'ki leg

(23) CVC

tun to swallow

lang.'gam bird

paj.'paj fin (of fish)

bug.'saj paddle

Moreover, the suspect syllable is permissible only through some phonological processes—namely,
palatalization.

(24) Palatalization

/ma.da.jaw/ → [ma.ˈʤaw]
In (24), the voiced dental stop /d/ in the ultimate syllable becomes palatalized due to the adjacent
voiced palatal approximant /j/, which formulated as follows in (25):

(25) /d/ → [ʤ] / _ [+syllabic] [+palatal]

2.3. STRESS

In Mandaya, regardless of the number of syllables in a word, stress is usually in the ultimate
syllable in (26):

(26) ba.'ŋaʔ to bite

tag.'nuk mosquito

ka.'giʔ bat

wa.'baŋ shrimp

tu.'buk thorn

If there is vowel length, stress falls in the penultimate syllable in (27):

(27) 'ʔaː.bil lip

'paː.nit skin

'huː.was sweat

'laː.tug erection

'maː.maŋ ant

3. REFERENTIAL EXPRESSIONS

This section discusses and explains the referential expressions in Mandaya, which are as follows:
case-markers, personal pronouns, and demonstratives. In addition to their respective features, they
are generally classified in terms of grammatical relations: absolutive, ergative, genitive, and
oblique, the reason for which is that S (the subject in an intransitive construction) and O (the patient
in a transitive construction) group together or have the same case-marker while A (the agent in a
transitive construction) is treated differently or have a different case-marker.
3.1. CASE-MARKERS

ABS ERG/GEN OBL

PERSONAL (SG) si ni kang
PERSONAL (PL) silan nilan kanilan
COMMON (SG) yang/ing ng sang
COMMON (PL) yang/ing ng mga sang mga
mga

Table 4. Case Markers in Mandaya

In Table 4, case-markers in Mandaya basically distinguish what is personal (reserved for names of
people or referents people have relationships with) in (28-30) or what is common in (31-3).

(28) Yagmata da si Analiza.

yag-mata da si=Analiza
RLS.PFV.AV-wake up PRT ABS=Analiza
“Analiza woke up already.”

(29) Iabrehan ni Andrew ing bintana.

i-abre-(h)an ni=Andrew ing=bintana
RLS.PFV.UV-open-APP ERG=Andrew ABS=window
“Andrew opened the window.”

(30) Para kang Ana ing mga buwak.

para=kang=Ana ing=mga=buwak
PREP=OBL=Ana ABS=PL=flower
“The flowers are for Ana.”

Additionally, the common absolutive case-marker ing can be used interchangeably with yang; the
former is more commonly used in the municipalities of Baganga, Caraga, and Manay while the
latter, in Cateel.

(31) Yogawas ing baki sang botelya.

yo-gawas ing=baki sang=botelya
RLS.PFV.AV-go out of ABS =frog OBL=jar
“The frog went out of the jar.”

(32) Yakaan ng kugita yang iso.

ya-kaan ng=kugita yang=iso
RLS.PFV.AV-eat GEN=octopus ABS=boy
“The boy ate octopus.”

(33) Tapos ing ido yahug sang bintana

tapos ing=ido ya-hug sang=bintana
DC ABS=dog RLS.PFV.AV-fall from OBL=window
 “Then, the dog fell from the window.”

Apart from being personal in (34-6) or common (37-9), case-markers also have number—singular
or plural.

(34) Yapanaw silan Ana gaina.

ya-panaw silan=Ana gaina
RLS.PFV.AV ABS=Ana ADV.a while ago
“Ana (and her companions) left a while ago.”

In (34), silan, the plural counterpart of si, indicates that the case-marked argument, Ana, is with
unmentioned animate referents known to the addressee, and has genitive/ergative and oblique
counterparts in (35) and (36):

(35) Tapos ikaan da nilan Andrew

tapos i-kaan da nilan=Andrew
DC RLS.PFV.UV-eat PRT ERG=Andrew

ing mga peras

ing=mga=peras
ABS=PL=pear
“Andrew (and his companions) ate the pears.”

(36) Yukadto silan kanilan Analiza.

yu-kadto=silan kanilan=Analiza
RLS.PFV.AV-go=3.PL.ABS OBL=Analiza
“They went to Analiza (and her companions).”

Finally, the plurality of common case-markers is expressed periphrastically through mga.

(37) Yahug doon ing mga peras

ya-hug doon ing=mga=peras
RLS.PFV.AV-fall DIST.DEM.OBL ABS=PL=pear

sang bato
sang=bato
OBL=rock
“The pears fell there (on the rocky part of the road).

(38) Ikaan da ng mga iso ing peras

i-kaan da ng=mga=iso ing=peras
RLS.PFV.UV-eat PRT ERG=PL=boy ABS=pear
“The boys ate the pear already.”

(39) Awon mga bay ng lapinig sang mga puno.

awon mga=bay=ng=lapinig sang=mga=puno
 EXIST PL=house=GEN=bee OBL=PL=tree
“There are bee hives in trees.”

3.2. PERSONAL PRONOUNS

ABS ERG/GEN GEN/OBL

1ST (SG) ako ko kanak
1st (PL EXCL) kami nami kanami
1st (PL INCL) kita nato kanato
2nd (SG) (i)kaw mo kanmo
2nd (PL) kamo mayo kamayo
3rd (SG) yaan naan kanaan
3rd (PL) silan nilan kanilan

Table 5. Personal Pronouns in Mandaya

Shown in Table 5, personal pronouns in Mandaya basically distinguish the point of view of a
person—i.e., 1st person (the person speaking) in (40-51), 2nd person (the person spoken to) in (52-
60), and 3rd person (the person spoken about) in (60-8)—and number (singular and plural);
moreover, they are used to primarily establish anaphoric relations in discourse—i.e., they refer to
the noun phrase previously mentioned or their antecedent.

(40) Mupalit ako ng isda kisum.

mu-palit=ako ng=isda kisum
IRR.CONT.AV-buy=1.SG.ABS GEN=fish ADV.tomorrow
“I will buy fish tomorrow.”

(41) Paliton ko yang isda kisum.

Palit-on=ko yang=isda kisum
buy-IRR.CONT.UV=1.SG.ERG ABS=fish ADV.tomorrow
“I will buy the fish tomorrow.”

(42) Ngiyan yang kanak bay/ yang bay ko.

ngiyan yang=kanak=bay/ yang=bay=ko
DEM.MED.ABS ABS=1.SG.GEN=house
“That is my house.”

(43) Yadamanay yaan kanak.

ya-daman-ay=yaan=kanak
RLS.PFV.AV-angry-INT=3.SG.ABS=1.SG.OBL
“S/he got so angry at me.”

(44) Mupanaw kami bal-aw.

mu-panaw=kami bal-aw
IRR.CONT.AV-leave=1.PL.EXCL.ABS ADV.later
“We will leave later.”
(45) Tagadan nami kamo.
ø-tagad-an=nami=kamo
RLS.PFV.UV-wait for-APP=1.PL.EXCL.ERG=2.PL.ABS
“We will wait for you.”

(46) Ngiyan yang kanami bay/

ngiyan yang=kanami=bay/
DEM.MED.ABS ABS=1.PL.EXCL.GEN=house/

yang bay nami.

yang=bay=nami
ABS=bay=1.PL.EXCL.GEN
“That is our house.”

(47) Sikira kanami da isab hatagon

sikira=kanami da isab hatag-on
OPT=1.PL.EXCL.OBL PRT PRT give-IRR.CONT.UV

yang tabang
yang=tabang
ABS=help
“We hope to be given help.”

(48) Mupanaw kita bal-aw.

mu-panaw=kita bal-aw
IRR.CONT.AV=1.PL.INCL.ABS ADV.later
“We will leave later.”

(49) Itagadan naton silan.

i-tagad-an=naton=silan
RLS.PFV.UV-wait for-APP=1.PL.INCL.ERG=3.PL.ABS
“We waited for them.”

(50) Taasay yang kanato bay/

taas-ay yang=kanato=bay/
many-INT ABS=1.PL.INCL.GEN=house/

yang bay nato.

yang=bay=nato
ABS=house=1.PL.INCL.GEN
“Our house is so tall.”

(51) Sikira makaabot kanato yang tabang

sikira maka-abot kanato yang=tabang
 OPT IRR.CONT.AV-reach 1.PL.INCL.OBL ABS=help
“We hope that help will reach to us.”

It is also noticeable that genitive personal pronouns have two forms in (42), (46), (50), (55), (59),
(63), and (67); those that come before the head noun are structurally analogous to ergative personal
pronouns while those that come after it are structurally analogous to oblique ones.

(52) Ikaw yang awon sala.

ikaw yang=awon=sala
2.SG.ABS ABS=EXIST=fault
“You are the one at fault.”

(53) Ngadi kaw ngani.

ø-ngadi=kaw ngani
IMP-come=2.SG.ABS DEM.PROX.OBL
“(You) come here.”

Also, it must be noted that the second-personal, singular absolutive personal pronoun you has two
forms—a full form in (52) and a clitic form in (53).

(54) Himuon mo ngini bal-aw.

himo-on=mo=ngini bal-aw
do-IRR.CONT.AV=2.SG.ERG=DEM.PROX.ABS ADV.later
“You will do this later.”

(55) Hain yang kanmo bay/ yang bay mo?

hain yang=kanmo=bay/ yang=bay=mo
INTER.where ABS=2.SG.GEN=house/ ABS=house=2.SG.GEN
“Where is your house?”

(56) Yalagot gallo ako kanmo.

ya-lagot gallo ako kanmo
RLS.PFV.AV-angry PRT 1.SG.ABS 2.SG.OBL
“I really got angry at you.”

(57) Kamo yang magahipos ng lipa sang bay.

kamo yang=maga-hipos=ng=lipa=sang=bay
2.PL.ABS ABS=IRR.CONT.AV-clean up=GEN=mess=OBL=house
“You are the ones who will clean up the mess in the house.”

(58) Labhan mayo yang mga bado.

ø-laba-(h)an=mayo yang=mga=bado
IRR.CONT.UV-wash-APP=2.SG.ERG ABS=PL=clothe
“You will wash the clothes.”
(59) Bagasay yang kamayo bay/ yang bay mayo.
bagas-ay yang=kamayo=bay/ yang=bay=mayo
big-INT ABS=2.PL.GEN=house/ ABS=house=2.PL.GEN
“Your house is so big.”
(60) Yamalig sagaw kami kamayo.
ya-malig sagaw kami kamayo
RLS.PFV.AV-shame PRT 1.PL.EXCL.ABS 2.PL.OBL
“We were really ashamed of you.”

(61) Ilupug isab yaan ng ido.

i-lupug isab yaan ng=ido
RLS.PFV.UV-chase PRT 3.SG.ABS ERG=dog
“The dog also chased it (the deer).”

(62) Itawag naan sang lungag ing baki.

i-tawag=naan sang=lungag ing=baki
RLS.PFV.UV-call=3.SG.ERG OBL=hole ABS=frog
“He called the frog in the hole.”

(63) Unan yang kanaan laong/ yang laong naan?

unan yang=kanaan=laong/ yang=laong=naan
INTER.what ABS=3.SG.GEN=message/ ABS=message=3.SG.GEN
“What is his/her message?”

(64) Kanaan gihapon mubalik si Ben.

kanaan gihapon mu-balik si=Ben
3.SG.OBL PRT IRR.CONT.AV-come back ABS=Ben
“Ben will still come back to her.”

(65) Yopanaw da silan.

yo-panaw da silan
RLS.PFV.AV-leave PRT 3.PL.ABS
“They left already.”

(66) Tapos itabangan da nilan

tapos i-tabang-an da nilan
CONJ RLS.PFV.UV-help-APP PRT 3.PL.ERG

ing iso
ing=iso
ABS=boy
“They already helped the boy.”

(67) Malipaay yang kanilan bay/ yang bay nilan.

ma-lipa-ay yang=kanilan=bay/ yang=bay=nilan
STAT-dirt-INT ABS=3.PL.GEN=house/ ABS=house=3.PL.GEN
 “Their house is so dirty.”

(68) Kanilan da isab kita

kanilan da isab kita
3.PL.OBL PRT PRT 1.PL.INCL.ABS

magsuwat
mag-suwat
IRR.CONT.AV-write
“We will also write (something) at their (house).”

3.3. DEMONSTRATIVES

Demonstratives are used to point things out in the real world and are distinguished in terms of the
proximity of the speaker or the hearer to the things that they point out—i.e., proximal, distal, and
medial.

ABS GEN/ERG OBL

PROXIMAL ngini sin-i ngani
MEDIAL ngiyan sa-an ngawon
DISTAL ngidto si-an ngadto

Table 6. Demonstratives in Mandaya

(69) Ngini na bay itukod

ngini=na=bay i-tukod
DEM.PROX.ABS=LK=house RLS.PFV.UV-construct

ni Gambong
ni=Gambong
“This house Gambong constructed.”

(70) Sukoda yang kallawig sin-i na lamesa.

sukod-a yang=kallawig sin-i=na=lamesa
measure-IMP ABS=length DEM.PROX.GEN=LK=table
“(You) measure the length of this table.”

(71) Kin-o kaw mokadi ngani?

kin-o=kaw mo-kadi ngani
INTER.when=2.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-come DEM.PROX.OBL
“When will you come here?”

The demonstratives in (69-71) are proximal—i.e., near the speaker—while those in (72-4) are
medial—i.e., near the addressee.
 (72) Angtud yagadako-yagadako
angtud yaga-dako-yaga-dako
CONJ RLS.IPFV.AV-big-RLS.IPFV.AV-big

ngiyang isda ni Mariana.

ngiyan=na=isda=ni=Mariana
DEM.MED.ABS=LK=fish=GEN=Mariana
“Until Mariana’s fish gets bigger and bigger.”

(73) Yaghampang si Andrew sa-an.

yag-hampang si=Andrew sa-an
RLS.PFV.AV-play ABS=Andrew DEM.MED.GEN
“Andrew played this.”

(74) Yakita nami silan ngawon.

ya-kita=nami=silan ngawon
RLS.PFV.AV-see=1.PL.EXCL.GEN=3.PL.ABS DEM.MED.OBL
“We accidentally saw them there.”

Ultimately, the demonstratives in (75-7) are distal—i.e., far from both the speaker and the
addressee.

(75) Unan ngidto?

unan ngidto
INTER.what DEM.DIST.ABS
“What is that?”

(76) Singod si-an yang kanak bay.

singod si-an yang=kanak=bay
like DEM.DIST.GEN ABS=1.SG.GEN=house
“My house is like that.”

(77) Mokadto yaan ngadto.

mo-kadto=yaan ngadto
IRR.CONT.AV-go=3.SG.ABS DEM.DIST.OBL
“He is going there.”

Moreover, demonstratives in (69) and (72) may also precede nouns but are followed by the linker
na.

4. VERBS

Generally, verbs in Mandaya are structurally composed of a stem and, at least, one verbal affix
expressing aspect, voice, and mode. Thus, this section discusses and explains these three features
encoded in the verbal morphology of Mandaya: aspect in 4.1, voice in 4.2, and mode in 4.3.
4.1. ASPECT

Defined as the internal temporal shape of events or states, aspect is one of the salient features of
the verbal morphology of most Philippine languages (Payne, 1997, p. 239). Shown in Table 7,
Mandaya verbs have three aspectual forms: contemplative, imperfective, and perfective.

TRANSITIVE INTRANSITIVE
CONTEMPLATIVE -ʔan, -ʔun, ʔipaN- mo-, ma-, mag-, maN-
IMPERFECTIVE -ʔi, pyaga- yaga-, yagaka-
PERFECTIVE -ʔi, pyag-(…-ʔan) ya-, yag-, yaN-

Table 7. Aspectual Forms of Verbs in Mandaya

Before these aspectual forms of Mandaya verbs are examined, it is necessary to briefly explain
why these forms are distinguished in terms of transitivity. In this paper, transitivity is defined as
how effectively the agent acts upon the patient, and the being effective of the action is gauged in
terms of parameters, which will not delved into:

PARAMETERS TRANSITIVE INTRANSITIVE

A. No. of Distinct A and O Distinct S
Arguments
B. Kinesis Action State
C. Aspect Telic Atelic
D. Punctuality Punctual Non-punctual
E. Intentionality Deliberate Volitional
F. Particularity Particular General
G. Directionality External Internal
H. Effort Effortful Effortless
I. Affectedness of P P Totally Affected P Not Affected
J. Exclusivity of P Exclusive P Non-exclusive P

Table 8. Transitivity Parameters Reformulated (Nolasco, 2003)

Building on Hopper and Thompson (1980), Nolasco (2003) reformulated such parameters to suit
the condition of Philippine languages. For them, a verb is transitive if it meets the following
parameters on the transitive column while a verb meeting such parameters on the intransitive
column is intransitive—e.g.:

(78) Yakaan da yang iso ng mangga.

ya-kaan=da yang=iso ng=mangga
RLS.PFV.AV-eat=PRT ABS=boy (S) GEN=mango
“The boy already ate a mango.”
 (79) Ikaan da ng iso yang mangga.
i-kaan=da ng=iso yang=mangga
RLS.PFV.UV-eat=PRT ERG=boy (A) ABS=mango (O)
“The boy already the mango.”

The first noticeable difference that (78) has a distinct A (the source of the action) ng iso and O (the
most affected entity) yang mangga while (79) has only a distinct S (both the source of the action
and the most affected entity). Moreover, if the higher components are met, then, the lower ones
are expected to be met too. Apart from having a distinct A and O, (78) is more deliberate and more
effortful than (79) because it generally shows that the boy is eating a mango.

4.1.1. Contemplative

To express an event or a state that is about to happen, the contemplative form of a verb (i.e.,
transitive or intransitive) is used.

(80) Mopanaw si Maria kisum.

mo-panaw si=Maria kisum
IRR.CONT.AV-leave ABS=Maria ADV.tomorrow
“Maria will leave tomorrow.”

(81) Moindug yang iso.

mo-indug ang=iso
IRR.CONT.AV-stand up ABS=child
“The child will stand up.”

The verbal affix mo- is used to derive the contemplative form of a intransitive verb that express an
event or an action such as leaving in (80) and standing up in (81) while ma- is typically affixed to
verbs expressing a state, a sensory feeling, an emotion, and the likes.

(82) Matug ako sang bay ni Norodin

ma-tug=ako sang=bay=ni=Norodin
IRR.CONT.AV-sleep=1.SG.ABS OBL=house=GEN=Norodin

mal-aw ng dum.
mal-aw=ng=dum
later=GEN=night
“I will sleep at Norodin’s house tonight.”

The verbal affixes -ʔan, -ʔun, and ʔipaN- are the contemplative forms of transitive verbs whose
semantic roles are locative, patient, or instrumental, respectively.

(83) Kakadtuan naan yang lomon naan

ka~kadto-an=naan yang=lomon=naan
IRR.CONT.UV-visit-APP=3.SG.ERG ABS=sibling=3.SG.GEN
 kisum.
kisum
ADV.tomorrow
“S/he will visit his/her sibling tomorrow.”

(84) Tutungason isab naan yang Butay ng Apo.

tu~tungas-on=isab=naan yang=Butay=ng=Apo
CONT~climb-IRR.UV=PRT=3.SG.ERG ABS=mount=GEN=Apo
“S/he will climb Mt. Apo.”

(85) Ipapansuwat ng iso yang lapis ko.

i-pa~paN-suwat ng=iso yang=lapis=ko
IRR.UV~CONT-write ERG=boy ABS=pencil=1.SG.GEN
“He will use my pencil to write (something).”

4.1.2. Imperfective

When an event or a state has already begun but is yet to be complete, the imperfective form of a
verb (i.e., transitive or intransitive) is used.

(86) Yagatiyaho yang bubay.

yaga-tiyaho yang=bubay
RLS.IPFV.AV-cry ABS=woman
“The woman is crying.”

(87) Yagatanum yang mag-uuma ng camote

yaga-tanum yang=mag-u~uma ng=camote
RLS.IPFV.AV-plant ABS=farmer GEN=sweet potato
“The farmer is planting sweet potato.”

The verbal affix yaga- is the more commonly used to derive the imperfective forms of a intransitive
verb expressing an event such as crying in (86) or planting in (87), but ya- can also be used;
moreover, ya- is affixed to an intransitive verb expressing a state to derive its imperfectve form.

(88) Yatug si Anna adoon.

ya-tug si=Anna adoon
RLS.IPFV.AV-sleep ABS=Ana ADV.now
“Ana is sleeping (right) now.”

(89) Ihawidan naan yang buhok ko.

i-hawid-an=naan yang=buhok=ko
RLS.IPFV.UV-touch-APP=3.SG.ERG ABS=hair=1.SG.GEN
“She is touching my hair.”
In (89-91), the verbal affixes -Ɂi/ pyaga-…(-Ɂan) are used to derive imperfective forms of a
transitive verb expressing an event such as touching someone’s hair in (89), slaughtering a chicken
for somebody in (90), and eating the mango in (91).

(90) Pyagaiyawan ako ni Ben ng manok.

pyaga-iyaw-an=ako ni=Ben ng=manok
RLS.IPFV.UV-slaughter-APP=1.SG.ABS ERG=Ben GEN-chicken
“Ben is slaughtering a chicken for me.”

(91) Pyagakaan ng iso yang mangga.

pyaga-kaan ng=iso yang=mangga
RLS.IPFV.UV-eat ERG=boy ABS=mango
“The boy is eating the mango.”

4.1.3. Perfective

When an event or a state is completed, the perfective form of a verb (i.e., transitive or intransitive)
is used.

(92) Yakaan yang iso ng peras

ya-kaan yang=iso ng=peras
RLS.PFV.AV-eat ABS=boy GEN=pear
“The boy ate a pear.”

(93) Yatug yaan ngadi.

ya-tug=yaan ngadi
RLS.PFV.AV-sleep=3.SG.ABS PROX.DEM.OBL
“S/he slept here.”

It can be noticed that the verbal affix ya- deriving the imperfective form of an intransitive verb of
events or states is the same with that deriving the perfective form of such a verb. According to the
one of my informants, adding the pragmatic particle da marks the completion.

(94) Yakaan da yang iso ng peras

ya-kaan=da yang=iso ng=peras
RLS.PFV.AV-eat=PRT ABS=boy GEN=pear
“The boy already ate a pear.”

(95) Yagpresidente ng Pilipinas yang anak ni Cory

yag-presidente =ng=Pilipinas yang=anak=ni=Cory
RLS.PFV.AV-president=GEN=Philippines ABS=child=GEN=Cory

siang 2009.
sian=na=2009
DIST.DEM.GEN=LK-2009
“Cory’s child (son) became the president of the Philippines in 2009.”
In deriving the perfective forms of transitive verbs of events, the verbal affixes -Ɂi…(Ɂan), pyag-,
or ɁipyaN- are used.

(96) Ipalitan ng iso yang daga ng kendi.

i-palit-an ng=iso yang=daga ng=kendi
RLS.PFV.UV-buy-APP ERG=boy ABS=lass GEN=candy
“The boy bought the lass a candy.”

(97) Ipyanuwat ng iso yang lapis ko.

ipyaN-suwat ng=iso yang=lapis=ko
RLS.PFV.UV-write ERG=boy ABS=pencil=ko
“The boy used my pencil to write (something on a paper)”.

(98) Ibaw ng iso yang daga.

i-baw ng=iso yang=daga
RLS.PFV.UV-talk to ERG=boy ABS=lass
“The boy talked to the lass.”

4.2. VOICE

In the literature of Philippine languages, the relationship (i.e., coindexation) that holds between
the verbal affix attached to the verb and the noun cast as the absolutive or preceded by an absolutive
common/personal case-marker is commonly referred to as focus, but in this paper, the term voice
is adopted because of the other definitions in the literature surrounding focus. In Mandaya, there
are four voices identified: agent and undergoer—patient, locative, and instrumental.

4.2.1. Agent Voice

In Mandaya, the following are the verbal affixes indicating agent voice in their contemplative
form: mo- and ma-:

(99) Motungas sang butay yang ulitawo.

mo-tungas sang=butay yang=ulitawo
IRR.CONT.AV-climb OBL=mountain ABS=lad
“The lad will climb up the mountain.”

(100) Basin malugso yang iso.

basin ma-lugso yang=iso
MOD IRR.CONT.AV-trip ABS=child
“The child might trip.”

These affixes indicate that the semantic role of the noun with an absolutive case-marker is an agent
(i.e., the one who acts upon another). Moreover, their imperfective and perfective forms are
derived by ya-.
4.2.2. Patient Voice

In (101-2), the verbal affix indicating the patient voice in its contemplative form is -Ɂun. This affix
indicates the the semantic role of the absolutive it is coindexed with is patient, but in (102), it is
only a theme because there is no visible, physical change as opposed to (101).

(101) Kakan-on ng iso yang mangga.

ka~kaan-on ng=iso yang=mangga
IRR.CONT-eat-PV ERG=child ABS=mango
“The child will eat the mango.”

(102) Babawon ng iso yang daga.

ba~baw-on ng=iso yang=daga
IRR.CONT-eat-PV ERG=child ABS=lass
“The child will talk to a lass.”

4.2.3. Locative Voice

Location as a semantic role can be of two types: recipient in (103) or destination in (104), both of
which are indicated in the verbal affix -Ɂun, and again, it will be shown in its contemplative form.

(103) Hahatagan naan ako ng bugas.

ha~hatag-an=naan=ako ng=bugas
IRR.CONT.LV-give-APP=3.SG.ERG=1.SG.ABS GEN=rice
“S/he will give me (a sack of) rice.”

(104) Iingkudan naan yang unlan.

i~ingkud-an=naan yang=unlan
IRR.CONT.LV=3.SG.ERG ABS=pillow
“S/he sat on the pillow.”

4.2.4. Instrumental Voice

The verbal affix indicating the instrumental voice is ɁipaN-, and it shown in its contemplative
form.

(105) Ipapamputos naan yang diario sang tinapa.

i-pa~paN-putos=naan yang=diario sang=tinapa
IRR.CONT-RED~IV-wrap ABS=newspaper OBL=tinapa
“S/he uses a newspaper to wrap the tinapa.”

(106) Ipapansuwat ng iso yang lapis ko.

i-pa~paN-suwat ng=iso yang=lapis=ko
IRR.UV~CONT-write ERG=boy ABS=pencil=1.SG.GEN
“He will use my pencil to write (something).”
4.3. MODE

In this paper, mode is defined as the speaker’s attitude toward a situation—that is, whether an
event or state happened or not, whether it is real or unreal, whether it is intentional or unintentional,
or whether it is about ability or not. Moreover, in addition to aspect and voice, mode is also
encoded in verbal affixes of Mandaya verbs.

4.3.1. Realis

Realis events or states are those that actually happened or real, and they are typically encoded
together with the imperfective and perfective aspects in the verbal affix.

(107) Yautod ng kahoy yang utaw.

ya-utod ng=kahoy yang=utaw
RLS.PFV.AV-cut down GEN=tree ABS=person
“The person cut down a tree.”

(108) Ipalit ng ulitawo yang kendi sang iso

i-palit ng=ulitawo yang=kendi sang=iso
RLS.PFV.PV-buy ERG=lad ABS=candy OBL=boy

para sang daga.

para=sang=daga
PREP=OBL=lass
“The boy bought the candy from the boy for the lass.”

(109) Tapos ibutang naan sang mga basket

tapos i-butang=naan sang=mga=basket
DC RLS.PFV.PV-put=3.SG.ERG OBL=PL=basket
“Then, he put (the pears) into the basket.”

In (107-9), these events are all realis because they happened as indicated by the perfective forms
of the verbs utod, palit, and butang.

4.3.2. Irrealis

Irrealis events or states are those that are about to happen, has not happened yet, or are unreal, and,
they are typically encoded together with the contemplative aspect in the verbal affix.

(110) Tawag-a silan.

tawag-a=silan
call-IMP=3.PL.ABS
“Call them.”

In (110), imperative constructions are also realis events because commands are given at the
moment, not in the past.
 (111) Mohatag kami ng bugas
mo-hatag=kami ng=bugas
IRR.CONT.AV-give=1.PL.EXCL.ABS GEN=rice

sang kanami silingan.

sang=kanami=silingan
OBL=1.PL.EXCL.GEN=neighbor
“We will give rice to our neighbor(s).”

(112) Basin patiahuon lang ng ulitawo yang daga.

basin pa-tiyaho-on=lang ng-ulitawo yang=daga
MOD CAUS-cry-IRR.CONT.PV=PRT ERG=lad ABS=lass
“The lad might just make her cry (break her heart).”

(113) Basin kisum pa yaan moabot.

basin kisum=pa=yaan mo=abot
MOD ADV.tomorrow=PRT=3.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-arrive
“He might be arriving tomorrow.”

In (111-3), these events are all irrealis because they are not real—that is, they are about to happen
or have not happened yet.

5. STATIVES

This section deals with the word class provisionally labelled as stative that describes or qualifies
noun phrases (NPs), and such a label is preferred on account of two significant observations drawn
from four Philippine languages (PLs)—Kapampangan, Mandaya, Porohanon, and Tagalog—and
expressly stated in Cruz, Estrera, Pelagio, and Santiago (2018): (1) stative roots refer to unaffixed
word classes denoting states and properties; and (2) only they head the similative constructions in
5.5. Specifically, this section presents and discusses the qualities of stativehood in Mandaya:
morphological structure in 5.1, syntactic position in 5.2, degrees of comparison in 5.3, and
intensification in 5.4.

5.1. MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

In terms of the morphological structure of statives in Mandaya, they are either bare (unaffixed) in
(114):

(114) bu.ˈhiʔ alive ta.ˈhaj dry

ʔa.ˈmaŋ mute tul.ˈʔid straight

ba.ˈgas big ga.ˈmaj small

du.ˈnut rotten kusgan strong

 pu.ˈluː.hu lazy da.ˈʔig many

or affixed (with a stativizing affix ma-) in (115):

(115) ma.ra.ˈʔat bad ma.ˈpiː.ʔut narrow

ma.da.ˈjaw good ma.ˈhaː.jag bright

ma.ˈliː.paʔ dirty ma.tig.ˈnaw cold

ma.ha.ˈʔit sharp ma.pa.ˈrat salty

ma.ˈluː.ja weak ma.hu.ˈmut fragrant

Additionally, as shown in (116-7), the number of the head noun preceded by the absolutive,
common case marker is coindexed with the stative.

(116) Mangkataas yang mga butay sang Caraga.

mangka-taas yang=mga=butay sang=Caraga
STAT.PL=high ABS=PL=mountain OBL=Caraga
“The mountains in Caraga are high.”

(117) Mangkahumotay yang mga buwak.

mangka-humot-ay yang=mga=buwak
STAT.PL=fragrant-INT ABS=PL=flower
“The flowers are fragrant.”

In other words, when the noun preceded by an absolutive, common case marker is plural, mangka-
is affixed to the stative root.

5.2. SYNTACTIC POSITION

In terms of the syntactic position of statives in Mandaya, they typically head matrix verbal
constructions from (XX) to (XX) and non-verbal ones in (XX):

(118) Mapuwa yang dyip na isakyan

m(k)a-puwa yang=dyip=na=i-sakay-an
STAT-red ABS=jeepney=LK=RLS.PFV.UV-ride-APP

ng kanato bisita.
=ng=kanato=bisita
=GEN=1.PL.INCL.GEN=visitor
“The jeepney that our visitor rode is red.”

(119) Malupig na utaw si Dayanon.

m(k)a-lupig=na=utaw si=Dayanon
 STAT-oppressive=LK=person ABS=Dayanon
“Dayanon is an oppressive person.”

(120) Mara-atay yaan na pangullo.

m(k)a-ra-at-ay=yaan=na=pangullo
STAT-bad-INT=3.SG.ABS=LK=leader
“He is a very bad leader.”

or insert constructions in (121) embedded through the linker na:

(121) Mokatot ako sang butay na mataas

mo-katot=ako sang=butay=na=m(k)a-taas
IRR.CONT.AV-climb=1.SG.ABS OBL=mountain=LK=ma-taas

kisum
kisum
ADV.tomorrow
“I will climb a mountain that is high tomorrow.”

5.3. DEGREES OF COMPARISON

Statives in Mandaya also have degrees of comparison—namely, positive, comparative, and

superlative.

POSITIVE COMPARATIVE SUPERLATIVE

ma/ ø- mas + stative pinaka-statives

Table 9. Degrees of Comparison of Statives in Mandaya

Shown in Table X, the positive form in (122-3) is morphologically bare or affixed.

(122) Madayaw yang Mati City.

m(k)a-dayaw yang=Mati City
STAT-beauty ABS=Mati City
“Mati City is beautiful.”

(123) Mara-at yang kanaan batasan.

m(k)a-ra-at yang=kanaan=batasan
STAT-bad ABS=3.SG.GEN=attitude
“His attitude is bad.”

Used to compare two referents, one of which has a higher gradable property and is absolutively
case-marked while the other one with a lower gradable property is obliquely case-marked, the
comparative form in (124-5) is expressed periphrastically through mas.

(124) Mas bagas yang kanilan bay kay sang kanami.

 mas bagas yang=kanilan=bay kay sang=kanami
COMP big ABS=3.PL.GEN=house COMP OBL=1.PL.EXCL.GEN
“Their house is bigger than ours.”

(125) Mas layo yang Cateel kay sang Caraga.

mas layo yang=Cateel kay sang=Caraga
COMP far ABS=Cateel COMP OBL=Caraga
“Cateel is farther than Caraga.”

The superlative form, which is affixed to the referent with the highest gradable property, in (126-
7) is morphologically expressed by the prefix pinaka-, the suffix -ay, or the discontinuous
superlative circumfix pinaka-…-ay.

(126) Pinakagwapahay si Ana sang kanilan maglumon.

pinaka-gwapa-hay si=Ana sang=kanilan=mag-lumon
SUP-beautiful-INT ABS=Ana OBL=3.PL.GEN=COM-sibling
“Ana is the most beautiful among her siblings.”

(127) Pinakamalayo-ay na munisipyo sang Davao Oriental

pinaka-m(k)a-layo-ay=na=munisipyo=sang=Davao Oriental
SUP-STAT-far-INT=LK=municipality=OBL=Davao Oriental

yang Boston.
yang=Boston
ABS=Boston
“Boston is the farthest municipality in Davao Oriental.”

5.4. INTENSIFICATION

Mainly used to express the degree of incomparability of statives, the intensification in Mandaya in
(128) is expressed morphologically by –ay:

(128) Mingaway yang kanami pista.

mingaw-ay yang=kanami=pista
lonely-INT ABS=1.PL.EXCL.GEN=fiesta
“Our fiesta is/was lonely."

5.5. MODERATION

Moderation of statives in Mandaya is expressed by partially reduplicating the stem in (129);

moreover, its moderative form is used to express that the noun being modified or qualified is
slightly X (beautiful, tall, etc.).

(129) Madayaw-dayaw yang kanilan bay.

m(k)a-dayaw~dayaw yang=kanilan=bay
STAT-beauty ABS=3.PL.GEN=house
 “Their house is slightly beautiful.”

5.6. SIMILATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

In addition to qualities of stativehood in Mandaya, this section dedicates a subsection to a specific

syntactic construction quite similar to equative constructions that express two referents having a
gradable property to the same degree (Haspelmath, 2018, p. 1). Moreover, he specifies five primary
components (conditioned to the features of Mandaya) which equative constructions largely share
with similative constructions, namely:

1. comparee (i.e., the referent compared to the standard and typically preceded by a genitive
case-marker)
2. degree marker (i.e., the affix attached to the stative root)
3. parameter (i.e. the stative root or the one affixed with a degree marker)
4. standard marker (i.e., a personal/ common, singular/ plural, absolutive case marker)
5. standard (i.e., the referent with the standard marker to which the comparee is compared)

In Mandaya, four types of similative constructions are identified and investigated in 5.6.1, 5.6.2,
5.6.3, and 5.6.4.

5.6.1. Type 1: ka- Similative

In ka- similative constructions in (130), the parameter is the genitive noun phrase ng ganda; the
comparee is the pronominal clitic ko being to the standard cast as the absolutive yang kanak
maguwang na bubay.

(130) Kaparehas ko ng ganda

ka-parehas=ko ng=ganda
DEG-same=1.SG.GEN GEN=beauty

yang kanak maguwang na bubay

yang=kanak=m(ka)-guwang=na=bubay
ABS=1.SG.GEN=STAT-age=LK=woman
“I and my elder sister are equally beautiful.”

5.6.2. Type 2: singod-GEN Similative

In this similative construction type in (131), singod sin-i is cast as the standard to which the
comparee yang kanak maguwang na bubay is compared to while the parameter is affixed with the
degree marker kaganda.

(131) Singod sin-i kaganda

singod=sin-i ka-ganda
like=DEM.PROX.GEN DEG-beauty

yang kanak maguwang na bubay.

 yang=kanak=m(ka)-guwang=na=bubay
ABS=1.SG.GEN=STAT-age=LK=woman
“My elder sister is this beautiful.”

5.6.3. Type 3: yaga- Similative

As opposed to its counterparts in other languages such as Kapampangan, Porohanon, and Tagalog,
the third type is only an equivalent in (132).

(132) Yagatapok yang kanilan yaman.

yaga-tapok yang=kanilan=yaman
RLS.IPFV.AV-gather ABS=3.SG.GEN=wealth
“They are this wealthy.”

5.6.4. Type 4: OBL Conditional

In the fourth type, this construction expresses a condition and has a topicalized oblique noun
phrase. In (133), the topicalized oblique noun phrase is the parameter while kaw is the comparee.

(133) Sa=kaganda=mo, di kaw nilan

sa=ka-ganda=mo di=kaw=nilan
OBL=STAT-beauty=2.SG.OBL NEG=2.SG.ABS=3.PL.GEN

madawat?
ma-dawat
IRR.CONT.AV-come in
“With that beauty of yours, they won’t allow you to come in?”

Finally, with exception to the third type, which need to be investigated further, the other types
must require only a stative root, and using other word classes might result in ungrammaticality.

6. PRAGMATICALLY-MARKED CONSTRUCTIONS

This section deals with constructions in Mandaya motivated by pragmatic statuses (i.e., choices
speakers make about how to efficiently adapt their utterances to the context—including the
addressee’s mental state) and thus, are termed pragmatically-marked because they express
discourse-specific propositions about referents in a situation not present in pragmatically-neutral
constructions (Payne, 1997, pp. 261-2). Moreover, it presents and discusses such constructions in
Mandaya which include the following: nominal constructions in 6.1, existential constructions in
6.2, possessive constructions in 6.3, negation in 6.4, yes-no questions and WH-questions in 6.5,
and imperative constructions in 6.6.
6.1. NOMINAL CONSTRUCTIONS

As in other Philippine languages, Mandaya has sentences or constructions with non-verbal

predicates (i.e., nominal, adjectival, or locative); these constructions have nouns in (134),
adjectives in (135), or prepositional phrases as predicates (Nabayra, n.d., pp. 22-23):

(134) Si Gambong yang yagatukod ng ballay.

si=Gambong yang=yaga-tukod=ng=ballay
FOC.ABS=Gambong ABS=RLS.IPFV.AV-construct=GEN=house
“It is Gambong who is constructing a house.”

(135) Malugot na utaw si Diomabok.

m(k)a-lugot=na=utaw si=Diomabok
STAT-industrious=LK=person ABS=Diomabok
“Diomabok is an industrious person.”

Moreover, this subsection is concerned with constructions with nominal predicates, which are
described in the literature as identificational because their nominal predicate is identified as
possessing or having a specific attribute or performing an action, equational because their clause
structure is essentially like A = B, or specificational (De Guzman, 1982; Himmelmann, 1991;
Mikkelsen, 2006).

Basically, in identificational or specificational constructions in Mandaya, there are two nominal

arguments (the predicate occurring initially and the topic), which is formalized as follows:

(136) A = B

In (137), on the one hand, A is the nominal predicate; if it is identifiable in (137), it is case-marked,
but if it is not identifiable in (138), it is not. On the other hand, B is the argument A is equated to.

(137) Si Jose yang yagakamang ng tubig.

A B
si=Jose yang=yaga-kamang=ng=tubig
FOC.ABS=Jose ABS=RLS.PFV.AV-fetch=GEN=water
“It is Jose who is fetching water.”

In (137), A selects an identifiable referent in the real world who is equated to someone fetching
water.

(138) Abogado yang kanak maguwang na bubay.

A B
abogado yang=kanak=maguwang=na=bubay
lawyer ABS=1.SG.GEN=m(k)a-age=LK=bubay
“My elder sister is a lawyer.”

In (138), A serves as a defining characteristic of B.

Also, personal pronouns may function as the nominal predicate in (139):

(139) Ako kadi si Analiza Ramos Agujetas.

A B
ako kadi si=Analiza Ramos Agujetas
1.SG.ABS DM.mirative ABS=Analiza Ramos Agujetas
“I am Analiza Ramos Agujetas.”

(139) is the first intonation unit in the self-introduction audio file of the primary female language
consultant in this study. Using the first-person, singular, absolutive personal pronoun ako, Analiza
establishes herself as the person speaking throughout the duration of the file.

6.2. EXISTENTIAL CONSTRUCTIONS

Existential constructions are used to express the existence of a referent in the real world. In
Mandaya, the existential verb awon is used to express such a proposition in (140).

(140) Awon Ginoo.

awon Ginoo
EXIST God
“There is a God.”

The proposition expressed in (140) is that God exists. Also, the propositions expressed in (141)
and (142) are specific to a certain location in that a child exists in the house and that a person exists
outside the house.

(141) Awon iso sang bay.

awun iso sang=bay
EXIST child OBL=house.
“There is a child in the house.”

(142) Awon utaw sang gawas ng bay.

awon utaw sang=gawas=ng=bay
EXIST person OBL=outside=GEN=house
“There is a person outside the house.”

Additionally, existential constructions can be used as a scene-setter in a story and thus, can present
new information in (143):

(143) Awon utaw na gaharbis ng peras;

awon utaw=na=(ya)ga-harbis=ng=peras
EXIST person=LK=RLS.IPFV.AV-harvest=GEN=pear
“There is a person harvesting a pear(s).”
(143) is the first intonation unit in the recorded elicitation task Pear Story by the primary female
language consultant, and she used that unit to set the scene of the story and to present new
information.

6.3. POSSESSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

Possessive constructions basically expresses the proposition that a referent in the real world, the
possessor, owns a thing, the possessee. Mandaya has two strategies in forming such constructions.
One of them is through the existential verb awon in (144):

(144) Awon baki yang iso.

awun baki yang=iso
EXIST frog ABS=child
“The child has a frog.”

(145) Awon bagas na lupa yang mga Mandaya.

awon bagas=na=lupa yang=mga=Mandaya
EXIST big=LK=land ABS=PL=Mandaya
“The Mandayas have lands that are wide.”

In both (144) and (145), awon holds the relationships between the possessor, yang iso, and the
possessee, baki, and between the possessor, yang mga Mandaya, and the possessee, bagas na
lupa. However, if the possessor is a personal pronoun, the oblique form in (146) is used.

(146) Awon kamayo segun?

awon kamayo segun
EXIST 2.PL.OBL commercial rice
“Do you have commercial rice?”

Moreover, the other strategy in forming possessive constructions in Mandaya is through oblique
personal pronouns in Mandaya in (147-9):

(147) Kanak ngining bay.

kanak ngini=na=bay
1.SG.OBL DEM.PROX.ABS=LK=house
“This house is mine.”

(148) Kanami kuno ngining kuding.

kanami kuno ngini=na=kuding
1.PL.EXCL.OBL DM.hearsay DEM.PROX.ABS=LK=cat
“This cat is ours (exclusive).”

(149) Kanato ngiyang bay.

kanato ngiyan=na=bay
1.PL.INCL.OBL DEM.MED.ABS=LK=house
“That house is ours (inclusive).”
 (150) Kanmo sagaw ngiyang koda?
kanmo sagaw ngiyan=na=koda
2.SG.OBL DM.really DEM.MED.ABS=LK=horse
“Is that horse really yours?”
(151) Kamayo ngidtong peras.
kamayo ngidto=na=peras
2.PL.OBL DEM.DIST.ABS=LK=pear
“That pear (far from both speaker and addressee) is yours.”

(152) Kanaan yang mga libro sang mesa.

kanaan yang=mga=libro sang=mesa
3.SG.OBL ABS=PL=book OBL=table
“The books on the table are his/hers.”

(153) Kanilan yang bay na pinakama-awatay.

kanilan yang=bay=na=pinaka-m(k)a-awat-ay
3.PL.OBL ABS=house=LK=SUP-STAT-far-INT
“The house that is the farthest is theirs.”

6.4. NEGATION

A negative construction asserts that some event, situation, or state of affairs does not hold (Payne,
1997, p. 282); it is further divided into two types: (1) clausal negation, in which the proposition
of an entire clause is negated; and (2) constituent negation, in which only a constituent is negated.
In Mandaya, negation is mostly clausal and is expressed periphrastically through the four negative
particles: ampan/ wa, di/li or wa, buko, or ayaw.

(154) Ampan utaw sang gawas ng bay

ampan utaw sang=gawas=ng=bay
NEG person OBL=outside=GEN=bahay
“There is no person outside the house.”

(155) Ampan baki yang iso.

aman baki yang=iso
NEG frog ABS=child
“The child has no frog.”

In both (154) and (155), ampan is used to negate the propositions of existential and possessive
constructions that there is a person (existing) outside the house and that the child owns/possesses
a frog.

(156) Dili utaw yang amu.

dili utaw yang=amu
NEG human ABS=monkey
“The monkey is not human.”
In (156), dili is used negate the propositions of nonverbal constructions (mostly, nominal or
possessive) such as that a monkey is human because it is certainly not as well as the proposition
expressed in (157) that Ana has a white complexion.

(157) Dili maputi Si Ana.

dili m(k)a-puti si=Ana
NEG STAT-white ABS=Ana
“Ana does not have a white complexion.”

In (159), dili is the opposite of gusto in (158)—thus, negating the proposition in which someone
body likes something or doing something and, in other words, expressing dislike.

(158) Gusto modagan ng ulitawo.

gusto mo-dagan ng=ulitawo
like IRR.CONT.AV-run GEN=lad
“The lad likes to run.”

(159) Dili modagan yang ulitawo

dili mo=dagan yang=ulitawo
NEG IRR.CONT.AV-run ABS=lad
“The lad does not like to run.”

The proposition of a verbal construction expressing ability in (160) or need in (161) can also be
negated by di.

(160) Di puede moagi ngani

di puede mo-agi ngani
NEG can IRR.CONT.AV-pass PROX.DEM.OBL
“You cannot pass here.”

(161) Di kinahanglan magda ng sapi.

di kinahanglan mag-da ng=sapi
NEG need IRR.CONT.AV-bring GEN=money
“(One) does not need to bring money.”

Also, di followed by haw in (162-3) is used to express exclusion, which is an example of

constituent negation:

(162) Ama sin-i yang ihimo naan,

ama=sin-i yang=i-himo=naan
like=PROX.DEM.GEN ABS=RLS.PFV.UV-do=3.SG.GEN

di haw ama saan.

di haw ama=saan
NEG like=MED.DEM.GEN
 “S/he did it like this, not like that.”

(163) Makit-an nato yaan, di haw si Pedro.

ma-kit-an=nato=yaan di haw si Pedro
IRR.CONT.AV-see=1.PL.INCL.GEN=3.SG.ABS NEG ABS=Pedro
“We will see him, not Pedro.”

In (164), buko is also used in place of dili.

(164) Buko kanak ngiyang lupa.

buko=kanak ngiyan=na=lupa
NEG=1.SG.OBL DEM.MED.ABS=LK=land
“That land (near the addressee) does not belong to me.”

Moreover, wa is used to negate the proposition of verbal constructions. For instance, in (165), wa
negates the proposition that the lad will laugh.

(165) Wa mahiko yang ulitawo.

wa mo-hiko yang=ulitawo
NEG IRR.CONT.AV-laugh ABS=lad
“The lad will not laugh.”

However, in a negative yes-no question such as (166), di is used instead of wa.

(X166) Di da ba kuno yaan moiban kanato?

di=da=ba=kuno=yaan mo-iban kanato
NEG=PRT=Q=PRT=3.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-join 3.PL.OBL
“Is s/he not going to join us?”

Finally, constructions whose propositions are commands can also be negated through ayaw in
(167) or di in (168).

(167) Ayaw paghiko.

ayaw pag-hiko
NEG IMP-laugh
“Do not laugh.”

(168) Di puede moihi ngani.

di puede mo-ihi ngani
NEG can IRR.CONT.AV-pee PROX.DEM.OBL
“You are not allowed to pee here.”

6.5. INTERROGATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

Interrogative constructions are basically used to request information which comes in two types:
(1) a simple affirmation or disaffirmation or (yes-no) or (2) a more elaborate locution—a phrase,
a proposition, or an entire discourse (Payne, 1997, p. 295). In Mandaya, both types occur and are
thoroughly discussed in 6.8.1 and 6.8.2.

6.5.1. Yes-No Questions

Yes-no questions are used to request a simple affirmation and disaffirmation, and such
constructions in (169-170) are typically characterized by a rising intonation and follow an
unmarked word order.

(169) Magka-an kaw ng ipasgan na kasili?

m(p)ag-ka-an=kaw ng=i-pasag-an=na=kasili
IRR.CONT.AV=2.SG.ABS GEN=RLS.PFV.UV-roast-APP=LK=eel
“Will you eat a roasted eel?”

(170) Yawa sagaw yang kanmo koda?

ya-wa sagaw yang=kanmo=koda
RLS.PFV.AV-no PRT ABS=2.SG.GEN=horse
“Was your horse really lost?”

Moreover, the question particle in (171) ba can be used:

(171) Ipawo mo ba yang kanak kabaw?

i-pawo=mo=ba yang=kanak=kabaw
RLS.PFV.UV-hit=2.SG.ERG=Q ABS=1.SG.GEN=carabao
“Did you hit my carabao?”

6.5.2. WH-Questions

WH-questions are basically used to request specific pieces of information. Mandaya employ
various question words depending on the type of information requested, and surprisingly, WH-
questions in Mandaya share the same syntactic structure with nominal constructions—equational.
When the information requested is about a personal, animate referent, sin-o or sin-i in (171-2) is
used:

(171) Sin-o/ sin-i yang kaiban mo?

sin-o yang=ka-iban=mo
Q ABS=COM-join=2.SG.GEN
“Who is with you?”

(172) Kang sin-o/ sin-i ngining uma

kang=sin-o/ sin-i ngini=na=uma
OBL=Q DEM.PROX.ABS=LK=farm
“Whose farm is this?”

If such a referent is more than, then, sin-o-sin-o in (173) is used:

 (173) Sin-o-sin-o yang yakakita kanak?
sin-o-sin-o yang=yaka-kita kanak
Q ABS=RLS.PFV.AV-see 1.SG.OBL
“Who are the ones who saw me?”

When the information requested is about an inanimate or non-personal entity, unan in (174-5) is
used:

(175) Unan yang pangan mo?

unan yang=pangan=mo?
Q ABS=name=2.SG.GEN?
“What is your name?”

(176) Unan yang tuyo mo ngadi kanami?

unan yang=tuyo=mo ngadi kanami
Q ABS=purpose=2.SG.GEN DEM.PROX.OBL 1.PL.EXCL.OBL
“What is your purpose (in coming) here to our place?”

When the information requested is about a possession, kanin-o in (177-8) is used:

(177) Kanin-o yang saging na ngini?

kanin-o yang=saging=na=ngini
Q ABS=banana=LK=PROX.DEM.ABS
“Whose banana is this?”

(178) Kanin-o yang manok na ngini?

kanin-o yang=manok=na=ngini
Q ABS=chicken=LK=PROX.DEM.ABS
“Whose chicken is this?”

When the information requested is about a specific location, hain or wain in (179-180) is used:

(179) Hain/ wain kaw yaga-eksuwela?

hain/ wain=kaw yaga-eskuwela
Q=2.SG.ABS RLS.IPFV.AV-school
“Where do you study?”

(180) Hain/ wain kaw yagahuya?

hain/wain=kaw yaga-huya
Q=2.SG.ABS RLS.IPFV.AV-live
“Where do you live?”

When the information requested is about a specific point in time, kin-o or kan-o in (181-2) is used:
 (181) Kin-o/ kan-o kaw ka-utaw?
kin-o/ kan-o=kaw ka-utaw
Q=2.SG.ABS RLS.PFV.UV-person
“Where were you born?”

(182) Kin-o/ kan-o kaw mopanaw

kin-o/ kan-o=kaw mo-panaw
Q=2.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-leave
“When will you leave?”

When the information is requested is about the reason or the motivation for an event or a state,
nangasa or nanga in (183-4) is used:

(183) Nangasa/ nanga yagahugas kaw ng mga plato?

nangasa/ nanga yaga-hugas=kaw ng=mga=plato
Q RLS.IPFV.AV-2.SG.ABS GEN=PL=plate
“Why are you washing plates?”

(184) Nangasa/ nanga isab ngining salado

nangasa/ nanga isab ngini=na=salado=na=ido
Q DM.also DEM.PROX.ABS=LK=mischievous

na ido insusud yang kanaan u sang garapun?

=na=ido in-su~sud yang=kanaan=u sang=garapun
=LK=dog RLS.IPFV.UV-put ABS=3.SG.GEN=head OBL=jar
“Why, this mischievous dog, would he put his head into the jar?”

When the information requested is about the manner in which something is carried out, unhon or
yo-uno in (185-6) is used:

(185) Unhon/ yo-uno pagluto ng utan?

unhon/ yo-uno pag-luto ng=utan
Q IRR.CONT.AV GEN=vegetable
“How do you cook vegetable(s)?”

(186) Iyuno mo pagluto sin-i?

iyuno=mo pagluto sin-i
Q=2.SG.GEN IRR.CONT.AV-cook DEM.PROX.GEN
“How do you cook this (dish)?”

When the information requested is about the price of an item, the quantity, or the amount, pila in
(187-8) is used:

(187) Pila yang kanmo mga isu?

pila yang=kanmo=mga=isu
Q ABS=2.SG.GEN=PL=child
 “How many children do you have?”

(188) Pila yang kanmo edad do-on?

pila yang=kanmo=edad do-on
Q ABS=2.SG.GEN=age ADV.now
“How old are you now?”

6.6. IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

Imperative constructions are basically used to give commands, instructions, and orders, and like
Cebuano and Tagalog Batangas, Mandaya distinguishes transitive imperatives in (190-1) from
intransitive ones in (194-5).

(190) Kan-a ngini

kaan-a ngini
eat-IMP PROX.DEM.ABS
“Eat this.”

or

(191) Kan-i ngini

kaan-i ngini
eat-IMP PROX.DEM.ABS
“Eat this.”

In both (190) and (191), the transitive imperative affixes -a and -i seem to be interchangeable, but
(190) and (191) reveal that -a is used if the absolutive has the semantic roles of either patient or
theme and that -i is if the absolutive has the semantic role of recipient.

(192) Pukawa silan.

pukaw-a=silan
wake up-IMP=3.PL.ABS
“Wake them up.”

In (192), the absolutive silan has the semantic role of a theme (no visible, physical change) because
they are affected by the event of waking up, so the transitive imperative affix -a is used.

(193) Kantahi yang kanmo lomon.

kanta-i yang=kanmo=lomon
sing-IMP ABS=2.SG.GEN=sibling
“Sing (a song) to your sibling.”

In (193), the transitive imperative affix –i is used because the absolutive yang kanmo lomon, who
is affected by the event of being sung a song to, has the semantic role of a recipient. Moreover, it
can be noticed that the second-person singular ergative personal pronoun mo is absent and seems
to have been replaced by affix.
 (194) Magbutang kaw ng tubig sang baso.
mag-butang=kaw ng=tubig sang=baso
IMP-fill=2.SG.ABS GEN=water OBL=water
“Fill that glass (some) water.”

(195) Kaan kaw ng kan-on.

0-kaan=kaw ng=kan=on
IMP-eat=2.SG.ABS GEN=rice
“Eat (some) rice.”

(194) and (195) are both imperative constructions with verbs affixed with intransitive imperative
affix mag- and 0-. In addition to this distinction of imperatives in terms of transitivity, they can
also express prohibition through ayaw or ay in (196-9).

(196) Ayaw pag-hiko.

ayaw pag-hiko
NEG IMP-laugh
“Do not laugh.”

(197) Ay magpaso ngawon.

ay mag-paso ngawon
NEG IMP-pass MED.DEM.OBL
“Do not pass there.”

(198) Ayaw yaan pagpagawasa

ayaw=yaan pag-pa-gawas-a
NEG=3.SG.ABS IMP-CAUS-outside-IMP
“Do not let him/her go out.”

(199) Ay ak pagkubota.
ay=ak pag-kubot-a
NEG=1.SG.ABS IMP-pinch-IMP
“Do not pinch me.”

7. CLAUSE COMBINATIONS

This section deals with how clauses in Mandaya are combined through discourse connectives and
linkers and specifically looks into four common clause-combining processes, namely:
coordination in 7.1, subordination in 7.2, complementation in 7.3, and relativization in 7.4.

7.1. COORDINATION

Coordination is one of the most common clause-combining processes that connect two
grammatical elements (i.e., a content word, a phrasal category, or a clause) of equal grammatical
weight. In Mandaya, there are, at least, three coordinators: haw and tapos in 7.1.1, pero in 7.1.2,
and o in 7.1.3.

7.1.1. Haw

Basically, haw is used to connect content words that are closely related to one another. In (200),
it links two expressions or, specifically verbs:

(200) Yauwàn haw yabagyo.

ya-uwan haw ya-bagyo
RLS.PFV.UV-rain DC RLS.PFV.AV-typhoon
“It rained and stormed.”

Connecting more than two items or a series is also possible. In (201), qualities of a person are
linked by haw:

(201) Malugot, datu, haw matigam magluto

ma-lugot=datu=haw=ma-tigam mag-luto
STAT-hardwork=rich=DC=STAT-knowledge IRR.CONT.AV-cook

yang ulitawo
yang=ulitawo
ABS=lad
“The lad is hardworking, rich, and knowledgeable in cooking.”

In other variants of Mandaya spoken in other municipalities such as Caraga, haw is realized as aw
in which the onset, a glottal fricative, became a glottal stop.

(202) Si Gambong, si Diomabok, si Awi, aw si Magala

si=Gambong=si=Diomabok=si=Awi=aw=si=Magala
ABS=Gambong=ABS=Diomabk=ABS=Awi=aw=ABS=Magala

yagabadak ng mga harigi ng eskuylahan.

yaga-badak ng=mga=harigi=ng=eskuylahan
RLS.IPFV.AV-erect GEN=PL=post=GEN=school
“Gambong, Diomabok, Awi, and Magala are erecting school posts.”

In connecting independent clauses, tapos in (203) is used.

(203) Yatug yang daga

ya-tug yang=daga
RLS.PFV.AV-sleep ABS=lass

tapos yauli yang ulitawo.

tapos ya-uli yang=ulitawo
DC RLS.PFV.AV-go home ABS=lad
 “The lass slept, and the lad went home.”

7.1.2. Pero

Like in most Philippine languages, pero in (204-6) is also employed in Mandaya only to contradict
the preceding independent clause.

(204) Yapanaw yang ulitawo

ya-panaw yang=ulitawo
RLS.PFV.AV-leave ABS=lad

pero wa katug yang daga, kundi gasùgbo

pero wa katug yang=daga kundi gasugbo
DC NEG slept ABS=lass rather took a bath
“The lad left, but the lass did not sleep but rather took a bath.”

(205) Mouli gawo yang ulitawo

mo-uli=gawo yang=ulitawo
IRR.CONT.AV-go home=OPT ABS=lad

pero yauwan.
pero ya-uwan
DC RLS.PFV.AV-rain
“The lad was about to go home, but it rained.”

(206) Mokaàn gawo ako pero way pagkaan

mo-kaan=gawo=ako pero way pag-kaan
IRR.CONT.AV-eat=OPT DC NEG food
“I wish to eat, but there is no food.”

7.1.3. O

As a discourse connective, o is used mainly to express alternatives or choices between two or three
items conjoined, and like, haw and tapos, it can connect both phrases and clauses in (207-8).

(207) yang ido- (0.79) yangita yang ido

yang ido- yaN-kita yang=ido
RLS.PFV.AV-look for ABS=dog

ng paraan (0.47) o pama-agi (1.28) na (0.79) makaginhawa

ng=pa-daan o pama-agi=na=maka-ginhawa
GEN=way DC way=LK=IRR.CONT.AV-feel better
“The dog- the dog looked for a way or means to feel better.”
 (208) Awun isa ka utaw ngani na yanguha (0.43)
awun isa=ka=utaw ngani=na=yaN-kuha
EXIST one=LK=person DEM.PROX.OBL=LK=RLS.PFV.AV-pick

o gaharbis ng kanaan tanum (1.09) na peras

o ga-harbis ng=kanaan=tanum=na=peras
DC RLS.PFV.AV-harvest GEN=3.SG.GEN=plant=LK=pear
“There is one person who is picking or harvesting fruits in his pear tree there.”

7.2. SUBORDINATION

Subordination is a clause-combining process in which one clause is made dependent on another

clause, an independent one, through discourse connectives performing adverbial functions:
temporal (i.e., bag-o, samtang, siang, and hangtud), causal (kay and tungod ng), and conditional
(d/haw or kung).

7.2.1. Bag-o

Literally translating into bago in Tagalog or before in English, bag-o is used to subordinate a
clause expressing an event or a state in (209-10) that takes place earlier than that of the main clause.

(209) Bag-o kaw maka-abot ngadto na area,

bag-o kaw m(p-)aka-abot ngadto=na=area
DC 2.SG.ABS INT.IPFV.IRR-arrive DIST.DEM=LK=area

moagi kaw ng pila ka detour

mo-agi kaw ng=pila=ka=detour
IRR.CONT.AV-go through 2.SG.ABS GEN=how many=LK=detour
“Before you reach that area, you will go through many detours.”

In (209), the event of reaching an area takes place first, and then, going through many detours
happens next, and the same can be said of (210).

(210) Lista mo yang kanmo pangan,

ø-lista=mo yang=kanmo=pangan
IMP-write=2.SG.ERG ABS=2.SG.GEN=name

bag-o kaw maka-abot ng sidto na area

bag-o=kaw m(p-)aka-abot ng=sidto=na=area
DC=2.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-arrive GEN=DEM=LK=area
“Write down your name before you reach that area.”

7.1.4. Samtang

Samtang is used to subordinate a clause to an independent clause when they both express events
or states happening simultaneously, usually in the past as in (211).
 (211) Samtang gaeskwela ing bubay,
samtang ga-eskwela ing=bubay
DC RLS.IPFV.AV-study ABS=girl

awun gaoffer kanaan ng pageant

awun (ya)ga-offer=kanaan ng=pageant
EXIST RLS.IPFV.AV-offer=3.SG.OBL GEN=pageant
“While the girl was studying, someone offered her (a chance) to join a (beauty)
pageant.”
7.2.3. Siang

Closely analogous to samtang, siang in (212-3) is the contracted form of the genitive/ergative
distal demonstrative sian and the linker na. It is used to subordinate a clause expressing an event
or a state that happens simultaneously with that of the independent clause.

(212) Yauli yang ulitawo siang

ya-uli yang=ulitawo sian=na
RLS.PFV.AV-go home ABS=lad GEN.DIST.DEM=LK

pagsawop ng adlaw
pag-sawop=ng=adlaw
GER-set=GEN=sun
“The lad went home when the sun set.”

(213) Gauwan pa siang

ga-uwan pa sian=na
RLS.IPFV.AV-rain PRT GEN.DIST.DEM-LK

pag-uli ng ulitawo.
pag-uli=ng=ulitawo
GER-go homw=GEN=lad
“It was still raining when he went home.”

7.2.4. Hangtud

Unlike the first three temporal subordinators, hangtud takes a gerund only, not an entire clause.
In (214), it is used to connect an event or a state to a point in time.

(214) Gatrabaho yaan sang butay

ga-trabaho=yaan sang=butay
IRR.CONT.UV-work=3.SG.ABS OBL=mountain

hangtod pagsawup ng adlaw.

hangtod=pag-sawup=ng=adlaw
DC=GER-set=GEN=sun
 “S/he works in the mountain until the sun sets.”

7.2.5. Kay

Kay in (215) is used to subordinate a clause that is the reason why the event or the state in the
main clause happens or is so.

(215) Kay tug da, ing iso pati ido

kay ø-tug da ing=iso=pati=ido
DC RLS-sleep PRT ABS=child=DC=dog

yogawas ing baki sang botelya

yo-gawas ing=baki sang=botelya
RLS.PFV.AV-go out ABS=frog OBL=bottle
“Because the boy and the dog are asleep, the frog went out of the bottle.”

In (215), the boy and his dog sleeping soundly are the reason why the frog got out of the bottle
while in (216), the boy and his dog went looking for the frog and thought that it might be hiding
inside the hole that they saw.

(216) Kay awun lungag

kay awun lungag
DC EXIST hole

itawag naan sang lungag ing baki

i-tawag=naan sang=lungag ing=baki
RLS.PFV.UV-call=3.SG.ERG OBL=hole ABS=frog
“Because there’s a hole, he [the child] called the frog in the hole.”

7.2.6. Tungod ng

Although tungod ng in (217-8) does not subordinate a clause, it functions the same as kay in that
it also expresses the reason why the event or the state in the main clause happens or is so.

(217) Yakamata yaan tungod ng kasamok ng mga utaw.

yaka-mata=yaan tungod=ng=kasamok=ng=mga=utaw
RLS.PFV.AV-wake up=3.SG.ABS DC=GEN=noise=GEN=PL=person
“S/he was awakened by the noise of the people.”

(218) Yamatay yaan tungod ng grabe na sakit

ya-matay=yaan tungod=ng=grabe=na=sakit
RLS.PFV.AV-die=3.SG.ABS DC=GEN=terrible=LK=disease
“S/he dies of a terrible disease.”
7.2.7 D/haw or Kung

There are three interchangeable discourse connectives—daw, haw, and kung—to show condition
that must be met in order for the main clause to happen or to be so.

(219) Pa-guapo/ahon kaw

pa-guapo/a-(h)on=kaw
CAUS-beautiful-IRR.CONT.UV=2.SG.ABS

haw/kung moingkud kaw.

haw/kung mo-ingkud=kaw
DC IRR.CONT.AV-sit down=2.SG.ABS
“You will be beautified if you sit down.”

(220) Haw/kung tagaan ako naàn

haw/kung taga-an=ako=naan
DC give-IRR.CONT.UV=1.SG.ABS=3.SG.ERG

ng kulintas na awon bulawan,

ng=kulintas=na=awon=bulawan
GEN=necklace=LK=EXIST=gold

pakàslan ko yaàn.
pa-kasal-an=ko=yaan
CAUS-marry-IRR.CONT.UV=1.SG.ERG=3.SG.ABS
“If he gives me a ring with gold, I will marry him.”

7.3. COMPLEMENTATION

Complementation is a clause-combining process in which a clause is embedded by a

complementizer (kung or daw) or a linker (na) in an independent clause in which the embedded
one functions like an argument.

(221) Ilaong mo ba
i-laong=mo ba
RLS.PFV.UV-say=2.SG.ERG Q

na guapo/a ako?
na=guapo/a=ako
LK=handsome/beautiful=1.SG.ABS
“Did you say that I am handsome/beautiful?”

In both (221) and (222), the complement clauses are embedded through the linker na, and these
clauses complements their respective main clauses by functioning as their arguments.
 (222) I-baw nilan ako
i-baw=nilan=ako
RLS.PFV.UV-ask=3.SG.ERG=1.SG.ABS

na di naa mag-minyo.
na=di=naa=mag-minyo
LK=NEG=PRT=IRR.CONT.AV-wife/husband
“They asked me to not marry (someone) at the moment.”

Moreover, the linker in complement clauses is not obligatory at all and can be omitted if needed
as in (223).

(223) Laong ng iso yauli yang ulitawo.

ø-laong=ng=iso ø=ya-uli=yang=ulitawo
RLS.PFV.UV-say=ERG=child LK=RLS.PFV.AV-go home=ABS=lad
“The child said (that) the lad went home.”

When a content question is embedded in a main clause, it is also complementational, and the
complementizer kung or daw in (224-5) is used.

(224) Wa yaan kasayod

wa=yaan kasayod
NEG=3.SG.ABS know

daw unan yang kanaan himuon.

daw unan yang=kanaan=himu-on
DC Q ABS=3.SG.GEN=do-IRR.CONT.UV
“He does not know what he must do/to do.”

(225) Pyangutana ng daga

<y>-pangutana ng=daga
RLS.PFV.UV-ask ERG=lass

daw yapanaw da yang ulitawo.

daw ya-panaw=da yang=ulitawo
DC RLS.PFV.AV-leave=PRT ABS=lad
“The lass asked if the lad left already.”

7.4. RELATIVIZATION

Relativization is a clause-combining process in which a clause is embedded within a noun phrase,

and typically, a relative clause is structurally composed of a relativizer and a gap left through
movement. In Mandaya, na is the relativizer.

(226) Yadakop nilan

ya-dakop=nilan
 RLS.PFV.AV-catch=3.PL.ERG

yang usog na yangawat ng kwarta.

yang=usog=na=yaN-kawat=ng=kwarta
ABS=man=LK=RLS.PFV.AV-steal=GEN=money
“They caught the man who had stolen the money.”

In (226), the relative clause na yangawat ng kwarta is embedded within the noun phrase yang
usog.

(227) Pag-umangkon ni Tio Larry

pag-umangkon=ni=Tio Larry
niece=GEN=Uncle Larry

ngiyang iso na mahaba yang buhok.

ngiyan=na=iso=na=mahaba=yang=buhok
MED.DEM.ABS=LK=girl=LK=long=ABS=hair
“The girl who has a long hair is Uncle Larry’s niece.”

8. PRAGMATIC PARTICLES

Pragmatic particles refer to a set of function words that allow speakers index epistemic and/ or
affective stance in their speech (Cook, 1999); moreover, their presence in a non/verbal construction
influences the proposition. In Mandaya, ten pragmatic particles, at least, are identified: agaw, da,
gayud, isab, kadi, kuno, lang, naa, pa, and unay.

8.1. AGAW

In (228), agaw is used to confirm—thus, a confirmatory marker.

(228) Amo ngini agaw yang pyagahanap mo.

amo=ngini agaw yang=pyaga-hanap=mo
like=PROX.DEM.ABS PRT ABS=RLS.PFV.PV-look for=2.SG.GEN
“This is really what you are looking for.”

8.2. DA

Da is typically used as an aspectual marker that distinguishes imperfective forms from the
perfective forms of a verb. It also marks finality in (230).

(229) Panaw da kay gusto da ko matug.

ø-panaw=da kay gusto=da=ko ma-tug
IMP-leave=PRT DC like=PRT=1.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-sleep
 (230) Mouli da ing iso pati ido.
mo-uli=da ing=iso=pati=ido
RLS.CONT.AV-head home=PRT ABS=child=DC=dog
“The child and the dog were already headed home.

(231) Ya- yananghid da ing (0.75) iso

ya- ya-nanghid=da ing=iso
AV.PFV.RLS-say goodbye=PRT ABS=child
“The child said goodbye already.”

8.3. GAYUD

In both (231) and (232), gayud is used as a particle expressing emphasis. In (231), gayud
emphasizes the need to specify the story by mentioning the complete name of his uncle Donato.

(231) Pangan ng kanak tiyo

ø=pangan=ng=kanak=tiyo
ABS=name=GEN=1.SG.GEN=uncle

para gayud detalyado Aguinaldo Donato

para gayud detalyado Aguinaldo Donato
PREP.PURP PRT detailed Aguinaldo Donato
“My uncle’s name, to be really detailed, is Aguinaldo Donato.”

(232) Ida gayud naan ing kakarga naan

i-da=gayud=naan ing=kakarga=naan
RLS.PFV.UV-carry=PRT=2.SG.ERG ABS=carrying=3.SG.GEN

sang kanaan bisikleta yang isa ka bukag na peras

sang=kanaan=bisikleta yang=isa=ka=bukag=na=peras
OBL=3.SG.GEN=bicycle ABS=QT=LK=basket=LK=pear

8.4. ISAB

Isab literally translates into also in English, and it is used to express addition to a statement just
said.

(233) Di lang Tagalog, matigam isab yaan

di lang Tagalog ma-tigam=isab=yaan
NEG PRT Tagalog STAT-knowledge=PRT=3.SG.AB

ng Binisaya.
ng=Binisaya
GEN=Binisaya
“Apart from Tagalog, s/he also knowledgeable in Binisaya.”
 (234) Yagapatukod isab silan
yaga-pa-tukod=isab=silan
RLS.IPFV.AV-CAUS-build=PRT=3.PL.ABS

bag-ong bay kang Tio Larry.

bag-o=na=bay kang=Tio Larry
new=LK=house OBL=Tio Larry
“They had Uncle Larry build a house for them too.”

8.5. KADI

As a pragmatic particle, kadi is used to express surprise, and in other grammatical sketches, it is
commonly referred to as mirative or surprise marker.

(235) Adi kadi silan

adi=kadi=silan
PROX.DEM.OBL=MIR=3.PL.ABS
“They are actually here.”

In (235), the speaker is surprised to have seen the people he was talking about because he did not
expect them to be there the moment he said that.

(236) Ngawon palaka kadi (0.29) yalayas

ngawon palaka kadi ya-layas
PROX.DEM.OBL frog MIR RLS.PFV.AV-leave

sang garapun
sang=garapun
OBL=bottle
“The frog there actually escaped out of the bottle.”

(237) Unan kadi yang pitsa adoon?

unan kadi yang=pitsa adoon
Q PRT ABS=date ADV.today
“What is actually the date today?”

8.6. KUNO

In (238-9), it functions as a reportative marker—that is, it used to express a previously mentioned

assertion.

(238) Ihanap mo kuno ako?

i-hanap=mo=kuno=ako
RLS.IPFV.UV-look for=2.SG.ERG=PRT=1.SG.ABS
“Are you looking for me?”
 (239) Iso kuno yang yaindug, di haw ulitawo.
iso kuno yang=ya-indug di haw ulitawo
child PRT ABS=RLS.PFV.AV-stand NEG lad
“The child, not the lad, stood up.”

8.7. LANG

Like lang in Tagalog, lang in Mandaya is also meant as only.

(240) Ngawon lang.

ngawon lang
MED.DEM.OBL PRT
“Just there.”

(241) Makapagluto lang kami ng karne

maka-pag-luto=lang=kami ng=karne
IRR.CONT.AV-cook=PRT=1.PL.EXCL.ABS GEN=meat

haw Pasko.
haw Pasko
every Christmas
“We can cook meat only every Christmas.”

8.8. NAA

In (242-3), naa is used to mean first or for a while.

(242) Ayaw naa.

ayaw=naa
NEG=PRT

(243) Inum naa ng tubig bag-o kaw matug

ø-inum=naa ng=tubig bag-o=kaw ma-tug
IMP-drink=PRT GEN=water DC=2.SG.ABS IRR.CONT.AV-sleep
“Drink (a glass of) water first before you go to sleep.”

8.9. PA

In (244-6), pa is meant as still.

(244) Buhi pa yang ompo ko na usog.

buhi=pa yang=ompo=ko=na=usog
alive=PRT ABS=grandparent=1.SG.GEN=LK=male
“My grandfather is still alive.”

(245) Gusto ko pa ng kan-on.

 gusto=ko=pa ng=kan-on
like=1.SG.GEN=PRT GEN=rice
“I still want (more) rice.”

(246) Awon pa ba kanmo pangutana?

awon=pa=ba=kanmo pangutana
EXIST=PRT=Q=2.SG.OBL question
“Do you still have questions?”

8.10 UNAY

In both (247) and (248), unay is used as a particle expressing hesitation or speculation.

(247) Tapos da unay silan mangaan.

tapos=da=unay=silan maN-kaan
done=PRT=PRT=3.PL.ABS RLS.PFV.AV-eat
“I think they are already done eating.”

(248) Kisum pa unay silan moabot.

kisum pa unay silan mo-abot
ADV.tomorrow=PRT=PRT=3.PL.ABS RLS.PFV.AV-arrive
“I think they will arrive tomorrow.”
9. THE LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS

PHONOLOGICAL TRANSCRIPTION GLOSSING:

[] Phonetic/Allophonic Form
// Phonemic Form
. Syllable Boundary
ˈ Primary Stress
ː Vowel Length

MORPHOSYNTACTIC GLOSSING:

- Affix Boundary
. Semantic-Feature Boundary
= Clitic Boundary
~ Reduplication
1 1st Person
2 2nd Person
3 3rd Person
ABS Absolutive
ADV Adverb
AV Agent Voice
CONJ Conjunction
CONT Contemplative
DC Discourse Connective
ERG Ergative
GEN Genitive
NOMZ Nominalizer
IPFV Imperfective
IRR Irrealis
IV Instrumental Voice
LK Linker
LV Locative Voice
MIR Mirative
OBL Oblique
OPT Optative
PL Plural
PFV Perfective
PV Patient Voice
PRT Particle
PURP Purpose
RLS Realis
SG Singular
STAT Stativizing Affix
SUB Subordinating
UV Undergoer-voice
10. ACKNOWLEDGMENT

First of all, I would to express my heartfelt gratitude to the language consultants of Mandaya, who
have been patient and very accommodating with my lengthy questions about the idiosyncratic
features of their mother tongue: Analiza Agujetas, Jeremin Donato, Lynn Altura, and Sir Danny
Sillada. Second, I would like to acknowledge Dr. Ricky Ma. Nolasco (our professor this semester
on this course, which this paper is to be submitted) for having completely ensured that we are
always on the same page in every grammatical feature that needs to be discussed and accounted
for in our respective grammar sketches and for having constantly encouraged us to write papers in
Philippine linguistics. Third, this grammar sketch is dedicated to my nephew, Ean Gabriel.

11. REFERENCES

Barnard, M. L., and Janer Forster. 1954. Dibabaon-Mandayan Vocabulary. Bukidnon, PH:
Summer Institute of Linguistics.

Blust, Robert. 1991. The Greater Central Philippine Hypothesis. Oceanic Linguistics, 30 (2), 73-
129.

Cook, Haruko M. 1999. Particles. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 9, 181-3.

Cruz, Johans, Estrera, Edward G., Pelagio, Earvin Christian, and Vincent Christopher Santiago.
2018. Statives in Kapampangan, Mandaya, Porohanon, and Tagalog: A Counterevidence Against
Precategoriality. In The 13th Philippine Linguistics Conference, Diliman, Quezon City, the
Philippines.

De Guzman, Videa P. 1982. The Focus Constituent as the Subject of Identificational Sentences in
Tagalog. In Calgary Working Papers in Linguistics.

De Guzman, Videa P. (1991). Lexical Categories in Tagalog. In The Fourth International

Symposium on Languages and Linguistics, 307-21.

Dixon, R. M. W. (2004). Adjective Classes in Typological Perspective. In R.M.W. Dixon & A.Y.
Aikhenvald (Eds.), Adjective Classes: A Cross-linguistic Typology (pp. 1-49). Oxford, UK: OUP

Fraser, B. (1999). What Are Discourse Markers? Journal of Pragmatics, 31, 931-952. Boston, US:
Elsevier.

Gallman, Andrew. 1997. Proto East Mindanao and Its Internal Relationships. Manila, PH:
Linguistic Society of the Philippines

Haspelmath, Martin. 2018. Equative constructions in world-wide perspective. Retrieved from:

https://www.academia.edu/25776521/Equative_constructions_in_worldwide_perspective_Haspel
math_and_Leipzig_Equative_Constructions_Team_

McFarland, Curtis. 1978. Tagalog Existentials. Philippine Journal of Linguistics, 9 (1 & 2), 1-14.
Mikkelsen, L. (2006). Specificational Copular Clauses. UC Berkley. Retrieved from:
http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~mikkelsen/talks/Shoin_ho.pdf

Mithun, Marianne. 1994. The Implications of Ergativity for a Philippine Voice System. In B. Fox
and P. J. Hopper (Eds.247-277), Voice: Form and Function. John Benjamins Publishing Company

Mithun, Marianne, and Wallace Chafe. 1999. What Are S, A, and O? Studies in Language, 23 (3),
569-596.

Nabayra, E. S. (n.d.). Workbook for Teaching Mandaya Language (Unpublished manuscript).

Mintal, Davao City: University of the Philippines, Mindanao.

Nagaya, Nori. 2011. Rise and Fall of Referentiality. In F. H. Yap, K. Grunow-Hårsta, & K. Wrona
(Eds.), Nominalization in Asian Languages: Diachronic and Typological Perspectives (pp. 529-
626. Oxford, UK: John Benjamins Publishing Company

Naylor, Paz Buenaventura. 2005. On the Stative Predicate: Tagalog “Existentials” Revisted. In
Hsi-chuan. Liao and Carl Rubino G. Rubino (Eds.), Current Issues in Linguistics and
Anthropology (pp. 419-435). Manila, PH: Linguistic Society of the Philippines.

Pallesen, Andrew Kemp. 1980. Culture Contact and Language Convergence. Manila, PH:
Linguistic Society of the Philippines

Reid, Lawrence A. 2002. Determiners, Nouns, or What? Problems in the Analysis of Some
Commonly Occurring Forms in Philippine Languages. Oceanic Linguistics, 41 (2), 295-309.

Reid, Lawrence A., and H Liao. 2004. A Brief Syntactic Typology of Philippine Languages.
Language and Linguistics, 5 (2), 433-490. Retrieved from: http://hdl.handle.net/10125/32991

Schiffrin, Deborah. 2008. Discourse Markers: Language, Meaning, and Context. In D. Schiffrin,
Deborah Tannen, & H. E. Hamilton (Eds.), The Handbook of Discourse Analysis (pp. 54-75). US:
Blackwell Publishers Ltd.

Svelmoe, Gordon, and Thelma Svelmoe. 1990. Mansaka Dictionary. Dallas, TX: Summer Institute
of Linguistics.

Zorc, R. David Paul. 1986. Genetic Relationships in Philippine Languages. In Paul Geraghty and
Lois Carrington and Stephen A. Wurm (Eds.), FOCAL II: Papers from the Fourth International
Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, 147-173. Canberra: Research School of Pacific and
Asian Studies, Australian National University.