Final Report For SBS Ramsar, 2014 UMS

A BASELINE OF CHANGE: A SOCIO ECONOMIC STUDY OF LOCAL
COMMUNITIES, NATURAL RESOURCE USE AND CONSERVATION IN

THE RAMSAR WETLANDS OF THE LOWER KINABATANGAN, SABAH
Study team:
Fadzilah Majid Cooke (Team leader)
Rosazman bin Hussin
Afrizal Anwar @ Teuku Afrizal
Hafiza Nur Adeen binti Nor Ahmad
Alameen bin Abdul Majeed
Joyiemin Min Prepared for Prima Element Sdn.
Velan A/L Kunjuraman Bhd. Sandakan on January 2015
THE RAMSAR WETLANDS OF THE LOWER KINABATANGAN
Table of Contents
Pages
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT i
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ii-iii
ACRONYMS iv - vi
1. SECTION ONE – INTRODUCTION

1.0 Preliminary Socio-Ecological Description 1-5
2.0 Objectives 5
3.0. Method
3.1. Primary Data Collection 5 - 10
3.2. Secondary Data Collection 10 - 13
4. SECTION TWO – PROFILES

4.1. Profile of Villages 15 - 21
4.2. Profile of Respondents 21 - 30
4.3. Livelihood of Men and Women in 6 Villages 31 - 91
5. SECTION THREE - CONSERVATION, CULTURE AND

CONCLUSION
5.1 Conservation and Community 94
5.2. Awareness of Ramsar 95 - 98
5.3. Gender Relations 98 - 102
5.4. Leadership (Social Activism, JKKK and Others) 102 - 105
5.5. Social Network 105 - 108
5.6. Use of Natural Resources 108 - 110
5.7. Culture - Traditional Medicine 111 - 115
5.8. Water, Oil Palm and Health 115 – 116
5.9. Participation in Biodiversity Conservation 116 – 117
6. DISCUSSION, RECOMMENDATIONS AND FUTURE

PROSPECTS 117 - 120
6.1. Co-Management 120 - 121
6.2. Ecotourism as a Mechanism for Capacity Building 121 - 124
6.3. Aquaculture 124 - 126
6.4. Agriculture 126 – 127
6.5. Clams (Lokan) and Water Quality 128
6.6.Community Monitoring 128
6.7. Mangrove Conservation 129
6.8. Management Scenario: If Things Proceed with
Consultation Processes Minimally in Place or Not in Place 130 - 135
6.9. Conclusion 135
List of Tables
Tables No.
1 List of Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

Held during Fieldwork September to October 2014 9
2 Total No. of Houses Surveyed in Kg Abai, Bongon,

Mumiang, Sri Ganda, Tundon Bohangin and Pitas,
Lower Kinabatangan, 2014 15
3 Household Occupation by Sector and by Villages 19
4 Household Income by villages 20
5 Respondents by Age and Gender 22
6 Respondents by Ethnicity 23
7 Marital Statuses of Respondent by Villages 24

8 Education of Respondents by Gender 24
9 Primary Occupation of Respondents

by Gender 25
10 Primary Income of Respondents by Gender 26
11 (a) Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender 27
11 (b) Secondary Income of Respondents by Gender

(Continued) 29
12 Respondents’ Primary, Secondary and Additional

Income by Village 30
13 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

– Kampung Abai 34
14 Total Income from Primary Occupation of Respondents

by Gender – Kampung Abai 34
15 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

– Kampung Abai 38
16 Total Income from Secondary Occupation of

Respondents by Gender – Kampung Abai 40

– Kampung Bongon 44
18 Total Income from Primary Occupation of

Respondents by Gender – Kampung Bongon 45

– Kampung Bongon 45
20 Total Income from Secondary Occupation of

Respondents by Gender – Kampung Bongon 46

– Kampung Mumiang 51
22 Total Income from Primary Occupation of
Respondents by Gender -- Kampung Mumiang 52

–Kampung Mumiang 53
24 Total Income Secondary Occupation of Respondents

by Gender – Kampung Mumiang 54

– Kampung Pitas 61
26 Total Monthly Income from Primary Occupation

of Respondents by Gender - Kampung Pitas 62

– Kampung Pitas 63
28 Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation

of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Pitas 64

– Kampung Sri Ganda 68
30 Total Monthly Income of Respondents from

Primary Occupation – Kampung Sri Ganda 68

– Kampung Sri Ganda 70

of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Sri Ganda 71

– Kampung Tundon Bohangin 74
34 Total Monthly Income of Respondents from Primary

Occupation by Gender- Kampung Tundon Bohangin 75

– Kampung Tundon Bohangin 76
of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Tundon
Bohangin 77
37 Respondents’ Awareness of Ramsar by Village 96
38 Source of Information about Ramsar 96
39 Whether Ramsar is Beneficial to Community 97
40 Structure of the Community of Abai Project (CAP) 99
41 Organizational Chart of the Development Welfare

and Safety (JKKK) Committee of Abai Village 103
42 List of Non-Governmental Organizations, Business

and International Governmental Organizations in Lower
Kinabatangan, 2014 106
43 Use of Natural Resources by Village 108
44 Resources Collected from Rivers 109
45 (a) Material Obtained from Forests 109
45 (b) Material Obtained from Forests (Continued) 109
46 Material Obtained from Mangrove 110
47 Use of Traditional Medicine by Village 111
48 Traditional Medicine Supplied by Forests 112- 114

List of Boxes
Boxes No.
1 Six Types of High Conservation Value Forests

(HCVF) 4
2 The Community Abai Project 42 - 43
3 Bearing the Costs of Non-Point Pollution?

Example from Kg Mumiang 56 - 58
4 Women Salted Fish Producers, Kg. Mumiang,

Supplementing Family Income or More? 58 – 59
5 Social Forestry Model – Summary Of

Issues to Consider 132 - 135
List of Maps
Maps No.
1 Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands Showing

Ramsar Boundary, Land Use, Vegetation Types and
Villages V
2 Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower

Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at
Kampung Abai 36
3 Lower Kinabatangan – Corridor of Life (CoL) and

Wildlife Sanctuary 41

Kampung Bongon 49

Kampung Mumiang 60
Kampung Pitas 65

Kampung Sri Ganda 72

Kampung Tundon Bohangin 78
List of Photos
Photos No.
1 House to house survey, Sri Ganda, 2014 11
2 House to house survey, Tundon Bohangin, 2014 11
3 Bongon – Fishers, 2014 12
4 Mumiang – Youth group, 2014 12
5 Village Head (Ketua Kg.) with the members of

JKKK Group, 2014 12
6 Sri Ganda – JKKK Chairman (White Shirt), 2014 13
7 Abai – Village Head (Ketua Kg.), 2014 13
8 Photos of abandoned houses 79
9 Traditional and adapted bubu at Abai, 2014 80
10 Making of traditional bubu 80

11 Subsistence agriculture at Abai, 2014 81
12 Nursery plots at Abai, 2014 81
13 The Head of Communication and Promotion

of CAP welcoming the UMS research group to Abai 82
14 The homestay operators (CAP members)

playing the kulintangan (traditional music instrument) 82
15 Handicraft for sale at Abai, 2014 82
16 Livestock at Bongon 83
17 Location where villagers dry salted fish 83
18 River view at Bongon, 2014 84
19 Mangrove forest at Bongon, 2014 84
20 Settlement at Bongon, 2014 (potential place for

homestay program) 84
21 Pukat rentang at Mumiang, 2014 85
22 Selambau used for catching crabs at Mumiang, 2014 85
23 Prohibition sign in the Trusan Kinabatangan Forest

Reserve in LKSW, Ramsar site near Bongon
and Mumiang Villages, 2014 86
24 View of main route to Pitas (Sungai Bidadari), 2014 87
25 View of second route to Pitas – via beach called

Pantai Pukul, 2014 87
26 Young people in Pitas, 2014 88

27 Ikan Belanak at Sri Ganda, 2014 89
28 Grouper and red snapper at Sri Ganda, 2014 89
29 Fishing equipment at Sri Ganda. Landuk for fishing

rods 89
30 Fisherman at Sri Ganda, 2014 & small holder oil palm

near the settlement area at Sri Ganda, 2014 90
31 Solar panel station at Tundon Bohangin, 2014 91
32 Electricity supply at Tundon Bohangin, 2014 91
List of Appendices
Appendices
1 Questionnaire For Village Survey (Census) 137 - 146
2 Questionnaire For Focus Group Discussion (FGD)

and In-depth Interviews 148 – 151
3 Estimation of Fish Landings and Prices 153

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
We wish to thank the Sabah Forestry Department for the opportunity given to us to
conduct this study into the socio-economic status of the local communities of the
Lower Kinabatangan. Our heartfelt appreciation goes to the people of Kampung
Abai, Bongon, Mumiang, Pitas, Sri Ganda and Tundon Bohangin who welcomed
our presence and accommodated our intrusion into their lives during September to
October of 2014. Our line of questioning into social and ecological change in the
Lower Kinabatangan Segama Wetlands Ramsar Site and its surrounds, we hope, will
pave the way for a better understanding of local community needs and challenges as
they face processes of what could be participatory conservation.
We would also like to thank Debra Moh for her patient editing.
Prof. Dr. Fadzilah Majid Cooke

Faculty of Humanities Arts and Heritage
Universiti Malaysia Sabah
Kota Kinabalu
January 2015
i
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The main aim of the study is to undertake a social baseline survey of villages located
in the Lower Kinabatangan Segama Wetlands (LKSW) area. Since the designation
of the LKSW area as a Ramsar wetlands site under the Ramsar Convention in 2008,
a management plan was adopted and implemented beginning 2010. Consequently,
the effects of conservation policy and practice as viewed and experienced by local
communities, specifically, their knowledge of what Ramsar might be about in terms
of opportunities as well as constraints were also of interest.
A large majority of the 167 respondents interviewed from September to

October 2014 in the villages of Abai, Bongon, Mumiang, Pitas, Sri Ganda and
Tundon Bohangin of the Lower Kinabatangan River, lived below the poverty line.
Livelihoods are highly dependent on natural resources especially rivers, forests and
mangroves.
Natural resources are also important for quality of life, e.g. in the use of
traditional medicine for curing illnesses, or in the enjoyment of ecosystem services
especially clean water. Water quality of the Lower Kinabatangan in the 6 villages
surveyed is such that people do not use it for drinking. Drinking water is largely
accumulated from rain water or purchased at a high cost.
Knowledge and understanding of what conservation implies in terms of

community livelihoods and environmental preservation under Ramsar is confined to
a small proportion of the population who have the opportunity to be exposed or able
to attend information dissemination seminars or workshops. These tend to be
community leaders, and their few associates or relatives. For these groups of village
residents, the main source of information is the Sabah Forestry Department.
For the rest of the community, very little understanding of Ramsar was
evident; whatever knowledge individuals had of it was obtained by hearsay, and
were often scanty. Many knew about Ramsar in the prohibitive sense (no entry, no
take prescriptions).
ii
Consequently, more should be done about publicising the short or long term
benefits to ecology, and their links to local livelihoods.
Nevertheless, most of the respondents interviewed are not against Ramsar.
In terms of livelihood, fishing which is a major economic activity, is now

insufficient to provide continued economic well-being; as communities face reduced
fish catch. Women’s livelihood activities become important as alternatives and for
community development.
In the search for alternative livelihoods, and or supplementary income,

diversification of economic activities include initiatives into eco-tourism, salted fish
production and trade, in which women dominate; small scale aquaculture and small
holder oil palm.
Despite diversification, the reality is that these new forms of economic

activities remain reliant on the enjoyment of good ecosystem services.
In the attempt to diversify, communities have shown initiative and creativity,

and some are learning by doing (eco-tourism, small holder oil palm).The growing of
small holder oil palm raises issues of ecological compatibility or balance, in addition
to the primary consideration about socio-economic well-being.
A major management question then, is how to encourage the continuing

search for livelihoods by local communities without curtailing their demonstrated
creativity in finding alternatives, while simultaneously maintaining the management
objectives of promoting ecosystems health in a participatory way. Inclusive
management, i.e. being involved in the process of planning of Ramsar site
management plans, and implementation of the detailed action plans, is a path that
has been advocated by the Lower Kinabatangan Segama Wetlands Ramsar Site
Management Plan 2011, volume 1, p. 62
iii
ACRONYMS
ADUN Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Assemblyman)

BR1M Bantuan Rakyat Satu Malaysia
BBEC Borneo Biodiversity and Ecosystems Conservation
CAP Community Abai Project
FGD Focus Group Discussions
HCVF High Conservation Value Forests
IGO International Government Organizations
JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency
JKKK Jawatan Kuasa Kemajuan, Kebajikan dan Keselamatan
Kampung (Village Development Welfare and Security Committee)
Kg Kampung (Village)
KAPOK Komuniti Anak Pokok Kinabatangan
(Kinabatangan Seedlings Committee)
KOPEL Bhd Koperasi Pelancongan Masyarakat Batu Puteh Berhad
(The Batu Puteh Community Tourisim Cooperative Limited)
LKSW Lower Kinabatangan Segama Wetlands
LEAP Land Environment Animals People
ODA Official Development Assistance
PMR Penilaian Menengah Rendah (Lower Secondary School
Assessment)
NGO Non-Government Organization
PO Peoples’ Organization
SFD Sabah Forestry Department
SLA Sustainable Livelihood Approach
SPM Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (Malaysian Certificate of Education)
STPM Sijil Tinggi Pelajaran Malaysia
(Certificate of Higher Education Malaysia)
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
WCPA World Commission of Protected Areas
iv
Map 1: Lower Kinabatangan – Segama Wetlands Showing Ramsar Boundary, Land Use, Vegetation Types and Villages
(Village)
Source: Sabah Biodiversity Centre (2009), in http://www.sabah.gov.my/sabc/images/web/ramsar/_accessed on 23.12.2014.
v
THE RAMSAR WETLANDS OF THE LOWER KINABATANGAN, SABAH
At the heart of implementation of new ideas and strategies, it is crucial to obtain the
necessary information. This report describes new management and livelihood
initiatives already in place that were introduced by communities living close to
resources of the LKSW wetlands, as well as, new forms of contract introduced by
government agencies through (zoning and monitoring). These new initiatives are
presented in a way, we hope, will encourage further expansion of inclusive
development.
The report is divided into 3 sections. Section One (Introduction) describes the
approach of the study, and outlines the objectives and methods of the research.
Section Two (Profiles of Villages, Respondents, and Livelihoods) presents an
overall village socio-economic profile which is based on household as well as
individual respondent data. The third section, Section Three (Conservation, Culture,
and Conclusion), contains data concerning conservation, including knowledge about
Ramsar, village dynamics and issues concerning culture, health and well-being,
focusing on local/traditional medicine. It also provides a discussion of the main
issues raised, conclusion and recommendations.
vi
SECTION ONE
INTRODUCTION
vi
1.0 PRELIMINARY SOCIO-ECOLOGICAL DESCRIPTION
The Lower Kinabatangan Segama Wetlands (LKSW) area (the Ramsar site) covers
78,803 hectare and consists of 3 forest reserves: Trusan Kinabatangan Forest
Reserve (40,471 ha), Kulamba Wildlife Reserve (20,682 ha), and Kuala Maruap-
Kuala Segama Forest Reserve (17,650 ha)1. In terms of land use, in addition to
forestry, a major activity has been agriculture, especially large scale oil palm (see
map 1). For this reason, management prescriptions have included areas that have an
impact on the Ramsar site as the Buffer zone, while the Ramsar site is turned into a
Core Zone.
In their 2011 report entitled the Lower Kinabatangan-Segama Wetlands

Ramsar Site Management Plan vol. 1, (henceforth the LKSW Ramsar management
plan 2011), the Sabah Biodiversity Centre and the Sabah Forestry Department on
p.70 pointed out that the area’s ecological diversity is matched as well by its socio-
cultural diversity.
Major economic activities of the area surrounding the Ramsar site has been
logging, oil palm and tourism, with the last two sectors dominating the landscape in
more recent years and presently. Nevertheless, the populations within the Ramsar
site and a few villages nearby have somehow not benefited greatly from the latter
two industries, except for tourism (ecological tourism) which has emerged since the
early 2000 and is slowly taking root (Rosazman, 2008). For this reason, the LKSW
Ramsar management plan (20ll Vol. 1: p. 19) has, as one of its prime objectives “to
develop appropriate and wise use of the wetlands for the betterment of local
communities and Sabah”. In this regard a rich combination of local ethnic groups
comprising Sungai, Tidong, Bajau, Suluk, Chinese, Bugis, Kagayan and ethnic
groups as well as mixes of them can be found living in the villages located within
the Ramsar site and among villages inland.
1
Conservation Strategies: Ramsar Convention, Sabah Biodiversity Center Official Website,
http://www.sabah.gov.my/sabc/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=75&Itemid=65, August 2014.
1
1.1 The Socio-economic Approach of the Study
The Sustainable Livelihood Approach (SLA) is a relatively new orientation in

poverty alleviation that goes beyond the conventional definitions of the issue. For
the conventional approach (e.g. The Integrated Rural Development Approach), the
focus is on certain aspects of poverty such as; to address aspects of the livelihood of
the poor related to low income, but did not consider other vital aspects of poverty
such as vulnerability and social exclusion. On the other hand, the SLA pays more
attention to the various factors and processes which could enhance poor people's
ability to make a living in an economically, ecologically, and socially sustainable
manner (Krantz, 2001). Thus, the SLA concept offers a more coherent and integrated
approach to poverty.
Poverty, in fact, as conceived by the poor themselves, is not only a question

of low income, but also includes other dimensions such as bad health, illiteracy, lack
of public and social services such as clean water supply, as well as a general state of
vulnerability and feelings of powerlessness among people. Therefore, the intention
of the SLA approach is to employ a holistic perspective in the analysis of livelihoods
to identify issues of intervention that could be strategically important for poverty
reduction, either at the local or policy level.
In many situations, the way resources and other livelihood opportunities are
distributed locally is often influenced by informal structures of social dominance
and power within the communities themselves. Thus, the gender relations issue as
an aspect of social relations between men and women commonly characterized or
marked by inequality and social domination at the village level, should be seriously
considered or examined. Such an evaluation is important because gender relations
are one aspect of the 'transforming processes' of poverty alleviation in rural areas.
Evolving access to natural resources is another aspect of change that is

important in understanding socio-economic status. Since the bulk of the population
in the Ramsar site is reported as being highly dependent on natural resources
especially rivers, mangroves and wetlands (LKSW Ramsar management plan 2011),
reduced access to ecosystems services must have dire implications for livelihoods.
2
Consequently, the general definition of sustainable livelihood in this study as
proposed by Chambers and Conway, 1992 can be summarized as follows:
A livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (stores, resources, claims

and access) and activities required for the means of living: a sustainable
livelihood is that which can cope with and recover from stresses and
shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, and provide
sustainable livelihood opportunities for the next generation; and which
contributes net benefits to the other livelihoods at the local level and global
levels and in the short and long term.
At a general level, this study is further guided by the High Conservation Value
Forest principles (HCVF). As seen in BOX 1 below, HCVF principles are described
as an attempt to guide management into harmonising biodiversity and local
population needs (Proforest, HCVF Toolkit 2003). Specifically, guided by
Principles 4, 5 and 6 of HCVF, the study has taken into account forest areas
important to basic needs and to the cultural identity of local communities.
3
BOX 1: SIX TYPES OF HIGH CONSERVATION VALUE FORESTS
(HCVF)
HCV1. Forest areas containing globally, regionally or nationally significant

concentrations of biodiversity values (e.g. endemism, endangered species, refugia).
For example, the presence of several globally threatened bird species within a
Kenyan montane forest.
HCV2. Forest areas containing globally, regionally or nationally significant large

landscape level forests, contained within, or containing the management unit, where
viable populations of most if not all naturally occurring species exist in natural
patterns of distribution and abundance.
For example, a large tract of Mesoamerican lowland rainforest with healthy
populations of jaguars, tapirs, harpy eagles and caiman as well as smaller species.
HCV3. Forest areas that are in or contain rare, threatened or endangered

ecosystems.
For example, patches of a regionally rare type of freshwater swamp forest in an
Australian coastal district.
HCV4. Forest areas that provide basic services of nature in critical situations (e.g.
watershed protection, erosion control).
For example, forest on steep slopes with avalanche risk above a town in the
European Alps.
HCV5. Forest areas fundamental to meeting basic needs of local communities (e.g.
subsistence, health).
For example, key hunting or foraging areas for communities living at subsistence
level in a Cambodian lowland forest mosaic.
HCV6. Forest areas critical to local communities’ traditional cultural identity

(areas of cultural, ecological, economic or religious significance identified in
cooperation with such local communities).
For example, sacred burial grounds within a forest management area in Canada.
Source: Proforest HCVF Toolkit (2011)
It is worthwhile noting that HCVF Principles 5 and 6 are not contradictory to the
emphasis in the SLA approach of maintaining sustainable livelihoods. More
importantly, HCVF 4 adds strength to the SLA approach by taking into account
nature’s limits as inscribed in the fragility of watersheds and ecosystems that are of
value to landscapes, and, by extension, to local livelihoods. Through interviews,
areas important to local livelihoods were mapped, and non-material use of resources
4
were examined through an exploration into locally derived cures for illnesses and the
maintenance of good health. Limits to river and forest use as a result of
environmental degradation on the one hand and attempts at conserving them on the
other, as experienced by local communities were also examined.
2.0 OBJECTIVES OF STUDY
• To examine the socio-economic status of the communities of six selected

villagers;
• To analyse current social status in respect to the basic needs and cultural
identity (based on HCVF 5 & 6 Toolkit for Malaysia) of the communities of
six selected villagers;
• To advice on a suitable social forestry programme for the villagers;
• To provide a strategic plan for the implementation of the programmes.
3.0 METHOD
This research is conducted with a view to establishing a comprehensive baseline

study of social and economic conditions of 6 villages in the Ramsar site. In general,
fieldwork for the study has been conducted in two phases. The first phase was
conducted from 22 to 27 September 2014 in Abai, Mumiang and Bongon; the
second, at Sri Ganda, Tundon Bohangin and Pitas from 29 October to 2 November
2014.
3.1 Primary Data Collection
Primary data was compiled from three types of interviews, namely through a survey
using a questionnaire; focused group discussions, in-depth interviews as well as
informal interviews. In addition to interviews, data was also culled from
observations and conversations made by researchers while in the field.
5
3.1.1 Household Survey through Questionnaire
A two step field procedure was adopted. The first step involved conducting a pre-
test. Pretesting with 10 respondents was undertaken at Kampung Mengkabong,
Tuaran (a lakeside fishing community), prior to the conduct of fieldwork at the
Ramsar site. The importance of pretesting is to verify whether the questions were
easily understood by respondents about the content domain (understanding of the
Ramsar Site) (Creswell, 2009). Based on the feedback received, the questionnaire
was duly modified for clarification and accuracy before implementation at the study
site.2 As a result, items remaining in the questionnaire were mostly positively
worded items.
At the field site, face to face interviews through a structured questionnaire

were conducted with household heads or their representatives. The representatives
were volunteered by the households themselves. With the assistance of village
guides, researchers surveyed every house in the six villages, except those that were
unoccupied because the families have migrated, were away or unavailable.
All interviews were conducted in Bahasa Melayu and the duration varied
from around one to two hours. Table 1 (page 9) shows the matrix for interviews,
using survey questionnaire, focused group discussions, in-depth as well as informal
interviews.
The survey was aimed at investigating the residents’ understanding and

experience of the Ramsar site, demography of the respondents as well as their
current socio-economic status (see Appendix 1, p. 137). The survey instrument
comprised of four parts, as follows:
Part A: information regarding demography of the respondents such as age,

gender, educational level, occupation, income, status of the assets, land
ownership and shelter ownership.
Part B: profile of households;
2
The percentage total may not equal 100% because of rounding
6
Part C: views of the respondents regarding Ramsar;
Part D: access to natural resources and impacts of change of access towards

community well-being.
The villages were chosen for their approximate location to the wetlands and upon
suggestion by the Sabah Forestry Department (SFD). The questionnaire was
administered by research assistants at the respondents’ place of residence. Field
assistants from the community helped accompany the researchers to ensure that all
available households were included. As mentioned, houses that have been
abandoned or temporarily without occupants, were considered unavailable, hence,
not included in the interviews. The number of respondents for the survey totalled
167 out of 243 houses located at the site.
3.1.2 Focused Group Discussions
Face-to-face focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted in order to identify

their socio-economic status and well-being, their access to natural resources, as well
as understandings regarding the Ramsar site, and views about future prospects or
scenarios. In sum, the justification for holding the FGDs was to obtain additional
useful information based on specific issues. An interview guide was developed for
this purpose (See Appendix 2, p. 148).
The respondents for FGDs were identified with help from community leaders
and upon researchers’ observation of social interaction in the community. A
purposive sampling resulted in the selection of respondents who were
knowledgeable about social relations in their own community and according to the
work they do (as fishers, housewives/homemakers, tourism workers, farmers, and
other similar categories). Criteria used for selecting respondents were meant to
ensure a fair representation of gender, livelihoods and views from the 6 villages.
Altogether 13 FGDs were held, with composition ranging from 2 to 6 individuals
per group.
7
3.1.3 In-depth Interviews and Informal Interviews
In-depth interviews of key respondents were made with local community leaders
(formal and informal). Formal leaders are those officially appointed by government,
namely the Village Head (Ketua Kampung) and members (especially the Chairman)
of the Village Development, Welfare and Security Committee – Jawatan Kuasa
Kemajuan, Kebajikan dan Keselamatan Kampung – JKKK). Informal leaders refer
to non-elected leaders including those involved in non-government organisations
(NGOs) and respected local opinion leaders. Non-elected leaders could include
influential individuals from neighbouring villages. In this study, a member of the
Koperasi Pelancongan Mukim Batu Puteh (Kopel Bhd) was interviewed for his
important contributions to the eco-tourism project at Abai.
The objective of the in-depth key respondent interviews was to explore in

more detail, themes and issues that have emerged from both the survey and the
FGDs that earlier respondents have not been able to explain. In this instance, eight
in-depth interviews were held.
Informal interviews: As researchers participate in village conversations and

activities, conversations held on the way to fields and rivers, are also important
sources of information. These interviews presented excellent opportunities to hold
conversations with villagers that normally yield different sets of information than
the more structured interviews; since informal interviews provided an opportunity
for establishing rapport in a relaxed atmosphere. Because of the relative familiarity
established, often such interviews were followed by telephone interviews to clarify
certain issues that have developed in the field. Since there were so many of such
informal conversations held, the interviews recorded were only those held via
telephone, which took place in order to clarify certain issues subsequent to many
conversations held informally.
In writing up the report, the names of respondents/ interviewees have been changed
or withheld in order to protect respondent identity/ies. This is a minimal standard of
interviewee protection used in the social sciences.
8
Table 1: List of Interviews and Focus Group Discussions held during fieldwork
September to October 2014
(No.) Type of Description Location Date

Activity
Interview via 167 men and women, house to house 6 villages 22 to 27 September
survey interviews. 29 October to
questionnaire 2 November 2014
1) Fishers , 2) Nursery plot regeneration ,
3) homestay, 4) boatmen for Abai 23-24 Sept.2014
tourists/fishers, tourist guide.
1) Fishers, 2)Home makers/ housewives Bongon 25 Sept. 2014
1) Fishers 2) youth group, Mumiang 28, 29 Sept. 2014
1) Fishers 2) small retailers, 3) oil palm

small holder, homemakers/housewives Sri Ganda 30 October 2014
Focused group
discussions chairman JKKK with fishers Tundon Bohangin 30 October 2014
Head of village with the members of
Pitas 31 October 2014
JKKK
1)Village Head,2) homestay operators, 3)
Abai 25-28 Sept. 2014
leader of peoples’ organization
- Bongon 25 October 2014
In-depth 1) Chairman JKKK, 2) Fisher Mumiang 28 October 2014
interviews 1) Representative of youth, 2) Chairman
Sri Ganda 30 October 2014
JKKK,
- Tundon Bohangin -
- Pitas 31 October, 2014
Secretary of peoples’ organization (CAP),
25 September 2014
leader of homestay operator, homestay Abai
23 January 2015
operator,
Phone interview: Chairman JKKK, Bongon
Phone interview: Chairman JKKK, Mumiang
Informal
Phone interview: Chairman JKKK,, Sri Ganda 15 November 2014
interviews
Phone interview: Chairman JKKK, Tundon Bohangin
Phone interview: Chairman JKKK, Pitas
Sri Ganda 30 October 2014
SFD officer SFD office
26 November 2014
Sandakan
9
3.1.3 Field Observation
Field observations were made throughout the study regarding local community life
in terms of social, economic and political dynamics. A longer period of time was
spent at Abai than in the other villages because the research group was
accommodated at homestays there for almost 7 days, and 3 days at homestays at Sri
Ganda. By contrast, at Mumiang, Bongon, Pitas and Tundon Bohangin where there
are no homestays, researchers spent a day or two at each village.
3.2 Secondary Data
Secondary data through journals, magazines, maps, government reports, legislations,

newspapers, online databases and books were used in this study in order to
understand the research process, to obtain a clear picture of the research topic and
area (the Ramsar site). The use of secondary data also helps in developing the line of
questioning for the whole project.
3.3 Data Analysis
After the fieldwork, parallel mixed analysis strategy was used which means all data
sources were independently analysed but the results were integrated in the
interpretation phase to address the objectives of the research (Creswell, 2009;
Teddlie & Tashakkori, 2009).
10
From top:
Photo 1: House
to house survey,
Sri Ganda, 2014
Photo 2: House
to house survey,
Tundon
Bohangin, 2014
The survey was aimed at investigating the residents’ understanding and

experience of the Ramsar site, demography of the respondents as well as
their current socio-economic status.
11
Focused group
discussions conducted
at villages.
From top:
Photo 3: Bongon –
Fishers, 2014
Photo 4: Mumiang –
Youth group, 2014
Photo 5: Pitas - Village

Head (Ketua Kg.) with
the members of JKKK
Group, 2014
FGDs were conducted

to obtain additional
useful information
based on specific
issues. The respondents
for FGDs were
identified with help
from community
leaders and upon
researchers’
observation of social
12
In-depth
interviews
conducted at
villages.
Photo 6: Sri
Ganda – JKKK
Chairman
(white shirt), 2014
Photo 7: Abai –
Village Head
(Ketua Kg.), 2014
The objective of the in-depth key respondent interviews was to explore in more
detail, themes and issues that have emerged from both the survey and the FGDs
that earlier respondents have not been able to explain.
13
SECTION TWO
PROFILES OF VILLAGES,
RESPONDENTS, AND LIVELIHOODS
14
4.0 OVERALL VILLAGE SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROFILE
Section two presents an overall village socio-economic profile which is based on

household as well as individual respondent data.
4.1 Profile of Villages
Village profile consists of general information about; (i) population (demography),

(ii) religion, (iii) occupation, and (iv) income. Further information related to the
profile of villages are as follows;
4.1.1 Population
According to estimates made by formal village leaders (village heads and JKKK
chairmen), there were altogether 218 houses and 1626 individuals residing in the six
villages. The distribution is as below:
Table 2: Total No. of Houses Surveyed in Kg Abai, Kg. Bongon, Kg. Mumiang, Kg. Sri
Ganda, Kg. Tundon Bohangin and Kg. Pitas, Lower Kinabatangan, 2014
Name of Village Total Population* Total No. of houses* Total No. of

respondents
Abai 234 33 32
Bongon 200 20 19
Mumiang 443 52 40
Sri Ganda** 422 45 22
Tundon Bohangin 217 47 38
Pitas 110 21 16
Total 1626 218 167
* N = 167 The estimated total number of population and houses was provided by the Village
Heads and/or Chairmen of JKKK, during fieldwork in 2014.
**Sri Ganda had a proportionately low representation of respondents because during the
time of interview, many houses were closed as their occupants were away working in their
own oil palm small holder plots or were out fishing. Repeated visits during the time of
fieldwork were of no avail.
15
The mean was 7.5 persons per house. The most populous village was Mumiang
with a population of 443, and the smallest was Pitas, with 110 residents.
Observation data show that the majority of the population in most villages
are middle aged, a few children and a sprinkling of young people. Interviews with
the few available young people show that outmigration occurs because of very few
job opportunities. Even at Abai, where new job opportunities are relatively
available, outmigration occurred because young people (25 to 35 year old category),
especially young men, wanted to experience urban lives.
The relative lack of young men is reflected in the age distribution of

respondents. Not only is there a very small number of male respondents who were in
the 25 to 35 age group category, there is also a difference in the availability of
respondents by gender as seen in the larger group of women in the same age group
available for interview (see Table 5 below). A more detailed description of
distribution of respondent’s age will be presented in subsection 4.2.1; p 21.
Young men from Bongon migrate to Sandakan, Lahad Datu and Kota
Kinabalu to look for work. Abai youth migrate to all three towns as well as to Batu
Puteh further up river.. Conversations in Abai, Pitas and Bongon also revealed that
many young men returned to the village after experiencing very little success in
adjusting to the urban economy. There are several signs of migration from villages,
one of them are abandoned homes. In most villages that we worked in, we would
inevitably come across abandoned houses (see photo 8; p. 79).
As well, the few Chinese families growing vegetables at Mumiang

(Mumiang Perpaduan) and Bongon (Bongon Tengah) have moved to Sandakan.
They are now part of the business community in Sandakan, and some are quite
prosperous. Since the land used for growing vegetables are titled, the individual
family members who remain in the villages are also looking after or securing family
property.
16
4.1.2 Religion
Three religious beliefs were evident amongst the people of the Lower Kinabatangan,
the most numerous of which were the believers of Islam, a far second of which was
Buddhism and a miniscule number of believers of traditional indigenous religions.
Muslims are to be found in all six villages. A few ethnic Chinese who are Buddhists
lived in Mumiang and Tundon Bohangin. Practitioners of traditional indigenous
religion could be found among the Orang Sungai at Abai. It can be concluded that
Islam is the religion of the majority of the population of the Lower Kinabatangan,
while Buddhism and traditional indigenous religions are the beliefs of a very small
minority.
4.1.3 Occupation
The population is involved in a range of livelihoods and in several sectors. Details

about the type of occupation by sector and by village are outlined in Table 3. The
listing was made by 167 respondents who named the primary and secondary
occupations held by their household members. The household members included
those who were living elsewhere outside the villages.
Table 3 shows that the main sector of employment is fishery, which includes
various types of fishermen whose catch may be derived from rivers or the sea; and
which also includes clam (lokan) collectors. The second sector – business - refers
mainly to retail businesses, especially village grocery stores, or salted fish
producers/retailers. The third sector, agriculture could be subdivided into agriculture
for subsistence (paddy and vegetables) and for cash (small holder oil palm,
vegetables and coconut). Fourth, the service sector includes homemakers
(housewives), security guards, and school cleaners and religious leaders (imam). The
fifth sector, government, consists of appointed local officials especially JKKK
members and village heads; and the sixth sector, tourism includes homestay
operators as well as those involved in conservation work and in peoples’
organisations concerned with conservation and community development.
Tourism and the retail trade, although considered part of the service industry,
has been separated out in order to highlight their presence in village livelihood
17
profile. With regard to fishing, given that artisanal fishing is producing reduced
income, fishers have found a viable activity in the raising of cage fish (ikan
sangkar). Ikan sangkar are being raised at Mumiang, Pitas, Tundon Bohangin and
Sri Ganda. From interviews, it was clear that a range of fish types was being raised
but two main ones, namely kerapu and ikan merah have a commercial demand in
Sandakan. Such fish are collected by wholesalers upon availability of supply.
Fishers stated that they supply middlemen residing in the villages, either weekly or
once every week, depending on availability. Alternatively, fishers would go to
Sandakan themselves to sell directly to wholesalers at a higher price than that
offered by middlemen.
A second group of fishers at Mumiang and Tundon Bohangin only sell their
fish occasionally. In this instance, cage fish are being used as a “safety net”, namely,
when they cannot go fishing because of bad weather, or when they need money for
specific reasons, and they will then sell ikan sangkar to make ends meet.
Women are actively involved as producers of salted fish, but are subsumed
in Table 3 under the fisheries occupational category.
18
Table 3: Household Occupation by Sector and by Village
Primary and Secondary Occupation
Sectors of Total
Occupation Villages (%)
Bongon Abai Mumiang Sri Tundon Pitas

Ganda Bohangin
Fishery 34 36 76 21 40 27 234
(22%)
Agriculture - 3 2 5 - - 10
(1%)
Services 20 59 66 38 48 16 247
(23%)
Business - 2 4 3 4 - 13
(1%)
Government - 7 4 - 1 1 13
(1%)
Tourism - 8 - - - - 8
(1%)
Education 11 56 58 85 68 2 280
(26%)
No 52 44 62 13 48 36 255
occupation (24%)
Total 117 215 272 165 209 82 1060
(100%)
*N=167 Source: Survey Data, September to October 2014

Multiple responses to include household members living away from home, holding primary
as well as secondary occupations.
No occupation - those unable to work because of age (too old or too young), or ill health.
Service – Housewife/homemaker, security guard, shop assistant (pekerja kedai), cleaner,
factory worker, technician (pekerja pendawaian), housekeeper.
Tourism –Homestay operator, tourist guide, member of people’s organisation (i.e. CAP).
In the agricultural sector, oil palm is being produced by small holders at Sri Ganda
and Mumiang, and at Abai. Villagers at Sri Ganda were originally from Tundon
Bohangin who left the latter, to look for alternative livelihoods to improve their
socio-economic well-being. They found it in oil palm agriculture. Unfortunately,
after they have started growing oil palm, they discovered that their lands have been
included in the zoning for the Ramsar site.
19
Also in the agricultural sector, there are respondents who are engaged in the
sale of vegetables and coconuts (at Bongon and Mumiang). In the services sector,
homemakers/housewives are to be found in all locations and formed the biggest
group in the service sector. Those engaged in the tourism industry have been
separated out from the service industry to indicate the new form of livelihood that is
being experimented with. Interestingly, although many are involved in the tourism
sector as at Abai, such work is not viewed by respondents as their main occupation.
4.1.4 Income
Household incomes as depicted in Table 4 are those earned by members of the

household living in situ as well as those living away from home.
Table 4: Household Income by Village
Income Range Villages Total

(RM)/Month` (%)
Abai Bongon Mumiang Sri Tundon Pitas
Ganda Bohangin
<200 9 14 31 6 12 8 80
(8%)
201-300 2 5 9 7 15 8 46
(4%)
301-400 19 5 14 2 4 1 45
(4%)
401-500 14 4 27 8 11 3 67
(6%)
501-600 3 3 2 2 2 5 17
(1%)
601-700 7 7 2 4 3 1 24
(2%)
701-800 4 1 13 4 1 5 28
(3%)
801-900 1 - 1 1 - - 3
(0.3%)
901-1000 2 - 7 4 4 - 17
(1%)
1001-1100 - - - 2 - - 2
(0.2%)
1101-1200 4 - 1 2 1 - 8
(1%)
>1201 4 - - 2 3 1 10
(1%)
No 146 78 165 121 153 50 713
Regular/fixed (67%)
Income
Total 215 117 272 165 209 82 1060
(100%)
*N = 167 Source: Survey Data , September to October 2014
*Mean = RM 1,136.04 Note: Includes income from members of households living in the
same house or living away.
20
Table 4 further indicates that close to 68% of respondents’ household members had
no fixed income. Moreover, even among the 32% of household members who did
have fixed incomes, almost all (98%) were living below the household poverty line
of RM 1,120 per month set by the Federal government (Economic Planning Unit, no
date).
4.2 Profile of Respondents
As mentioned earlier, this report involves 167 respondents from six villages. This
section outlines respondent profile, by age, gender, ethnicity, marital status
education, occupation and income.
4.2.1 Age and Gender of Respondents
Table 5 below shows that respondents were well distributed not only between men
and women but across age groups as well, with the exception of the extreme ends of
the spectrum (the lowest and the highest age categories) where there are very few
respondents. Among women, larger proportions were in the younger age group (25
to 35 years of age) who were willing to be interviewed or made themselves available
for interview.
The number of women respondents dropped off with age, as they were most
likely being spoken for by their husbands or other family members, upon marriage
or as they became older and have families of their own.
The number of young men in the 25 to 35 year old category was relatively
small compared to women. Older men (45 up to 75 years of age) dominated the
numbers. This could mean that there were proportionately fewer young men than
women available for interview, for whatever reasons (employment elsewhere, busy
earning a living, not having spare time, or other relevant reasons) (also see section
4.1.1)
21
Table 5: Respondents by Age and Gender
Age Men Women

(%) (%)
15-25 2 6
(1%) (4%)
25-35 15 23
(9%) (14%)
35-45 17 18
(10%) (11%)
45-55 23 14
(14%) (8%)
55-65 14 12
(8%) (7%)
65-75 11 6
(7%) (4%)
75-85 2 4
(1%) (2%)
Total 84 83
(50%) (50%)
*N = 167 Source: Survey Data, September to October 2014
4.2.2 Ethnicity
A variety of ethnic groups were found in all villages, but many villages contained
ethnic groups who formed the majority. Table 6 shows that in terms of total number,
the Suluk community forms the majority in the study area and they are to be found
at the six villages. The second largest group of respondents are those of the Sungai
community who form 26% of respondents and they are mostly living in Abai, Sri
Ganda, Mumiang and Tundon Bohangin. Sungai are most populous at Abai. Bajau
are to be found in Bongon although they may also live in small numbers in Tundon
Bohangin. A sprinkling of ethnic Kadazan, Bugis, Kagayan, Chinese, Indian and
Javanese are to be found variously in Tundon Bohangin and Sri Ganda.
22
Table 6: Respondents by Ethnicity
Villages
Ethnicity Total
Abai Bongon Mumiang Sri Tundon Pitas (%)
Ganda Bohangin
Sungai 22 - 4 10 7 - 43
(26%)
Suluk 8 4 30 1 8 11 62
(37%)
Brunei - 1 - 2 1 1 5
(3%)
Banjar - 3 - - 1 - 4
(2%)
Bajau - 7 - - 6 - 13
(8%)
Bajau Tuaran - 2 - - - - 2
(1%)
Bajau Bisaya - 1 - - - - 1
(1%)
Bajau Kudat - 1 - - - - 1
(1%)
Bajau Suluk - - 1 - - 1 2
(1%)
Bugis 2 - - 4 5 - 9
(5%)
Cina - - 2 - 1 2 5
(3%)
Tidung - - 1 - 2 1 4
(2%)
Kagayan - - 1 2 6 3 12
(7%)
Kadazan - - - 3 - - 3
(2%)
Jawa - - - - - 1 1
(1%)
Total 32 19 40 22 38 16 167
(100%)
* N = 167 Source: Survey Data, September to October 2014
4.2.3 Marital Status
Table 7 shows that there is a majority of respondents (89%) who are married, with
only a small proportion (12%) being unmarried, widowed or who were widowers.
23
Table 7: Marital Statuses of Respondents by Village
Village
Marital Total
Status (%)
Abai Mumiang Bongon Sri Tundon Pitas
Ganda Bohangin
Single - 4 2 1 1 1 9
(5%)
Married 32 33 16 21 34 12 148
(89%)
Widow - 3 1 - 2 3 9
(5%)
Widower - - - - 1 - 1
(1%)
Total 32 40 19 22 38 16 167
(100%)
4.2.4 Education
From the point of view of formal education, a large majority (83%) of respondents
had received only primary education or less. Specifically, 48% had primary
education, 31% had never been to school, 4% did not finish primary school, and 1%
had kindergarten education.
Table 8: Education of Respondents by Gender
Education Never Kinder- Unfinished Unfinished Missionary

by Been garten Primary Primary PMR SPM Secondary STPM Training
Gender To School School School School Center
School
25 - 43 3 5 5 3 - -
Men (15%) (26%) (2%) (3%) (3%) (2%)
27 1 37 2 5 6 3 1 1
Women (16%) (1%) (22%) (1%) (3%) (4%) (2%) (1%) (1%)
The difference between men and women’s education was not pronounced, wherein
the proportion of men and women who had never been to school amounted to 15%
and 16% respectively. However, the proportion of men who have completed primary
school (26%) was slightly more than that of women (22%). Very few men and
24
women have completed high school, with only 1 woman having completed pre
university studies.
4.2.5 Occupation and Income
In terms of occupation, respondents worked in a range of sectors. They held both

primary and secondary occupations. Primary occupation refers to the jobs that
provide them with their main source of income. Secondary occupation refers to their
part time work. Only 53 respondents (32%) had secondary occupations. Table 9
refers to the primary occupation of men and women.
Table 9: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender
Primary Occupation Gender Total

By Gender Men Women (%)
Housewife/homemaker 0 41 41
(25%) (25%)
Fisherman 65 18 83
(39%) (11%) (50%)
Subsistence Farmer 3 0 3
(2%) (2%)
Small Retailer 2 6 8
(1%) (4%) (5%)
Security Guard at 4 1 5
Primary School (2%) (0.5%) (3%)
Cleaner at Primary 0 1 1
School (0.5%) (1%)
JKKK Members 2 1 3
(1%) (0.5%) (2%)
1 0 1
Imam
(0.5%) (1%)
Clam (lokan) 0 1 1
Collector (0.5%) (1%)
1 0 1
Chef (Cook)
(0.5%) (1%)
Do not have Primary 6 14 20
Occupation (4%) (8%) (12%)
Total 84 83 167
(50%) (50%) (100%)
Table 9 further shows that the types of work undertaken by men and women are
clearly gendered. Women’s major occupation is that of a homemaker/housewife,
while men’s work is largely in fisheries. Framed differently, 25% of respondents
interviewed said that their main occupation was that of a homemaker (suri rumah)
25
and all were women, while among the 50% of respondents who said they were
fishers, the majority (39%) were men.
There are indicators of occupational overlap occurring as seen in the 11% of

fishers who were women, and in retail trade in which there were 6 women and 2
male respondents. As mentioned in the village profile earlier, small retail business
generally translates at the village level into grocery stores and salted fish
production/trading.
In terms of income from primary occupation, while overlaps occur in the

lower income categories, they occur less frequently in the higher income brackets
which tend to be dominated by men. Several conclusions can further be culled from
Table 10.
Table 10: Primary Income of Respondents by Gender
Income by Gender
Gender Total
(RM)/Month ` Men Women (%)
7 7 14
<200
(4%) (4%) (8%)
26 8 34
>201-400
(16%) (5%) (21%)
28 11 39
>401-600
(17%) (6%) (23%)
9 3 12
>601-800
(5%) (2%) (7%)
6 1 7
>801-1000
(3.5%) (0.5%) (4%)
1 1
>1001-1200 0
(0.5%) (1%)
2 2
>1201-1400 0
(1%) (1%)
1 1
>1401-1600 0
(0.5%) (1%)
Income (2%) (32%) (34%)
84 83 167
Total
(50%) (50%) (100%)
*N = 167 Source, Survey Data, September to October 2014.

Mean = RM316.50 per Capita. Poverty line per capita for rural Sabah and Sarawak in 2012
= RM 240 (EPU, n.d.)
26
First, primary income for both men and women is skewed towards the lower to
middle end of the distribution, so that over 59 % of individual incomes were less
than RM 800 per month. Specifically, 8% of respondents were earning less than
RM 200/per month; 3 21% earned between RM 201 and RM 400, 23% earned
between RM 401 and RM 600 and 7% between RM 601 and RM 800 per month.
Second, women formed the majority of those who had no regular income.
Specifically, among women, 32% reported having no regular income, compared to
men (2%) who reported the same. In precise terms, 53 out of the 57 respondents
who had no regular income were women. Third, no women earned above RM 1001.
Nevertheless, the women’s contribution to household income could be

hidden because they viewed their work as homemakers as primary, and income
generation as secondary. Consequently, it is worthwhile to view secondary
occupation and income patterns and these are outlined in Table 11 (a) and (b).
Table 11 (a): Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender
Secondary Occupation Gender Total

of By Gender Men Women (%)
Tree Nursery 1 4 5
(0.5%) (3%) (3%)
Homestay Operator 3 1 4
(2%) (0.5%) (2%)
Handicraft 0 2 2
(1%) (1%)
Boatman 5 1 6
(3%) (0.5%) (4%)
Fisherman 8 2 10
(5%) (1%) (6%)
(2%) (2%)
Cookies Seller 0 2 2
(1%) (1%)
Boat Maker 2 1 3
(1%) (0.5%) (2%)
Tailor/dressmaker 1 1 2
(0.5%) (0.5%) (1%)
Fish Cage Operator 2 1 3
(1%) (0.5%) (2%)
3
The Federal Government has set the poverty line income for 2012 for rural Sabah and Sarawak at 240 per
capita. This level of income means that those who earned less than RM 200 per capita as shown in Table 10 are
living below the poverty line. There were a total of 12% of respondents in this study who belonged to this
category.
27
Salted Fish Operator 5 1 6
(3%) (0.5%) (4%)
Security Guard 1 0 1
(0.5%) (1%)
Teacher (Contract) 0 1 1
(0.5%) (1%)
School Canteen Worker 1 3 4
(0.5%) (2%) (3%)
Do not have Secondary 51 63 114
(30%) (38%) (68%)
Occupation
Total 84 83 167
(50%) (50%) (100%)
*N = 167 Source, Survey Data, September to October 2014.
Table 11 (a) shows that a majority of respondents (68%) do not have secondary
occupation. Among the 32% of people who do have secondary occupation, some
interesting changes are taking place in the kind of work they do. Fisheries remain a
major form of economic activity and fisheries-related activities (fishing, fish cage
and salted fish production) form the main secondary occupation. One of the reasons
as understood from FGDs and in depth interviews was that fishing (especially for
cage fish production) was used in some instances as a ‘safety net’ which means they
are like savings to be relied on during times of need (see Box 3). In this regard,
fisheries related activities account for 32% of the secondary jobs held by
respondents. In addition, there are boatmen and makers of boats totaling 9 persons
(17%).
A second important category of secondary jobs held by respondents was

tourism related (homestay, tree nursery) amounting to 17%. However, if this 17%
of workers were added to those working in fisheries-related category, then the
proportion involved in fisheries activities would increase to 53%. Yet, this total does
not capture several types of jobs that people held in the tourism sector (such as
handicraft making and tourist guiding). These jobs are captured nevertheless in
FGDs and in-depth interviews. Another category of work that could be included in
the tourism sector and simultaneously in the fisheries sector was that of boatmen,
namely when boats used for fishing doubled up as tourist boats when necessary.
Hence, at Abai, in-depth interviews showed that there were at least 3 young men
28
who were tourist guides 4 and a similar number who were part-time boatmen for
tourists (refer to Table 1).
Table 11 (b): Secondary Income of Respondents by Gender (Continued)
Total Income from Gender Total

secondary occupation Men Women (%)
(RM)/month`
<100 4 5 9
(2%) (3%) (5%)
>101-200 1 1 2
(0.5%) (0.5%) (1%)
>201-300 4 9 12
(2%) (5%) (7%)
>301-400 2 0 2
(1%) (1%)
>401-500 9 2 11
(5%) (1%) (6%)
>501-600 2 2 4
(1%) (1%) (2%)
>601-700 0 0 0
>701-800 5 1 6
(3%) (0.5%) (4%)
>801-900 0 0 0
>901-1000 1 1 2
(0.5%) (0.5%) (1%)
Do not have 57 62 119
Secondary Income (34%) (37%) (71%)
Total 84 83 167
(50%) (50%) (100%)
A clear pattern that emerges from Table 11 (b) is that 37% of women and 34% of
men had no secondary income. However, the Table shows that among those who
have secondary incomes, women are found in almost all income categories except
two, namely (RM 301-400 and RM 501-600). By contrast, men are well distributed
in all income categories, among whom 9.5% were earning RM 401 and above. As
well, only 3% of women had secondary income at the level of RM 401 and above.
Table 12 shows respondents income from a combination of earnings

(primary, secondary and additional). The Table shows that despite the multitude of
sources, a majority of respondents’ income (27%) did not exceed RM 700.
4
Interviews Abai 26 September 2014, FGDs 24 September
29
Table 12: Respondents’ Primary, Secondary and Additional Income by Village
Villages
Total Income Total
Abai Bongon Mumiang Sri Tundon Pitas
Range Ganda Bohangin (%)
(RM)/Month`
<200 9 3 4 6 8 1 31
(19%)
201-300 1 1 - 3 6 5 16
(11%)
301-400 3 1 3 2 1 2 12
(7%)
401-500 3 - 12 1 7 1 24
(14%)
501-600 1 4 3 - 1 - 9
(5%)
601-700 2 1 1 1 2 - 7
(4%)
701-800 1 - 1 1 - 1 4
(2%)
801-900 3 3 - 2 1 - 9
(5%)
901-1000 - - 4 - 1 1 6
(4%)
1001-1100 1 1 1 3 - 1 7
(4%)
1101-1200 - - - 1 - - 1
(1%)
>1201 4 - 2 - 3 2 11
(7%)
No Regular 4 5 9 2 8 1 29
Income (17%)
Total 32 19 40 22 38 16
167
(100%)
*N=167, Mean = RM 482.50 per Capita

Source: Survey Data, September to October 2014
Note: Additional income includes irregular contributions from family members and
windfalls (e.g Bantuan Rakyat Satu Malaysia - BR1M; unexpected harvests from rivers, sea
or land).
Table 12 further shows that when all sources of income were combined, there were
proportionately fewer individuals living below the poverty line of RM 240 per
person/month than when only earnings from primary occupations were taken into
account. Specifically, as per Table 12, the proportion of respondents earning less
than RM 200 was close to 20% compared to 14% of such individuals when only
primary occupations were measured (as seen in Table 10).
30
4.3 Livelihood of Men and Women in Six Villages
This section describes the livelihood activities undertaken by men and women in the
six villages. There is a great deal of variety across villages in terms of types of
livelihood activities and their combinations. In summary, local communities are
engaged in artisanal fishing, collecting of mollusks especially clams (lokan),
agriculture, mainly farming small scale paddy and vegetables for consumption, and
in new forms of activity, especially eco-tourism and, to a lesser extent, small
holdings of oil palm. Despite the variety of types and combinations of livelihoods,
fisheries remained a major occupation in all villages. A more detailed description of
fish prices and landings will be presented in the subsection of each village and
summary in Appendix 3, p. 153. Similarity exists in the way these livelihoods are
dependent on land, forests and rivers for their sustainability. Writing in this section
uses a combination of data sources, namely, from questionnaires, focused group
discussions, in-depth interviews and observation.
KAMPUNG ABAI
4.3.1 Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Abai
The main livelihood activities of local men and women of Abai are artisanal fishing,
agriculture, especially small scale paddy farming, as well as activities associated
with eco-tourism.
First in order of importance is fishing. Table 13 shows that that there were
10 men, and 2 women who were engaged in fishing activities. For fishers, fishing is
an inherited economic activity inscribed with specialized knowledge and skills
handed down by their ancestors. The main species caught by fishermen are 'ikan
patin' and river prawns. The total amount of fish caught per trip ranged from 1kg to
10kg depending on river and weather conditions each day.
The main equipment used by the fishermen to catch fish or prawns are rods,
traditional bubu, and bubu net (made from wire, plastic and nylon net). A majority
of the fishermen currently bought the bubu net from shops in Sandakan at RM5-
RM10 each, depending on the size. They currently use bubu net instead of the
31
traditional bubu. Traditional bubu nets were made from nipah leaves, bamboo and
rattan (see photo 9 and 10; p. 80). By contrast, the material for fishing rods has
remained unchanged. Villagers at Abai (and Mumiang) continue to use young
mangrove trees that have been shaved as rods (landuk), and these have not been
replaced or adapted by more sophisticated fishing rods, due to the latter being found
to be physically or ecologically unsuitable or uneconomic. A search of market prices
in December 2014 showed that the cheaper rods averaged between RM15 to RM30.
In addition, for full fishing rod accessories (including reel, string, hook and sinker)
the cost was about RM70 and above. Clearly, such costs are too expensive relative
to the purchasing power of local fishers.
Since an aspect of the research is to verify reasons for technological change,

data from in-depth interviews indicated that technological change with regard to
bubu was due to the time and labour saving effects as well as affordability of using
the new material. As seen in map 2; p. 36, the main fishing spots according to Abai's
fishermen were Sungai Balad Damit, Sungai Watar, Sungai Abai and Sungai Lak
lakan.
Second, in terms of subsistence agriculture, the main crops planted by

villagers around their houses included bananas, tapioca, vegetables, lemon grass,
and chilies (see photo 11; p. 81). These crops were commonly used by family
members. Nearly half of Abai's residents practiced this kind of subsistence
agriculture5. Commonly, women and their teenage children were the farmers for
this subsistence activity and they do so in order to minimize the family food costs.
An additional reason that propelled women to grow vegetables around their

homes was necessity, arising from prohibitions to enter forests that were previously
familiar territory to them to collect jungle products including shoots, ferns and other
products for subsistence.
Official conservation policy and practice in the Lower Kinabatangan area

have, as objectives, the maintenance of wildlife corridors as a “Corridor of Life” and
Wildlife Sanctuary to be managed by the Sabah Wildlife Department (WWF 2009);
as well as the conservation of wetlands under Ramsar administered by the Sabah
5
Interview with a resident of Abai on 1st November 2014
32
Forestry Department. Although Abai is located far from these areas, it does not
mean that families do not access them as and when subsistence needs require them
to do so. The use of forests for subsistence needs especially for food and medicine
are captured in Tables 46 (a), 46 (b), and 48. Hence, the action of planting
vegetables and other daily food necessities around their homes is an adaptation of
collecting and gathering to one of ‘capturing’ necessary materials for subsistence.
However, they also experience the positive effects that conservation has through
income generation projects such as forest restoration and eco-tourism projects.
Women interviewed did not know much about the two initiatives mentioned
(Corridor of Life and Wildlife Sanctuary). Neither could they discern the differences
between their objectives, but these women have experienced the impacts of
conservation, either directly through prohibitions or through word of mouth.6 Thus,
their growing of vegetables is a coping strategy arising out of the need to continue
having access to subsistence needs, despite restrictions.
Third, is the activity of the small scale paddy farmer. During the time of
fieldwork, there were only two farmers in Abai who were growing paddy. One of
them was planting paddy on the village reserve land, and the other was using land
that was under Native Title. Both farmers were planting paddy on the land size of 5-
10 acres. The main purpose for this paddy planting activity was household
consumption, and not for sale. Paddy was grown on an estimated 38 acres of land in
the early 1990s. The majority of Abai's residents who were growing paddy recently
are no longer growing them because they are not allowed to do so by the village
leaders, for reasons associated with environmental conservation.7 They were unclear
about which departmental jurisdiction they were adhering to, only that they were
advised by their village leaders not to grow paddy. There is fear that any kind of
land clearing or burning, no matter how small could cause problems to the villagers
because of the generally strict surveillance regime found in the area. Another reason
was the decreasing fertility of the soil.8
6
Focused group discussion, 3 women at Abai, 23 September 2014
7
Interview with Abai resident on 1st November 2014.
8
Interview with Abai resident on 25th September 2014
33
Table 13: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Abai
Gender
Primary Occupation of Total
Respondent (%)
Men Women
(38%) (38%)
Fisherman 10 2 12
(31%) (6%) (38%)
(3%) (3%)
(3%) (3%) (6%)
Security guard at Primary School 1 0 1
(3%) (3%)
Cleaner at Primary School 0 1 1
(3%) (3%)
Do not have Primary Occupation 1 2 3
(3%) (6%) (9%)
Total 14 18 32
(44%) (56%) (100%)
Table 14: Total Income from Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender –

Kampung Abai
Total Income from Primary Occupation (RM)/Month` Gender

Men Woman Total
(%)
<200 1 2 3
(3%) (6%) (9%)
>201-400 4 1 5
(13%) (3%) (16%)
>401-600 5 1 6
(16%) (3%) (19%)
>601-800 1 1 2
(3%) (3%) (6%)
>1201-1400 1 0 1
(3%) (3%)
>1401-1600 1 0 1
(3%) (3%)
Do not have Primary Income 1 13 14
(3%) (41%) (44%)
Total 14 18 32
(44%) (56%) (100%)
34
4.3.2 Income from Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Abai
Table 14 demonstrates that 2 women earned income in the category <RM200 per
month, while a majority of men (9) from this village earned >RM201 to >RM600
per month. Additionally, 2 men earned >RM1200 per month. This income
distribution meant that the men in the village were still important income earners for
their families, and in some cases, they were supported by their women family
members
There are 13 respondents who did not have primary income, out of whom 12
were housewives/homemakers who were not paid for their labour. Interestingly,
among the 2 women who did not have a primary occupation, 1 woman had a small
income from doing different jobs in the village, which includes handicraft and other
income generating jobs.
35
Map 2: Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung Abai
*Note: Lot 1-9 in the map is locally labeled by CAP and located in the lot 1 and 2 of Kinabatangan Wildlife Sanctuary area.
36
4.3.3 Secondary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Abai
Eco-tourism is a new form of activity at Abai. Translated into practice, it involves a

tourism that builds on nature (conservation) and culture (homestay experience).
Table 15 shows that 4 women were actively involved in forest regeneration

activities; specifically, tree planting and nursery activities. By contrast, only 1 man
was involved in this activity. The tree planting and nursery raising activity began in
the year 2005 when the staff from Koperasi Pelancongan Komuniti (Kopel) of
Kampung Batu Puteh in the Lower Kinabatangan, inspired Abai residents to become
involved in tree nursery. The main reason many women became involved in tree
nursery work was the convenience of having nursery plots set up near their homes
(see photo 12; p. 81). In September/October 2014, through this part time job
activity, women earned RM1.50 to RM2.00 per/bag of seedlings (bibit). The
seedlings were commonly sold to tourists for them to plant as part of an overall
packaged experience in bio-cultural diversity. Tourists paid RM5.00 per/bag of
seedling in 2014. The tourists normally stayed at the private company lodge across
the river from Abai or at the village homestay and were encouraged to participate in
the tree planting project as part of their touristic experience in forest restoration. The
locations for the tree planting is at Lot 1 and Lot 2 near Abai (see map 3; p. 41).
These lots are numbered by state conservation agencies for management purposes
under the Corridor of Life/Wildlife Sanctuary initiative. 7 The types of seedlings
selected for nursery purposes, mentioned by respondents using local names, were
pokok payung-payung, pokok sadung api, sengkuang, bayur, bongkol and
sengulapit. These tree nursery and planting activities were monitored by a people’s
organization formed at Abai known as the Community Abai Project (CAP) and by
KAPOK (see Box 2; p. 42 on CAP).
7
Lot 1 and Lot2 are management land parcels drawn up under the ‘Kinabatangan corridor of life’ project
initiated in the 1990s by WWF and continued in 2005 by other government agencies especially the Sabah
Wildlife Department to provide a continuous corridor for wildlife (WWF 2007). There are 10 lots altogether that
are being regenerated.
37
Through CAP, women of Abai were also active in homestay related jobs and
in making handicraft. Although Table 15 shows only 1 woman respondent as being
involved as homestay operator, and 2 respondents involved in handicraft making,
observation and interview data showed that many more women in the village were
involved in both activities, regarded by them as informal jobs8. For example, there
are 5 homestay operators available at Abai since 2001.
And yet, women referred to their involvement in homestay as ‘informal

work’, as mentioned. For this reason, it is worthwhile examining the features of
secondary jobs in more detail.
Table 15: Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Abai
Gender
Total
Secondary Occupation of
Men Women (%)
Respondent
1 4 5
Tree Nursery
(3%) (13%) (16%)
2 1 3
Homestay Operator
(6%) (3%) (9%)
0 2 2
Handicraft
(6%) (6%)
4 0 4
Boatman
(13%) (13%)
1 0 1
Fisherman
(3%) (3%)
2 0 2
Subsistence Farmer
(6%) (6%)
Occupation (13%) (34%) (47%)
14 18 32
Total
(44%) (56%) (100%)
Most of the homestays were registered under male household heads, but the main
operators were women. The jobs related to homestay activity undertaken by women
indicated in this research are cooking, cleaning, housekeeping etc. Since the work
8
Researcher’s observation in Abai village on 22-26th September 2014 indicated that these jobs were defined by
respondents as an informal activity.
38
of running homestays take up more concentrated time than the normal cooking and
cleaning that women do for their own families, it could mean the emergence of a
double burden where women would have to cook, clean and housekeep for their
families, as well as for visitors in their homes.
Table 15 also shows that there were 4 respondents who were involved as part
time boatmen. All were men; 1 respondent was a part time fisherman, and 2
respondents were doing subsistence farming as their part time jobs. In addition, 4
women were engaged as tree nursery participants under the CAP’s forest restoration
project. The employment pattern shows that in order to sustain their livelihoods in
Abai, many respondents undertook a variety of part time jobs, in addition to being
consistently engaged with their main occupations.
4.3.4 Total Income from Secondary Occupation by Gender in Kampung Abai
Table 16 shows that a majority of the respondents gained <RM100 per month from
their part time jobs. Interestingly, the 4 respondents who earn >RM400-500 per
month were those who worked in fishing and tourism-related activities, in this
instance, as a homestay operator. Homestay operators, whether registered under the
name of male household heads or not, are generally run by women, as mentioned.
39
Table 16: Total Income from Secondary Occupation of Respondent by Gender –
Kampung Abai
Gender
Total income from Secondary Total
Occupation (RM)/Month` Men Women (%)
<100 2 4 6
(6%) (13%) (19%)
1 0 1
101-200
(3%) (3%)
1 1 2
201-300
(3%) (3%) (6%)
1 0 1
301-400
(3%) (3%)
3 1 4
401-500
(9%) (3%) (13%)
0 0 0
501-600
0 0 0
601-700
1 1 2
701-800
(3%) (3%) (6%)
Occupation (16%) (34%) (50%)
14 18 32
Total
(44%) (56%) (100%)
Thus, this study confirms that the roles of men and women in Abai in terms of SLA
are slowly merging, especially in tourism related activities, but at this stage, these
livelihood activities remain complementary to one another because of the small size
of Abai and its relatively low population. The remoteness of the village situated in
the lower Kinabatangan River, coupled by the high cost of petrol to travel to
Sandakan and to villages further upriver, strengthen their motivation for mutual
understanding and cooperation among them.
40
Map 3: Lower Kinabatangan – Corridor of Life (CoL) and Wildlife Sanctuary
Source: Adapted from map of Lower Kinabatangan – Corridor of Life (CoL),Corridor Newsletter, 2009 Issue 1: p.5.
41
BOX 2: THE COMMUNITY ABAI PROJECT (CAP)
In-depth interview with CAP Committee member (name withheld).

Date and Location: 29 September 2014, Abai village
The Community of Abai Project is a local organization established in 2010 as an initiative

for the homestay program. The homestay program began in 2001 with 5 homestays. But
presently the homestay operators in Kampung Abai decreased in number to 4 homestays
because of circumstances. The establishment of CAP was a local community initiative,
formed to organize the homestay program. The CAP organization received assistance
from Kopel to gain community support. As an organization, CAP is female-dominated
with its committee members being mostly women (see photo 13; p. 82).
In the early stages, the World Wildlife Fund Malaysia (WWF) provided assistance for the
homestay program in terms of preparatory courses in homestay management and in
getting homestay certification. The preparation course was necessary to equip
participants with homestay management skills since they did not have basic experience in
operating homestays. An additional consideration for developing the homestay program
was the potential of offering tourists the value of the natural surroundings around Abai
which included forests and wild animals. An additional consideration was the opportunity
of offering them a taste of our culture (see photo14; p.82). In this sense, WWF was the
first to introduce to us the idea of linking the homestay program with forest restoration.
The CAP organization is composed of 12 committee members who are empowered to

decide on activities and programs. Any conflict or disagreement among its members will
be resolved through negotiation. Meetings of committee members are held once a week
and meetings with all members are held once a month. The CAP is a registered
organization under the Registrar of Societies, the Ministry of Home Affairs, Malaysia.
CAP has 7 units composed of: the cultural unit, handicraft, boat services, tourist guide,
homestay, restoration and nursery. Each unit has its own committee head. At least 80% of
the populations of Kg. Abai are registered community members.
Economic activities
There are numerous activities that has been organized under the CAP. The formation of
CAP was to generate income among its committee members, especially among women in
Kg. Abai (see photo 15;p.82). Inevitably, CAP generates income among its members
through many ways, one of which involves the foreign tourist activities. The total number
of tourists with the accumulated profit margins can be described as in the Table below.
42
Number of Tourists and Profit Margin in Kg. Abai
Year Number of Tourists Profit Margin (RM)
2012 169 15,000
2013 305 49,000
2014 400 129,000
Source: CAP committee member, 29 September 2014
This profit margin comes from various activities such as boat services, homestay, tourist
guide and forest restoration. Apart from these activities, CAP also charges a
“conservation fee” amounting to RM 25 per person per visit. This money is allocated for
the welfare of their members and their children. There are two reserve funds for CAP; (i)
10% fund from the profit margin and (ii) the conservation fee. The CAP commercialized
its activities and program through Facebook, website and email. The Facebook page also
attracts foreign agents and tourists from within the country and abroad. The Facebook
page is maintained by a local volunteer from Sandakan.
Social activities
The social activities are aimed at increasing the level of community cooperation,
improving social relations and enhancing understanding about the cooperative among
CAP members. These activities comprise numerous activities such as; Family day, Sport
and Culture day, breaking fast together during the Muslim fasting month of Ramadan and
Hari Raya (Eid) day program. An important aspect of community development is the
visiting/exposure programs to other community initiated projects.
KAMPUNG BONGON
4.3.5 Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Bongon
Bongon is located on both sides of the mouth of the Sungai Bongon Besar facing the sea.
Although the mouth of the river is rich with clams (lokan) so that lokan collecting is one
of the fishing activities of the area, the main source of livelihood lies with fishing in the
sea off the nearby coast, locally known as Laut Bongon (Bongon sea). However, income
from fishing is irregular, being seasonal and weather dependent. In order to stabilize
household economies, livelihood diversification has moved apace involving men and
women in salted fish production, small holder oil palm, and livestock raising (chickens
43
and cattle).
First, a total of 9 respondents were engaged in fishing as their main economic

activities in the village; among them 8 were male fishers, and 1 woman who were
involved in salted fish production.
Second, the survey findings confirmed that a majority of the women were
housewives/homemakers. Women intimated that their husbands discouraged them from
becoming fishers. Such fear was driven by concern for their wives’ safety, especially
unpredictable weather conditions at sea and strong winds during monsoonal conditions
from November to January.
In addition, a total of 2 respondents were working as security guards in the primary

school of the village, one of whom was a woman. The JKKK member was a man.
Table 17: Primary Occupation of Respondent by Gender – Kampung Bongon
Primary Occupation of Gender Total

Respondent (%)
Men Women
0 6 6
Housewife/homemaker
(32%) (32%)
8 1 9
Fishermen
(42%) (5%) (47%)
1 0 1
JKKK Members
(5%) (5%)
Security Guard at Primary 1 1 2
School (5%) (5%) (11%)
Occupation (5%) (5%)
10 9 19
Total
(53%) (47%) (100%)
44
Table 18: Total Income from Primary Occupation of Respondent by Gender – Kampung
Bongon
Total Income from Primary Gender Total

Occupation (RM)/Month` (%)
Men Women
0 0 0
<200
2 0 2
>201-400
(11%) (11%)
6 1 7
>401-600
(32%) (5%) (37%)
1 1 2
>601-800
(5%) (5%) (11%)
1 7 8
Do not have Primary Income
(5%) (37%) (42%)
10 9 19
Total
(53%) (47%) (100%)
Table 18 indicates that the most number of respondents (6 men and 1 woman) earned
RM401 to <RM600 per month from their primary occupations. Moreover, a total of 2
respondents were earning monthly incomes ranging from >RM601 to RM800. Lastly, the
finding also confirmed that 7 women did not have income generating jobs.
Table 19: Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Bongon
Secondary Occupation of Gender Total

Respondent (%)
Men Women
1 0 1
Boatman (5%) (5%)
2 0 2
Fishermen (11%) (11%)
0 1 1
Kuih Seller (5%) (5%)
Occupation (37%) (42%) (79%)
10 9 19
Total (53%) (47%) (100%)
45
From Table 19, it is clear that the local communities in Bongon not only engaged in
fishing activities as a main economic employment but also engaged in part time jobs such
as boatmen, fishermen, and kuih seller. In the job of boatman, one man was involved in
this activity as a part time job in his village. Moreover, the finding confirmed that most of
the respondents (15 out of 19) did not have any part time job represented almost equally
by men (7) and women (8) respectively.
Table 20: Total Income from Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender –
Kampung Bongon
Total Income from Secondary Gender

Occupation (RM)/Month` Total
(%)
Men Women
0 0 0
<100
0 0 0
<101-200
1 1 2
<200-300 (5%) (5%) (11%)
0 0 0
<300-400
1 0 1
>400-500 (5%) (5%)
0 0 0
>501-600
0 0 0
>601-700
1 0 1
>701-800 (5%) (5%)
7 8 15
Do not have Secondary Income (37%) (42%) (79%)
10 9 19
Total (53%) (47%) (100%)
Table 20 depicts the income levels of part time jobs in Bongon. From the survey, a man
and a woman was shown to earn a monthly income of RM201 to RM300. The findings
indicate that a majority of men and women do not have any part time jobs.
46
Overall, the survey provides a good insight revealing that a majority of the local
people in Bongon do not have part time jobs and only depended on their primary
employment. It could be said that the local people in Bongon could be satisfied with their
main jobs so that they did not feel the need to engage in other part time economic
activities. Alternatively, it could be the case that there were simply no alternative job
opportunities available for them in the village. Data from FGD, however, reveal a more
mixed employment pattern.
At FGD, respondents confirmed that they were highly reliant on resources from the
sea, although they also fish in the rivers and river mouth since fish schools tend to migrate
in relation to time and tide. As well, during the monsoon season between November and
January, fishermen try not to venture out to sea, maintaining safety by fishing along rivers.
Fishermen knew that their catch were far higher than those at Kg. Abai. By contrast, they
claimed, Sg. Bongon was a fast flowing river which helped in keeping their area relatively
clear of pollution from oil palm mills, allowing more fish to breed and survive. Their
experiences also show that mangrove areas are particularly rich with fish and crabs, and
they benefit from living close to mangrove forests (see map 4; p. 49) However, their
income from fishing is highly variable. After two days at sea and depending on the
weather and catch, their earnings could range anywhere between RM 1000 to below RM
500. Fish are sold at the Sandakan markets.
An activity that is not captured in the survey but became clear through observation
and/or FGD is the making of salted fish9, an activity in which women are active, and the
raising of livestock especially chicken and cattle, a joint activity among men and women
(see photos 16 and 17 ; p. 83).10 This diversification of income sources is insurance, a
form of safety net because livestock which are raised largely for family consumption
could be sold upon request; for example for special feasts such as weddings or at
festivities such as Hari Raya (Eid).
In FGD, men further expressed an interest in homestay as an additional source of

income. Reportedly, 20 applications for support or training have been made in recent times
9
Focused group discussion, 3 women, Kg. Bongon 25 September 2014
10
Focused group discussion, 4 men, Kg. Bongon 25 September 2014
47
by Bongon residents but they have not been successful in acquiring support. Men are
interested in the homestay because they fear that their village may not be spared the
effects of pollution from oil palm plantations for much longer since the crop, grown by
large estates, is expanding closer to their village. There is already a small holder patch
growing in their midst, growing oil palm on 60 acres of land.11 As well, their village is
located close to the natural habitat of proboscis monkeys, rich mangrove forests,
crocodiles, which together, form iconic ecological tourism attractions (see photos 18, 19
and 20; p. 84)
11
Focused group discussion, 4 men, Kg. Bongon 25 September 2014
48
Map 4: Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung Bongon
49
KAMPUNG MUMIANG
4.3.6 Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Mumiang
The primary livelihood activities involving men and women respondents of

Mumiang are fishing, being a housewife/homemaker, being a member of JKKK,
subsistence farming, small/retail trading, being head of religious congregation
(imam), and clam (lokan) collecting.
First, a total of 21 respondents regarded fishing activities as their primary

occupation in the village. In this regard, there were 13 men and 8 women
respondents who were engaged in fishing. For this village, the respondents
confirmed that fishing activity is a major economic activity in the village because of
insufficient physical space to engage in other livelihood activities such as
agriculture. The space problem is an effect of many factors, including a lack of good
soil for agriculture. As well, bordered on one side by the Kinabatangan river and on
the other by the Mumiang river and surrounded as they are by swamp, mangroves
and nipah which are now included within the protected area under LKSW Ramsar
(see map 5 ; p. 60), there is very little space left for agricultural activities
Second, the survey findings confirmed that a majority of the women

identified their primary occupation as housewives/home makers. Similar to Bongon
men, husbands at Mumiang did not want their wives to become fisherwomen due to
safety reasons, namely a fear of the sea and weather conditions. In terms of farming
activities, there were only 2 males who were farmers in the village, one, an ethnic
Chinese who was growing vegetables on a commercial basis. According to the head
of the village (the Ketua Kampung), very little farming activity takes place in the
village due to the poor soil conditions since the land is affected by salt water and is
sandy.
50
Table 21: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Mumiang
Primary Occupation of Gender Total

Respondent Men Women (%)
0 11 11
Housewife/homemaker
(28%) (27%)
13 8 21
Fishermen
(33%) (20%) (52%)
0 1 1
JKKK Members
(3%) (3%)
2 0 2
Subsistence Farmer
(5%) (5%)
0 2 2
Small Trader
(5%) (5%)
1 0 1
Imam
(3%) (3%)
0 1 1
Clam (lokan) Collector
(3%) (3%)
16 24 40
Total
(40%) (60%) (100%)
Third is trading activities in the village. Table 21 shows that 2 women were engaged
in business activities (as small retailer of basic needs). These women are noteworthy
and could become a role model for others in their village as well as in surrounding
villages in their attempt to bring some additional incomes to their families through
being involved in business activities.
51
Table 22: Total Income from Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender --
Kampung Mumiang
Gender
Total Income from Primary Total
Occupation Men Women (%)
(RM)/Month`
1 2 3
<200 (3%) (5%) (8%)
4 4 8
>201-400 (10%) (10%) (20%)
8 6 14
>401-600 (20%) (15%) (35%)
1 0 1
>601-800 (3%) (3%)
2 1 3
>801-1000 (5%) (3%) (8%)
0 11 11
Do not have Primary Income (28%) (28%)
16 24 40
Total (40%) (60%) (100%)
Table 22 indicates that 2 women were earning income in the category of less than
RM200 per month compared to only 1 man who does so. Moreover, a total of 8
respondents (4 men and 4 women) earned a total income of >RM201 to RM400
each. This distribution shows that a majority of men and women were earning less
than RM600. However, in the category RM600 and above, there is 1 female
respondent.
52
Table 23: Secondary Occupation of Respondent by Gender –Kampung Mumiang
Secondary Occupation of Gender

Respondent Total
Men Women (%)
0 1 1
Boatman (3%) (3%)
1 2 3
Fishermen (5%) (5%) (8%)
1 1 2
Boat Maker (3%) (3%) (5%)
1 1 2
Tailor/dressmaker (3%) (3%) (5%)
0 1 1
Fish Cage Operator (3%) (3%)
0 1 1
Salted Fish Operator (3%) (3%)
Security Guard at Primary 1 0 1

School (3%) (3%)

Occupation (30%) (43%) (73%)
16 24 40
Total (40%) (60%) (100%)
From the survey and as seen in Table 23, the local communities in Mumiang not
only engaged in fishing activities as a main economic employment but are also
engaged in side activities such as boatmen, fishermen, boat makers,
sewing/tailoring, fish cage operators, salted fish activities, and security guards. The
significance of women’s involvement in contributing to household income is better
captured in descriptions about secondary occupations. Identifying their main
occupation as being housewives/homemakers; nevertheless, their secondary jobs
show that they are not shy of being involved in income generating activities,
including in jobs generally regarded as male domains. In terms of gender, women’s
and men’s involvement in secondary economic activities are similar in that some
occupations generally considered to be men’s work could also be taken up by
women as well. Such economic activities generally considered to be significant to
53
men such as in being a boatman, being involved in fishing, and in being a fish cage
operator are now also taken up by women. In this regard, Table 23 shows that
women are working (part time) as boatmen, boat makers, fishers, and fish cage
operators. Moreover, the findings confirm that most (29) of the 40 respondents do
not have any secondary jobs , and that 17 out of the 29 who did not have secondary
jobs were women compared to 12 men who were similarly unemployed. For this
reason, the 2 women mentioned above broke the norm by declaring their work as a
small scale trader as their primary occupation. Hence, it is worthwhile exploring
their situation more thoroughly (see Box 4, p. 58).
Table 24: Total Income Secondary Occupation of Respondent by Gender –

Kampung Mumiang
Total Income from Secondary Gender

Occupation (RM)/Month` Total
Men Women (%)
0 0 0
<100
0 0 0
<101-200
2 5 7
<201-300 (5%) (13%) (18%)
0 0 0
>301-400
1 0 1
>401-500 (3%) (3%)
1 2 3
>501-600 (3%) (5%) (8%)

Income (30%) (43%) (74%)
16 24 40
Total (40%) (60%) (100%)
Table 24 depicts income earned by respondents from secondary occupation in the

community. The survey result indicates that only 29 out of 40 persons interviewed at
54
Mumiang had part time jobs. The table further showed that there were 2 men and 5
women who had monthly incomes less than RM300. The finding indicates that a
majority of both men and women do not have any part time jobs and, therefore, do
not receive side income.
Overall, the survey provides a good insight into the fact that a majority of
respondents in Mumiang do not have part time jobs. This scenario is closely linked
to the current environment of the village where poor soil conditions become an
obstacle to the residents from becoming involved in other economic activities,
especially agriculture.
The survey further confirms that a majority of men and women do not earn
above RM 600 in their primary jobs. Given that the majority of them do not have
secondary occupations, it means that despite both men and women working together,
and women venturing into male domains, a majority of their incomes remained
below the poverty line of RM710 per household. By extension, for households
living below the poverty line, any additional income (including women’s) although
remaining in the lower earnings category, provide crucial support to already low
family earnings.
Boxes 3 and 4 below are based on in-depth interviews 12 and serve two
purposes. Box 3 provides an understanding of the high risk involved in fishing at
Mumiang, where nonpoint pollution from oil palm plantations/mills and external
factors especially floods destroys assets (cage fish) and reduces access to good
fishing grounds. Box 4 provides an insight into women’s contribution to the
household economy through salted fish making and trading.
12
In depth interviews, two women salted fish makers and one man a full time fisherman, 29 September 2014,
Kg. Mumiang.
55
BOX 3: BEARING THE COSTS OF NONPOINT POLLUTION?
EXAMPLE FROM KAMPUNG MUMIANG
Interview with fisher, Mr. Sukati (not their real names)

Date: 28 September 2014.
Mr. Sukati (not his real name) lives at Mumiang and works as a fisherman using
trawl nets (pukat tunda). He operates his boat as far as 3 to 4 miles out to sea. All
of his fishery equipment including a 37 HP boat engine belongs to him. He
usually works with two other fishers (klasi) whom he pays RM70 per person for
each time they go out to sea. This allowance does not include food and drinks
during the duration of fishery activities at sea. The cost of oil consumption for
each of the fishery trip was estimated at RM100. Each trip averages 4 days at sea,
at the end of which he would sell the fish in the town of Sandakan. The average
income from these 4 days of fishing, providing the weather is good, is RM 1000.
Fishery activities are very dependent on the weather. During the monsoon season
(November to January), the activities are usually disrupted as the ocean is not
accessible and not safe for fishermen. Hence, during the monsoon season,
fishermen are less likely go to sea and, may choose instead, to do their fishing in
the surrounding rivers.
In terms of fish stock, Mr. Sukati claimed that the number of fish has been
declining for the past 10 years. He argued that the oil palm plantation activities
that heavily used fertilizer (baja) have poisoned the fish. Although the number of
fish has been shrinking over time, he cannot change his job as there is a lack of
job opportunities. He has tried to take on other occupations but there are
problems.
He attempted other jobs such as becoming a tourist guide, but there are too many
formalities, rules and regulations some of which he could not meet. For example,
the boat license that he was awarded for fishing cannot be used as a tourist boat.
He had to apply according to specific procedures if he was really keen to be a
boat operator cum tourist guide.
The types of fish that are usually sold in the market in local parlance are “ikan
merah, ikan kerapu and ikan gulama”.
An effort to use “ikan sangkar” as a safety net

Due to the shrinking fish stock, Mr. Sukati began to use “ikan sangkar” (cage
fish) as a safety net. It takes up to 3 to 6 months to raise and nurture these fish
through the “ikan sangkar” method. He sells the fish as and when necessary for
meeting family needs. In this instance he is helped by his wife who is a salted fish
producer.
56
Water pollution and its effect on the local fish stock
According to Mr. Sukati, the water pollution becomes worse from time to time
especially after heavy rain. The worst water pollution occurred in 2010 and 2011.
He believes that water pollution is the main contributing factor to the declining
fish stock including fish that has been nurtured using the method of “ikan
sangkar”. Although a report has been forwarded to the Department of
Environment (Jabatan Alam Sekitar) and to the JKKK, there has been no action
taken to curb the pollution. This would affect the livelihood of the people in Kg.
Mumiang as they are heavily dependent on the resources from rivers and the sea.
There has been no official reimbursement given as their fishery activities were
badly affected by the water pollution. The reducing fish stock as well as the high
risks involved from extraneous factors especially from nonpoint pollution, has
discouraged other fishers who used pukat tunda, such that the number of boats
has shrunk from between 12 to 15 boats to the present 2.
In the long term, he thinks that the future of fishermen is uncertain because their
livelihood as fishers will not improve in the future. Since the existence of oil palm
plantation, fishery activities have been disrupted, as well as their incomes. Hence
the only other choice to sustain their income is through eco-tourism or homestay.
Mr. Sukati also pointed out that the oil palm plantation has caused the Orang
Utan to move to the mangroves area. Therefore, it should be known that the
mangroves area is heavily populated by Orang Utan. This would also often cause
the Orang Utan to disturb the villagers that try to collect seashells in the area.
Access to natural resources and its impact on the community

According to Mr. Sukati, people in this village would use forest resources for daily
activities. However this access is not too frequent among them. Among the usage
for timber is to build supports for houses and for building village bridges and
jetties. Rattan from the forests is necessary for the repair of fishing equipment
such as “pukat rentang, selambau for catching crabs, and bubu for trapping fish”
(see photos 21 and 22; p. 85). Despite the variety of fishing equipment and its
methods, available fish stock still declines overtime.
With regard to the forest nearby, Mr. Sukati pointed out that the Forestry
Department did not totally prohibit access to the forests. Local residents have to
get permission from the Forestry Department if there is a certain need to access
the forest. This procedure came into effect especially after the site was declared a
forest reserve area and also as a Ramsar site. However, the Ramsar site is still
often visited by the villagers in order to get access to seashells especially lokan
(see photo 23; p.86).
Mr. Sukati pointed out that he would be keen to know more about Ramsar. He
understood that the Ramsar site was declared as a protection area by the Forestry
Department. He understood that anyone who entered the said areas will be fined
and prosecuted under the law. He said that anyone entering that area to find
57
timber or hunt animals would be reported to the Forestry Department. According
to him, the Ramsar site protection is important for conserving the environment,
natural resources and wildlife.
BOX 4: WOMEN SALTED FISH PRODUCERS, KAMPUNG MUMIANG,

SUPPLEMENTING FAMILY INCOME OR MORE?
Interviews with 2 women, Fatimah and Yati (not their real names)
Date: 29 September 2014.
Puan Fatimah decided to move to Mumiang from Sandakan after her husband
passed away. Her main income comes from selling groceries and salted fish. Her
startup capital was based on a loan funded by Amanah Ikhtiar Malaysia (AIM). At
first she started with selling the salted fish, however, due to lack of buyers, she
began to open up a grocery store. She began the salted fish business as requested by
her family and relatives from Sandakan. Until now she produces the salted fish
based on demand from her customers in Sandakan rather than embarking on large
scale production. However, there are now middlemen who come to buy from
producers in the village (to be described in the next section).
Puan Yati from Mumiang sets the price of her salted fish at RM5 per/kg. Her
current permanent customer is also her family in Sandakan. Puan Yati is also a
housewife/homemaker and initiates her salted fish business as her secondary
income. Since her husband is a fisherman, any fish that are left and could not be
sold will be made into salted fish. This salted fish business is to help her family
sustain their income.
Basic needs and access to natural resources

Similar to Puan Yati, Puan Fatimah gets her fish supply from a family member, her
son, who is a fisherman. The fish comes from the river and sea nearby since
Mumiang is located close to the confluence of Launt Mumiang (in local parlance the
Mumiang Sea) and the Mumiang river. The fish catch is dependent on the weather
and the tidal condition. Since fish stock has been shrinking over time, the number of
salted fish would also be affected. Among the types of fish that can be made into
salted fish are, in the local language, are “ikan gelama, ikan putih, and ikan
merah”. However these fish are available only seasonally. Between November to
January (the monsoon season), the only fish that are usually caught are ikan
gelama, regarded as a common fish by local taste standards.
The process of making the salted fish is quite easy. It usually takes three days to
process the salted fish if the weather is bright and sunny. The fish has to be dried
under the sun and should not be placed on the floor since it might become dirty. The
price of salted fish is also based on the types of fish. For ikan gelama, the price is
RM5 per/kg. Meanwhile, the price for ikan merah and ikan putih is higher, namely,
58
RM 10/- for two pieces that weigh less than one kilogram. The ikan merah and ikan
putih should be sold per piece rather than by kilograms. These fish are sold at a
higher price than ikan gelama because they need more salt. Most salted fish can be
sold even after half a month from its production except for ikan merah which has to
be sold more quickly, since it has a shorter shelf life, and hence, could only be
produced sparingly.
Apart from producing salted fish, both respondents also produce salted shrimps.
However, since shrimp stock has also been shrinking badly overtime, they had to
stop the production of salted shrimps.
All the salted fish would be sold to middlemen who come to Mumiang. For Puan
Fatimah, some of the salted fish would also be sold to small shops that belong to her
sons around Mumiang. Meanwhile salted fish produced by Puan Yati could be sold
to the oil palm plantation through her brother who worked there.
Access to the natural resources area and its impact on the community
Both respondents understand that Ramsar is a protected reserve area. Both of them
saw the signboard that prohibited them from entering the Ramsar area. News about
this notice has spread around the villages through those who went to the area to find
crabs. Both respondents have never entered the protected areas.
With regard to natural disasters, there were floods hitting their area on average
once every year. Meanwhile water pollution hits their area in 2010 and 2011.
According to them, all of the fish suddenly “matai” (which means they died). The
death also includes the demise of “ikan sangkar”. The water pollution, they think, is
caused by flood and heavy rain. Among the other factors that caused the water
pollution is the effect from disposal and chemical waste from the oil palm plantation
from the nearest river area.
Box 4 confirms that for some women (such as Puan Fatimah and Puan Yati), salted
fish production and trade may in fact be the nerve center of household income,
because the women not only produce and sell directly to middlemen and family
members but also use family networks to supply fish to customers, so that those
family members themselves become suppliers of salted fish that are produced by the
women. Nevertheless, despite their active role as the center of production and
distribution, and perhaps because of the small size of the business, they still view
salted fish as their secondary occupation.
59
Map 5: Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung Mumiang
60
KAMPUNG PITAS
4.3.7 Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Pitas
Pitas are located along the coastal area near Mumiang. There are two main routes to
reach this village; first, by boat through Bidadari River (see Map 6; p. 65). Second is
by boat through the sea in the area of Pantai Pukul (see photos 24 and 25, p.87).
Similar to the three villages mentioned earlier, the primary livelihood activities
involving the local men and women of Pitas are fishing, housewife’s/homemakers,
security guard, JKKK members and subsistence farmers (see Table 25).
As shown in Table 25, a total of 9 men and 1 woman or 62% of respondents

said that fishing was their main occupation. The main fish species caught by
fishermen were groupers (kerapu), red snapper (ikan merah), prawns, crabs and
clams (lokan). On a normal day, weather permitting, a fisher could gain a catch of
approximately 1 kg to 15 kg per trip. It is common for most fishers in Pitas to
routinely fish every day, stopping only when weather condition was unpleasant or
when they are unwell.
Table 25: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Pitas
Gender
Primary Occupation of
Total
Respondent
Men Women (%)
(13%) (13%)
Fisherman 9 1 10
(56%) (6%) (62%)
JKKK Member 1 0 1
(6%) (6%)
Security Guard at 1 0 1
Primary School (6%) (6%)
Total 11 5 16
(69%) (31%) (100%)
61
Table 26 demonstrates that a majority of the respondents (3 men and 1 woman or
25% of the respondents) gained total monthly incomes in the category of >RM200
to RM400 per month from fisheries. Of the 2 male respondents who earned income
in the category of >RM800 to RM1000, one was a fisherman, the other combined
his work as fisherman with that of being a security guard in a primary school.
Among the respondents who earned income in the category of >RM400 to RM1000
per month, 6 (39%) of them were fishers and male. The survey results further
confirm that 4 (25%) of the women respondents do not have income because they
are housewives/homemakers. One woman who was a fisher earned an income in the
category of >200 to 400 per month.
Table 26 : Total Monthly Income from Primary Occupation of Respondents

by Gender - Kampung Pitas
Gender
Total
Total Income from Primary Occupation
(%)
(RM)/Month` Men Women
2 2
<200 0
(13%) (13%)
3 1 4
>201-400
(19%) (6%) (25%)
2 2
>401-600 0
(13%) (13%)
2 2
>601-800 0
(13%) (13%)
2 2
>801-1000 0
(13%) (13%)
4
4
Do not have Primary Income 0 (25%)
(25%)
11 5 16
Total
(69%) (31%) (100%)
62
4.3.8 Secondary Occupation and Total Monthly Income by Gender –
Kampung Pitas
Table 27 shows that a large majority (75%) or, in terms of numbers, 8 male and 4
female respondents did not have any secondary occupation. Specifically, 1 man was
involved in the small scale cage fish industry; 2 were fishermen and 1 female
respondent worked as a contract teacher. Observation data indicate that the
remoteness of the village has restricted the villagers’ motivation for getting seriously
involved in secondary occupations because the financial outlay (for example in
establishing a fish cage or a grocery store) could be higher than the benefits or
returns.
Table 27: Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Pitas
Gender Total
Secondary (%)
Occupation of Men Women
Respondent
Fisherman 2 0 2
(13%) (13%)
(6%) (6%)
Teacher 0 1 1
(Contract) (6%) (6%)
Do not have 8 4 12
Secondary (50%) (25%) (75%)
Occupation
Total 11 5 16
(69%) (31%) (100%)
Table 28 below shows that in Pitas, among the 16 respondents, only 4 had secondary
incomes and there was only 1 male respondent receiving income in the category of
RM900 to RM1000. In a slightly lower category, namely that of between RM700 to
RM800, can be found 1 male respondent who is a fish cage operator, in addition to
being a full time fisherman. Lastly, there was 1 male respondent whose income was
in the >RM400 to RM500 category who is a JKKK committee member, but, at the
63
same time is also a fisherman. The woman respondent who earned between RM900
and RM1000 was a contract school teacher.
Table 28: Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation of Respondents by

Gender – Kampung Pitas
Total Income from Gender

Secondary Occupation Total
(RM)/Month` Men Women (%)
<100 0 0 0
>101-200 0 0 0
>201-300 0 0 0
>301-400 0 0 0
>401-500 1 0 1
(6%) (6%)
>501-600 0 0 0
>601-700 0 0 0
>701-800 1 0 1
(6%) (6%)
>801-900 0 0 0
>901-1000 1 1 2
(6%) (6%) (13%)
Income (50%) (25%) (75%)
Total 11 5 16
(69%) (31%) (100%)
Interestingly, despite the apparent lack of job opportunity in Pitas, observation data
show the visible presence of many young people (see photo 26, p.88). As explained
by the JKKK, most of the young follow in their parents’ footsteps of working in
fisheries. A few young people have left for the city, but they returned, after trying to
fit into the urban economies, but without success.
64
Map 6: Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung Pitas
65
KAMPUNG SRI GANDA
4.3.9 Primary Occupation by Gender – Kampung Sri Ganda
Sri Ganda is located inside the Ramsar area (interview with Sabah Forestry
Department Officer on 29 October 2014) (see Map 7; p. 72). As shown in Table 29,
a large majority (90%) of men were fishermen. However, what the Table does not
show (nor the subsequent Table 31) is that livelihood diversification has taken place
in the form of small holder oil palm, and homestay. Information about small holder
oil palm and homestay could only be obtained from FGD and observation and
therefore, supplement data resulting from the questionnaire survey.
The 180 ha of oil palm grown in this village is planted on land reserved for
Anak Negeri 13 wherein every participant of the project was allocated 5-8 acres of
land/per head of household. A majority of these early settlers were residents from
Tundon Bohangin who moved together as small scale farmers of oil palm.14
At the same time, however, about 30 ha of the lands were also planted with
fruit trees such as jack fruit, buah tarap, rambutan, langsat, coconuts, etc. Most of
these fruits are utilized by a majority of the villagers for self-consumption.
Unfortunately, during field work and observation of this study, most of the
respondents in this village did not agree to expose their total primary income from
oil palm cultivation for unknown reasons. Instead, a majority of them agreed to
declare their monthly incomes gained from fishing and other activities (see Tables
29 & 30).
Sri Ganda is located on the mainland of Sabah. For this reason, this village
can be reached by boat or by gravel road from Lahad Datu. The total population of
this village is 422.
13
Anak Negeri is a legal term for indigenous peoples of Sabah
14
Focus group discussion, Sri Ganda village 30 October 2014
66
Table 29 shows that 9 (41%) of the respondents were working as fishermen
where a majority were men (6 respondents), and 3 were women; housewives where
a majority (6 or 27%) were women; and 2 (9%) as small retailers where both were
women. In summary, similar to the other villages, the data show that women in Sri
Ganda were venturing into male dominated areas such as fishing, and in retail
business activity.
The main fish species caught by fishermen in this village are grouper, ikan
belanak, red snapper, clams (lokan), prawns and crabs (see photos 27 and 28, p.89)
The total catch by a fisherman is about 1 kg to 20 kg per trip (fish, prawns and
crabs). This total catch is conditional upon good weather and on river and sea
conditions, specifically, whether the sea is good or stormy and whether the tide is
high or low. The collection of clams was stated by respondents as time consuming
and less popular because the market price for clams is low. The total catch for clams
per day is about 5kg to 15 kg. Fish traders from outside the village buy clams from
fishermen in Sri Ganda for about RM3 to RM6 per kg compared to groupers and red
snappers which sell for about RM12 to RM15 per kg depending on fish size, weight
and age. The main fishing technologies used by the fishermen in Sri Ganda are
fishing rod, pukat rentang, landuk and selambau.
Commonly, more men than women are engaged in clam collection because
the spots for clam collection are in the isolated mangrove areas or rivers and these
areas are far away from the village, raising once again the security issue for women.
For example the popular spots for catching fish, prawns and crabs are in Sungai
Kretam, Sungai Gajah, Sungai Merah, Sungai Jepun, Sungai Bedukang Kecil and
Besar (see Map 7; p. 72). Except for Sungai Kretam Kecil, all other rivers are
geographically located a distance away from the village settlement area. The entire
river systems are situated within the Ramsar site.
67
Table 29: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Sri Ganda
Gender
Primary Occupation of Total
Respondent Men Women (%)
(27%) (27%)
Fisherman 6 3 9
(27%) (14%) (41%)
(9%) (9%)
Security Guard at Primary School 1 0 1
(5%) (5%)
(9%) (9%) (18%)
Total 9 13 22
(41%) (59%) (100%)
Table 30: Total Monthly Income of Respondents from Primary Occupation –

Kampung Sri Ganda
Gender
Total Income from Total
Primary Occupation (%)
(RM)/month` Men Women
<200 1 2 3
(5%) (9%) (14%)
>201-400 1 2 3
(5%) (9%) (14%)
>401-600 2 1 3
(9%) (5%) (14%)
>601-800 2 1 3
(9%) (5%) (14%)
>801-1000 2 0 2
(9%) (9%)
Income (5%) (32%) (36%)
Total 9 13 22
(41%) (59%) (100%)
68
Table 30 shows that 5 women and 4 men were earning income in the category of
RM0 to RM600 per month. This figure further indicates that a majority of men and
women were earning less than RM600 per month. Many of the respondents in this
category were housewives/homemakers and fishermen. Additionally, 2 male
respondents, and 1 female respondent had incomes ranging from RM601 to RM800
per month and who were also fishermen. This meant that fishing as the primary
occupation of men and women in this village could not increase their total monthly
income beyond the official poverty line which was RM720 per month.
4.3.10 Secondary Occupation and Total Monthly Income by Gender –

Kampung Sri Ganda
Table 31 demonstrates that there are 2 women and 1 man who have secondary
occupations as primary school canteen workers. Additionally, 1 woman is involved
as a kuih seller, 1 man as a homestay operator, and 1 man is involved in subsistence
farming. These figures show that a number of men and women in this village are
creating alternative jobs to generate additional income for themselves.
Observation data show that the homestay program was recently launched in
this village in September 2014. There are four families or homestay operators who
participated in this program. It is fortunate that the program was in operation,
because the UMS Ramsar research group was the second group of ‘tourists’ who
have stayed in this homestay. The first group of tourists arrived a little earlier in the
year and was also researchers from UMS, doing geological scientific research in this
village.
During our team’s visit in October 2014, the charge for the homestay was
RM50 per night/per person which included breakfast, lunch and dinner. A homestay
program has great potential for the villagers to be involved in. If the promotion of
the homestay program is done by the villagers or the other stakeholders
systematically, Sri Ganda village appear ready to receive more domestic and
international tourists in the near future because of the uniqueness of the volcanic
topography of the Ramsar site nearby this village
69
Table 31: Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Sri Ganda
Secondary Gender
Occupation of Total
Respondent (%)
Men Women
School Canteen 1 2 3
Worker (5%) (9%) (14%)
Homestay operator 1 0 1
(5%) (5%)
(5%) (5%)
Kuih Seller 0 1 1
(5%) (5%)
Do not have 6 10 16
Secondary (27%) (45%) (72%)
Occupation
Total 9 13 22
(41%) (59%) (100%)
The data from FGD revealed further that 4 women and 1 man were involved in
salted fish making in Sri Ganda. The volume and quality of salted fish production is
relatively small. It is about 10-20 kg per month/per person. The price of the salted
fish varies according to the quality and size of the fish. Currently, the belanak fish
when salted sells for about RM3 to RM6 per kg compared to ikan merah which is
sold for about RM8 to RM12 per kg. The main purpose for salted fish production in
this village is self or family consumption, but excess quantity is often sold. When
selling, there are fish traders from outside the village who collect the salted fish and
related products (such as salted shrimp). To ensure the salted fish production could
become of real benefit to the participants, specifically to women, serious effort must
be made by the Sabah Fisheries Department or Sabah Forestry Department to
expand this small scale salted fish making commercially. As well, the activity of
being middlemen could be developed from among the Sri Ganda community
members themselves as part of community development. This is another means of
ensuring local community support to conserve the Ramsar site as their fish resource
areas because their livelihoods depend on the ecosystem services from those areas
70
Table 32: Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation of Respondents by
Gender – Kampung Sri Ganda
Gender
Total Income from Total
Secondary Occupation (%)
(RM)/Month` Men Women
<100 0 0 0
>101-200 0 1 1
(5%) (5%)
>201-300 0 1 1
(5%) (5%)
>301-400 1 0 1
(5%) (5%)
>401-500 0 1 1
(5%) (5%)
>501-600 1 0 1
(5%) (5%)
Income (32%) (45%) (77%)
Total 9 13 22
(41%) (59%) (100%)
Based on respondents secondary occupational activity, the survey result as shown in

Table 32 confirmed that a majority of respondents were earning monthly incomes in
the category of >RM100 to RM600 per month. In addition, 1 woman and 1 man
respondent were earning >RM401 to RM500 per month and >RM501 to RM600 per
month respectively as workers in the school canteen. In fact, 7 men, and 10 women
or 75% of respondents did not have any side income. This could mean that
unemployment rates in Sri Ganda village is widespread because the majority of
respondents depend too much on fishing activities rather than being involved in
other alternative income activities such as petty trading. However, it is worthwhile
remembering that there are 180 acres of small holder oil palm grown by villagers at
Sri Ganda (see photo 30; p.90), and they were reluctant to reveal their incomes for
this activity, as mentioned earlier. Consequently, it is safe to conclude that declared
incomes at Sri Ganda are under-estimates and the proportion of people living in
poverty could be smaller than that indicated by the data.
71
Map 7: Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung Sri Ganda
72
KAMPUNG TUNDON BOHANGIN
4.3.11 Primary Occupation and Total Monthly Income by Gender – Kampung

Tundon Bohangin
Tundon Bohangin is located along Kulamba river. It can be reached by boat from Sri
Ganda in about 15 to 20 minutes or in about 2 to 3 hours from Sandakan town also
by boat. The total population of this village is about 217. There is a primary school
and 24-hours electricity supply through solar panel systems. For this reason, Tundon
Bohangin as a traditional village seem more developed or advanced compared to Sri
Ganda (see photos 31 and 32; p.91). Clean water supply, however, is still crucial
where a majority of the residents use rain water for drinking and cooking purposes.
Table 33 demonstrates that 22 (57%) of the respondents in Tundon Bohangin

reported their primary occupation was fishers, among whom were 19 men and 3
women. Similar to Sri Ganda , the main types of fish caught in Tundon Bohangin are
grouper, ikan belanak, ikan merah, as well as lokan (clams), prawns and crabs. The
average daily catch by many fishermen ranged from 1 kg to 20 kg a day (fish,
prawns and crabs). The catch also depends on weather and water conditions. The
main fishing spots are similar to those for Sri Ganda as in Sungai Kretam, Sungai
Gajah, Sungai Merah, Sungai Jepun, Sungai Bedukang Kecil and Besar where these
entire rivers are situated in the Ramsar site (see Map 8; p. 78).
73
Table 33: Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Tundon
Bohangin
Gender
Primary Occupation Total
of Respondent (%)
Men Women
(11%) (11%)
Fisherman 19 3 22
(50%) (7%) (57%)
(3%) (3%) (5%)
Chef (Cook) 1 0 1
(3%) (3%)
(7%) (16%) (24%)
Total 24 14 38
(63%) (37%) (100%)
Other than fishing activities, Table 33 shows that the primary occupation held by
respondents in the village were small retailers composed of 2 persons, namely 1
woman and 1 man; 1 man who was a chef to a private shipping company in
Sandakan's port but he remained staying in the village with his family. In addition, 4
women respondents were housewives/homemakers, the remaining 9, comprising 2
men and 7 women, were still studying and did not have jobs. Due to the few job
opportunities available in this village, many Tundon Bohangin youths, regardless of
whether they are men or women have migrated to Sandakan town and to Sri Ganda
to seek a better future.
74
Table 34: Total Monthly Income of Respondents from Primary Occupation by Gender-
Kampung Tundon Bohangin
Total Income from Gender

Primary Occupation Total
(RM)/Month` (%)
Men Women
2 1 3
<200
(5%) (3%) (7%)
11 1 12
>201-400
(30%) (3%) (32%)
5 2 7
>401-600
(13%) (5%) (18%)
2 2
>601-800 0
(5%) (5%)
>801-1000 0 0 0
1 1
>1001-1200 0
(3%) (3%)
1 1
>1200 0
(3%) (3%)
Income (3%) (30%) (32%)
23 15 38
Total
(61%) (39%) (100%)
Table 34 shows that a majority of respondents (32%) in Tundon Bohangin had

income in the category of >RM200 to 400 per month, and had fishing as their
primary occupation. Specifically, there were 11 men and 1 woman in this category.
Another monthly income category, that of >RM400 to RM800 per month – had 7
men in it who were also in fishing activities. In addition, 1 male respondent who was
earning >RM1001 to RM1200 per month was a chef, and 1 man who
earned >RM1200 per month was a small retailer. Lastly, 11 women and 1 man did
not have primary incomes, among the women 4 were housewives.
75
4.3.12 Type of Secondary Occupation and Total Monthly Income by Gender –
Kampung Tundon Bohangin
Table 35 shows that the majority of men in Tundon Bohangin who had secondary
occupation were working as fishermen 2, subsistence farmer 1, boat maker 1, and
salted fish maker 5. There were 1 men and 1 woman who were part time fish cage
operators. Moreover, 1 woman was a school canteen worker. An important point to
note is that 14 men and 13 women who constituted 70% of the respondents in this
village declared they did not have secondary work. Once again this trend shows that
the unemployment rates in Tundon Bohangin is high as is the case for many other
villages along the lower Kinabatangan river.
Table 35: Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender – Kampung Tundon

Bohangin
Secondary Occupation Gender Total

of Respondent (%)
Men Women
School Canteen 0 1 1
Worker (3%) (3%)
Fisherman 2 0 2
(5%) (5%)
(3%) (3%)
Boat Maker 1 0 1
(3%) (3%)
Salted Fish Operator 5 0 5
(3%) (13%)
(3%) (3%)
Secondary Occupation (37%) (34%) (70%)
Total 24 14 38
(63%) (37%) (100%)
76
Table 36: Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation of Respondents
by Gender – Kampung Tundon Bohangin
Total Income from Gender Total

secondary (%)
occupation
(RM)/month` Men Women
<100 2 1 3
(5%) (3%) (9%)
>101-200 0 0 0
>201-300 0 1 1
(3%) (3%)
>301-400 0 0 0
>401-500 2 0 2
(5%) (5%)
>501-600 0 0 0
>601-700 0 0 0
>701-800 2 0 2
(5%) (5%)
Secondary Income (47%) (32%) (78%)
Total 24 14 38
(63%) (37%) (100%)
The survey results as shown in Table 36 indicate that there are 2 men (salted fish
makers) and 1 woman (school canteen helper) constituting 9% of total respondents
who were earning income from their secondary occupation in the category of
<RM100 per month. Further, 1 woman who earned an income in the
category >RM201-RM300 per month was doing multiple secondary jobs (such as
selling kuih and fishing). In addition, there were 2 male respondents (fishermen)
who were earning income in the category of >RM401-RM500 per month as well as
another 2 male boat makers who were earning side incomes from between >RM701
to RM800 per month. Finally and importantly, 18 men and 12 women who
constituted 30 (78%) of the total number of respondents did not have any secondary
income due to the lack of alternative employment opportunities in this village.
77
Map 8: Livelihood Areas in Relation
to the Lower Kinabatangan - Segama
Wetlands, Ramsar Site at Kampung
Tundon Bohangin
78
Photo 8: Photos of abandoned houses
Interviews with the available young people show that outmigration occurs
because of very few job opportunities. In most villages that the study was
conducted, there would inevitably be the existence of abandoned houses.
79
Photo 9:
Traditional and
adapted bubu at
Abai, 2014
The main
equipment used by
Abai fishermen are
rods, traditional
bubu, and bubu
net. The traditional
bubu nets are
made from nipah
leaves, bamboo
and rattan.
Photo 10:
Making of
traditional
bubu
Photo 13: Nursery plots at Abai, 2014
Technological change with regard to bubu was due to the time and labour
saving effects as well as affordability of using the new material.
Traditionally, the completion of one bubu is measured in days.
80
Photo 11:
Subsistence
agriculture
at Abai, 2014
Commonly,
women and their
teenage children
are the farmers,
in order to
minimize the
family food
Photo 12: Nursery plots at Abai, 2014
The main reason many women became involved in tree nursery work was the
convenience of having nursery plots set up near their homes.
81
Photo 13:
The Head of
Communication
and Promotion
of CAP
welcoming the
UMS research
group to Abai
From left:
Photo 14: The homestay operators (CAP members) playing the
kulintangan (traditional music instrument)
Photo 15: Handicraft for sale at Abai, 2014
The establishment of CAP was a local community initiative, formed to

organize the homestay program. It is aimed at generating income among its
committee members, especially among women in Kg. Abai.
82
Photo 16: Livestock
at Bongon
The raising of livestock

especially chicken and
cattle, is a joint activity
among men and women
in Bongon
Photo 17:
Location
where
villagers dry
salted fish
The diversification of income sources in Bongon, is an insurance against a

rainy day, a form of safety net.
83
Photo 18:
River view at
Bongon,
2014
Photo 19:
Mangrove forest
at Bongon,
2014
Photo 20:
Settlement at
Bongon, 2014
(potential place
for homestay
program)
The village is located close to the natural habitat of wildlife and mangrove
forests, which form iconic ecological tourist attractions.
84
Photo 21: Pukat rentang at Mumiang, 2014
Photo 22: Selambau used for catching crabs at Mumiang, 2014
Despite the variety of fishing equipment and its methods, available fish
stock in Mumiang still declines overtime
85
Photo 23: Prohibition sign in the Trusan Kinabatangan Forest
Reserve in LKSW, Ramsar site near Bongon and Mumiang
Villages, 2014
86
From top:
\ Photo 24: View of main route to Pitas (Sungai Bidadari), 2014
Photo 25: View of second route to Pitas – via beach called Pantai Pukul,
2014
87
Photo 26:
Young people
in Pitas, 2014
Despite the apparent lack of job opportunity in Pitas, observation data show
the visible presence of many young people. A few young people have left for
the city, but they returned, after trying to fit into the urban economies, but
without success.
88
From left:
Photo 27: Ikan Belanak at Sri Ganda, 2014
Photo 28: Grouper and red snapper at Sri Ganda, 2014
The total catch of the fishermen is conditional upon good weather and on
river and
Photo 25:sea conditions
Fishing equipment at Sri Ganda: Landuk for fishing rods
Photo 29:
Fishing
equipment at
Sri Ganda.
Landuk for
fishing rods
made from the
young trees of
mangroves
89
Photo 30 from top clockwise:
Fisherman at Sri Ganda, 2014
Small holder oil palm near the settlement area at Sri Ganda, 2014.
90
From top:
Photo 31: Solar panel station at Tundon Bohangin, 2014.
Photo 32: Electricity supply at Tundon Bohangin, 2014
Tundon Bohangin as a traditional village seems more developed or

advanced compared to other villages. However, water scarcity is still an
issue.
91
SECTION THREE
CONSERVATION, CULTURE, AND
CONCLUSION
5.0 CONSERVATION, VILLAGE DYNAMICS AND NATURAL
RESOURCE USE
Several sections in Section Two have presented evidence for the different types of
livelihoods and the geographical space (location) upon which they take place. In
this section, conservation is viewed as an independent factor that stimulates social
change. As a stimulus, conservation is viewed as having not only ecological but also
social effects. Conservation does not happen in a vacuum. Decisions are made about
which land use is given priority, which economic activities are acceptable and which
not. Brown (2003) maintains that conservation is political.
In line with Objective 2 of the study, this section presents data on the level of
understanding of conservation initiatives among individual villagers, and their
involvement in conservation or lack of it. It further presents data on the use of
natural resources at the individual and community levels.
Analysing levels of respondent understanding and their involvement or lack

of involvement in conservation (especially Ramsar), is made more concrete by
taking into consideration the background context of the communities within which
these individuals live. Consequently, a description of village dynamics, in terms of
local leadership as well as level of exposure to new ideas and livelihood initiatives,
is essential for exploring differences in levels of knowledge and involvement in
conservation among individuals and villages
Data collected on the use of natural resources provide a comprehensive

picture of how natural resources are used for livelihood as well as for health and
well-being. Specifically, data on the use of rivers and forests confirm that natural
resources are used more widely than for livelihoods alone. Availability of natural
resources enable the maintenance of health and well-being through the age old
knowledge of using flora and fauna to help cure illnesses and maintain bodily and
inner strength.
93
5.1 Conservation and Community
Conservation is political because decisions about priorities, solutions and

management strategies implemented are guided by views of what a conservation
problem is. For example, if the pressure on natural resources is viewed as primarily
caused by poverty (poor people having no choice but to exploit their environment);
then the solution could be the creation of a buffer zone, where community
development is concerned with promoting alternatives outside the protected area.
By contrast, if poverty is viewed as a lack of alternative opportunities, then the
solution could lie in the promotion of conservation as well as development measures
within the areas being managed. In this instance, conservation and development
could lead to the adoption of strategies promoting greater community involvement
in park management; or the introduction of revenue and income generation projects
through tourism and wildlife utilization (Brown 2003).
The Ramsar site designation based on the existing Forest Reserves that are
under the jurisdiction of the SFD (see map 1), coincided with the Department’s
interest in getting international recognition for the shift in orientation from timber
extraction towards conservation (Hasegawa 2013). It also coincides with the
emphasis made in the Sabah Development Corridor in making a large part of eastern
Sabah a conservation zone (Hasegawa 2013). In Sabah, similar to trends taking
place around the world since the 1990s, conservation is no longer of the command
and control or ‘fortress conservation’ variety. Ecotourism, with its emphasis on
income generation for local communities, is an aspect of inclusiveness in what is
termed as ‘new conservation’. ‘New conservation’ tends not to keep people out of
protected areas, but views conservation and development as linked (Brown 2003 p.7
citing Adams and McShane 1992; Gomez Pompa and Kaus 1992 and Zimmerer
1994). In Sabah, income generation through ecotourism could take place within a
forest reserve, as is happening in the Pin Supu forest reserve at Batu Puteh, and in
other instances, in areas in the vicinity of a protected area such as Kinabalu Park, as
is happening in the community-managed forest at Kiau Nuluh (Majid Cooke and
Rosazman 2014). At Kiau Nuluh, local communities manage their own community
conserved area (hutan simpan komuniti) by not resorting to agriculture but by
94
preserving their forests for ecotourism and translated into action by leaving the trees
standing. At another site, the Crocker Range Park (CRP), there is an ongoing
attempt to recognize and implement an area for community use known as the
Community Use Zone, within the CRP (Majid Cooke and Vaz 2011).
The more conciliatory approach in ‘new conservation’ is developed out of the

experience that ‘fortress conservation’ has generally failed to achieve environmental
outcomes while incurring high costs to local people because of reduced or loss of
access to their means of livelihood. ‘New conservation’ acknowledges that
conservation does have an effect on human livelihoods, and that effect cannot be
ignored as in the past when biodiversity alone was taken as the prime objective of
management (Brown 2003). Implementation of the LKSW Ramsar site management
plan, therefore, could choose from a rich array of alternatives.
5.2 Respondents’ Awareness of Ramsar
Tables 37, 38 and 39 show the level of awareness, sources of information about
Ramsar and respondents’ views about the benefits or lack of them from Ramsar
being established in their midst. Table 37 confirms that, with the exception of Abai,
the proportion of people who know about or at least have heard about Ramsar is
low. Specifically, only 47 respondents (28%) have some knowledge about Ramsar,
63 (38%) are not sure and a high 57 (34%) do not know. Based on information from
respondents, the category ‘not sure’ in Table 37 refers to those who said they have
heard but understood very little about Ramsar.
95
Table 37: Respondents’ Awareness of Ramsar by Village
Know About Villages

Ramsar Abai Bongon Mumiang Pitas Sri Tundon Total
Ganda Bohangin (%)
Yes 19 5 5 4 9 5 47
(28%)
No - 14 - 10 5 28 57
(34%)
Not Sure 13 - 35 2 8 5 63
(38%)
Total 32 19 40 16 22 38 167
(100%)
*N = 167 Source:Survey Data, September to October 2014
Table 38: Source of Information about Ramsar
Source of Villages
Information Abai Bongon Mumiang Pitas Sri Tundon Total
Ganda Bohangin (%)
Forestry 5 3 5 5 12 6 36
Department (33%)
Friends 3 1 - - - 1 5
(4%)
Relatives 6 1 - - 1 3 11
(10%)
Others 18 - 35 1 4 - 58
(53%)
Total 32 5 40 6 17 10 110
(100%)
*Source:Survey Data, September to October 2014
In terms of sources of information, Table 38 shows that most respondents (53%)

stated that they had received information or heard about Ramsar from ‘other’
sources. Data from FGDs confirmed that a lot of people realised its existence only
through direct or indirect experience (through hearsay) or from prohibitions.15 Such
experience of prohibition includes not being allowed to enter protected areas, or not
being able to collect products for individual or village needs. The second largest
single contributor to the awareness about Ramsar (33%) was the SFD. In
comparison, the number of respondents who knew about the site from relatives and
15
Focused group discussions at Mumiang village with women, 30 September 2014
96
friends were relatively small at 10% and 4% respectively. (This could potentially
indicate that Ramsar is not widely discussed or that information is not equally
disseminated in the other villages at the village level other than at Abai).
As a result of lack of access to information, a majority of respondents do not

know about how Ramsar could benefit the community and only 22% thought it as
being beneficial (see Table 39). Close to 40% of respondents who think that Ramsar
is beneficial to the community are from Abai. Abai’s exposure to information about
Ramsar could explain the relatively high level of knowledge about LKSW Ramsar
site, and the relatively high level of respondents from Abai who think that Ramsar
could be beneficial to the community. The two phenomena (knowledge about
Ramsar and support for it) appear to go together at Abai.
Table 39: Whether Ramsar is Beneficial to Community
Villages
Benefit to community Abai Bongon Mumiang Pitas Sri Tundon Total
Ganda Bohangin (%)
Beneficial 14 1 3 2 12 5 37
(22%)
Not Beneficial - 1 3 2 2 2 10
(6%)
Not Sure 4 4 - 2 5 4 19
(11%)
Don’t know 14 13 34 10 3 27 101
(61%)
Total 32 19 40 16 22 38 167
(100%)
*N = 167 Source: Data Survey, September to October 2014
It is important therefore, for SFD to find support from among the 61% who did not
know and the 11% who were not sure of the benefits of Ramsar to the community,
through more proactive information dissemination. Interestingly, despite the lack of
97
information, only 6% were of the view that Ramsar would not be of benefit.
5.3 Gender Relations
According to Kathleen Staudt (2007) the language of gender leads to an examination

of political institutions and social structures that ‘construct’ male and female
differently in different nations, regions and historical eras. While the term gender is
contested and does not translate well into all languages, it facilitates perceptions
about women based on biology (her biology restricting her – being weak, being
prone to monthly mood swings, being impure during menstruation, etc.). In sum,
the term gender draws attention away from biology as the essential determinant of
behavior. Staudt (2007) articulates that while wealth, position and authority
concentrates power among the few, virtually all men exercised formal power and
authority in ‘their’ households.16 However, the assumption about male dominance
cannot be generalized to all countries, cultures, ethnicity, religion and societies,
because there are many forms of patriarchy (Kandioty 1988), which is not necessary
for us to elaborate on for the purpose of this report.
Our findings as elaborated in Section Two of the report show that there is a
different pattern in each of these villages particularly on how it deals with the issues
of gender in work situations, social network, and community activities.
Detailed analysis of occupation and incomes in Section Two have shown that
there are overlaps in the roles of men and women and in their income patterns but
there are differences as well by gender. However, role change is more pronounced
in some villages than in others. The capacity for both men and women to incorporate
change is influenced by exposure to alternative gender roles and opportunities for
social networking. As well, when societies change, some aspects of everyday life
change faster than others or remain more or less unchanged.
16
In the academic literature gender relations that are based on the perceived superiority of men over women,
partly propelled by notions of biological difference, as well as social, is known as patriarchy (Kandioty 1988)
98
The most dramatic change that could be detected is the role of women at
Abai, followed by Mumiang, but less so in other villages. Women’s participation at
Abai as breadwinners and forerunners in community activities and the village
economy appear to be well entrenched. However, it should be highlighted that this is
not to assume that men were excluded from these activities. A review of Table 40
below shows that the committee membership of CAP is well distributed among men
as well as women, with men holding important portfolios, especially as head of
CAP`s forest conservation program. This portfolio is an important source of income
for the community. It involves having a good knowledge of forest plants and species
needed for reforestation work, good stamina to venture into forests to collect plant
species, and more importantly, the capacity to organize nursery maintenance and
planting of saplings in an accountable way in order to reduce internal community
conflict.
Table 40: Structure of the Community of Abai Project (CAP)
Position and roles Name
Chair of CAP and Head of Jainah binti Amid

Homestay Program
Head of the Cultural Unit Muil Bin Abun
Head of the Tourist Guide Kasland Udau
Head of Handicraft Intan binti Amid
Head of Security Unit Nordin Jamal
Communication and Promotion Siti Fatimah Abdul Hakim
Head of F&B Unit Nimah Binti Loti
Head of Transportation Azwan Nokman
Head of Logistic Ghafar Darmanshah
Head of Forestry Conservation Azman Bin Etin
Source: JKKK Kg. Abai, 2014
99
Moreover, based on FGDs in Abai, cooperation and consensus between husband and
wife is common in delegating the management of household chores. The ‘homestay’
program, for instance, requires cooperation among all family members especially
between husbands and wives. This cooperation is important in order to facilitate and
manage their houses to be more ‘tourist-friendly’. This cooperation can only be
sustained when both husband and wife communicate and cooperate in the
maintenance of the house in order to ensure customer satisfaction, particularly with
regard to the cleanliness of the house, food and the presentation of a generally
welcoming attitude to visitors.
Women’s enhanced participation in economic and social life was influenced

by CAP. The conservation activities (forest regeneration) also seem to be women-
dominated, especially among the housewives in Abai. Some of the women we
interviewed who were in their 50s, and a few in their 80s, continue to be
economically active by being engaged in income generating activities such as
handicraft, fishery and the sale of groceries.
The assistance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Abai (see

BOX 5 and Table 41 below) contributes towards the facilitation of strategies among
villagers to diversify their sources of income, but in a larger sense, provide villagers
with exposure to viable alternatives in social and economic development. The main
objective of the exposure is to promote villagers to plan for themselves and to
develop community capacity to implement those plans. The plans are largely
concerned about what kind of development the community want and need, where,
when and about setting their own limits to that development.17
These NGOs activities are mostly held in Abai, and have not yet reached
other villages. Consequently, in almost all villages, fishery remains the main source
of household incomes. In the case of Bongon and Sri Ganda, women who
traditionally maintained their roles as housewives, also engaged with men’s
activities particularly in fishery. In general, although women at Bongon, Mumiang
17
Interview Mr. Rosli Jukrana, Kopel Berhad, Batu Puteh 30 November 2014.
100
and Sri Ganda remained passive in community activities and in paid work, some of
them accompanied their husbands in fishery activities.
Data compiled from FGDs confirm that women are the prime movers in the
dry (salted) fish trade (see BOX 4 for Mumiang women). In addition, at Bongon,
women sold salted fish, usually within the village or to wholesalers/ middlemen at
Pasar Besar Sandakan (the central market at Sandakan).
So, what might be the social reality that could work against the greater
participation of women in economic activities and civic engagement?.
Education could be a factor but not a key determinant. As data in Section

Two show (Table 8), a large majority (83%) of respondents had received only
primary education or less. Moreover, the low level of formal education affects both
men and women almost equally. Acquiring formal education takes time and may not
be necessarily relevant to the promotion of inclusive development at a place like
Abai. Education is important if it paves the way for Abai youth and adults to plan
for the kind of development that suits their future needs. Such an education could be
acquired through exposure to alterative ideas and possibilities as a process towards a
larger objective of maintaining social and economic sustainability, and a more
inclusive development.
In this, Batu Puteh has shown the way, where twenty years ago, a group of
youths who found themselves without anchor and without jobs when logging ended
in their area, turned themselves around into what they are today, with a lot of NGO
help (Majid Cooke and Vaz 2011). Batu Puteh has made strides despite problems
that linger in terms of perceived inequality as to who get to participate more or less
in Kopel’s activities. Moreover, in terms of gender, gaps remain. Specifically, the
division of labour shows that women are largely doing work ‘behind the scenes18’
including in office management, in the catering and food sections of tourism work,
while the men lead in the more adventurous activities such as forest regeneration,
18
Observation, Batu Puteh, 29-30 November, 2014
101
boat maintenance and jungle trekking. However, lessons could be learnt from where
Batu Puteh started, to where it is today.
An interesting example of a persistent social norm that has been mentioned

in Section Two earlier sections is the way in which women’s contribution to
household income is regarded by them as ‘informal’ or secondary. As well, at Abai
some women homestay operators registered their homestays under their husbands’
names, even when the women themselves were the ones who were responsible for
the operational day-to-day running of their homestays.
Why women have found it useful to make light their contribution is a

question that requires a more in-depth study than afforded by the present one.
Women’s hesitancy could be linked to the possibility that they are illiterate as Table
8 in Section Two shows or they do not want to undermine their husband’s position
as head of households, or both. In this regard, Kandioty’s (1988) reference to
“patriarchal bargains” could be relevant. According to Kandioty (1988: pg. 286),
“patriarchal bargains” refer to “the existence of set rules and scripts regulating
gender relations, to which both genders accommodate and acquiesce, yet which may
nevertheless be contested, redefined and renegotiated”. A more in-depth study is
needed as to the applicability of this concept to the Ramsar villages.
5.4 Leadership in Community Activities: Consensus and Conflict
Every government and community leader needs legitimacy as a symbol of public

acceptance of their rights to rule and govern the state. Muthiah Alagappa (1995)
states that there are four key elements in determining political legitimacy. They are
shared norms and values, conformity with the established rules, proper use of power,
and consent of the governed. At the provincial and village level, inclusion is
important to ensure representativeness especially among local groups who are not
well represented in the political structure. As such, the village leadership plays a
vital role in ensuring inclusiveness among community members. They become the
medium of voice, leaders at the micro-state level, and often could influence socio-
economic relations in the society. While all of these villages have their own JKKKs,
102
each of them shows a different level of leadership capacity. As well, there may be
new forms of leadership, in addition to the established JKKK. Table 41 shows the
formal leadership structure in Abai as represented by the JKKK.
Informal leadership could be of the type that brings legitimacy from other
sources than the state, e.g. NGO or business. At Abai, a new source of legitimacy
could be forming, and that is the capacity to link with the outside world, via NGO
networks and through them, other networks such as international governmental
organizations (in the Abai case, UNDP). However, this new source of power is still
uncertain as it faces challenges from within the community itself. For example, the
formal leadership structure – the JKKK – at Abai faces the challenge of being
responsible for village welfare with only one woman included in a committee made
up of six villagers starting with the Village Head.
Table 41: Organizational Chart of the Development Welfare and Safety (JKKK)
Committee of Abai Village
Position Name
Member of Parliament YB Datuk Bung Mokhtar Radin
ADUN N.48 Sukau YB. Encik Saddi Abdul Rahman
Village Head, Kampung Abai KK Jamal Bin Ingau
Development, Welfare and Safety Committee Tahir Mastar

(JKKK) , Chair
Deputy Chair Abdul Halim Luti
Secretary Latif Hj Pibo
Members of the Commitee Mohd Gustina Bin Panjang Umur, Asrih bin
Amid, Intan bin Amid
Source: JKKK Kg. Abai, 2014
103
Nevertheless, community activities and development in Abai was apparently way
ahead of the other villages. According to one of the in-depth interviews with CAP
committee members, the activities such as homestay program and nursery has been
introduced earlier on before CAP was introduced in 2010. The homestay program
has been introduced as early as 2006 but lack of accommodation and infrastructure
among the participants contributed to the programme’s slow progress. On the other
hand, the nursery program was originally led by the Kinabatangan Seedlings
Committee (Komuniti Anak Pokok Kinabatangan - KAPOK) introduced in the
1990s by WWF and now continued in terms of funding, by NESTLE. The
introduction of the CAP in 2010 has put all together these activities under one
organization for a more efficient supervision and to increase the effectiveness of the
socio-economic programs among the villagers. However, conflicts occurred as
decision-making becomes concentrated in the hands of a few who are supportive of
community activities than those who are not. While CAP provides a good example
of leadership in village development as compared to other villages, there is a nascent
issue pertaining to the level of consensus and inclusion that could be garnered from
the villagers.
Villagers in Bongon seem less proactive mostly because of the lack of access
to engage with civil society activities. Hence, consensus seems easier to achieve
since the villagers in Bongon are able to focus on aspects of life they share common.
A similar case as in Abai, can be seen through the not-so-inclusive participation
among the Village Committee (Jawatankuasa Kampung) at Mumiang. In the
purview of some of the villagers, the level of inclusion is not broad and so is the
representativeness. Obviously, there are opportunities to engage in these community
activities. However, the perception among the rest of the villagers was that the few
which could be equated with ‘patrons’ (in terms of influence) hampered the level of
inclusion that was otherwise possible had the clientele created by the ‘patrons’ been
more widespread among villagers. Village level dynamics affect the diversity of
socio-economic activities at Mumiang. Due to geography, the village has been
sectioned by the people themselves into three parts; lower, central and upper side of
Mumiang. Some of the respondents in the upper side of Mumiang claimed that the
104
relation with community leadership was uneasy and therefore, it also limits their
community participation.
CAP as a peoples’ organisation in Abai also provides another good case

study. It is inevitable that the community programs have enhanced village life in
both the economic and societal dimension. Challenge in community capacity
building can be seen in terms of achieving consensus among the participants of the
CAP and also cooperation among the villagers. Although there may be a few
‘patrons’ who appear to be dominant and often selected as leaders in all activities,
the ‘passive’ villagers on their part, need to be more participative so as to reduce
barriers and conflict, instead of just waiting for things to be done for them, a wait
and see attitude.
5.5 Social Network and Civil Society Organizations (Non-governmental

Organizations and International Governmental Organizations)
One of the functions performed by modern civil society organizations is the

provision of goods and services to the population and the formation of support
groups for people facing an almost infinite variety of problems (Ottaway 2006). This
second type of service, namely, that of providing support services, is much practised
in the Lower Kinabatangan with the existence of a diverse mix of NGOs in a
number of activities. From in-depth interviews with respondents in Abai, a variety of
NGOs and IGOs have reached the population through numerous activities such as
conservation, development programme, wildlife protection and so on. Based on our
findings, these NGOs and IGOs are listed in table 42.
105
Table 42: List of Non-Governmental Organizations, Business and International
Governmental Organizations in Lower Kinabatangan, 2014
Name Activities/Program/Specialties Location
Koperasi Pelancongan Focal point for community development and eco-tourism Batu Puteh, Lower
Komuniti (Kopel Bhd). activities for the area Kinabatangan
Wild Asia Facilitate awareness and provides training on the proper At Sukau, with community
way of plantation in small-estates scale development activities in the
Lower Kinabatangan
World Commission of Training Program on the Protected Areas including forest Lower Kinabatangan.
Protected Areas reserve and Taman Negara. – Also in collaboration with Facilitation through Kg. Abai
(WCPA-J) Japan JICA
Association
Japan International Bilateral technical assistance to conservation Involved in the process for
Cooperation Agency programmes and processes in Sabah through the Borneo the recognition of the LKSW
(JICA) Biodiversity Environment and Conservation (BBEC) Ramsar wetlands
programme, phase 2
Official Development Wildlife protection – Also in collaboration with JICA Lower Kinabatangan –
Assistance (ODA) Facilitation through Kg. Abai
World Bank
European Union (EU) Water (river) restoration along the Kinabatangan river Kinabatangan river-
Facilitation through Kg Abai
NESTLE Nursery and conservation Kg Abai
Johnson & Johnson Conservation Kg Abai
SHELL Homestay and conservation Kg Abai
United Nations Community development and conservation through small Malaysia /Sabah wide
Development grants programme (SGP) Supported homestay
Programme (UNDP) programme at Abai
Land environment Community development and conservation Has office in Kota Kinabalu,
animals people has assisted Abai homestay
(LEAP) programme through Kopel
Source: Interview with leader of people organization at Abai, 28 September 2014
In general, most of these NGOs and IGOs as well as the corporate social
responsibility programmes of big businesses are concerned about environmental
issues such as the protection of forest reserves, wildlife protection and activities
related to livelihoods. The big businesses finance but are not necessarily involved in
the implementation of programs. Livelihood activities are of interest in line with the
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belief that conservation and development could go hand in hand, and are not
contradictory. Those NGOs who are involved in program implementation help
strengthen community capacity in their struggle to cope with the ecological effects
of expanding oil palm development as well as forest degradation from timber
production of past years19. Mostly though, funders like UNDP, NESTLE and others
are involved mainly in financing projects or programs, implementation being left to
the communities themselves, usually with help from NGOs.
According to Newell (2007) developing countries face a range of often

contradictory pressures from international institutions, market actors and civil
society regarding how to reconcile environmental protection with broader
developmental goals. Trends at Abai (and more so at Batu Puteh) show that change
may be afoot in that environmental protection and broader developmental goals may
no longer be regarded as contradictory.
In addition, developing countries like Malaysia whose focus on increasing

economic growth could end up paying less attention to conserving their
environmental assets, and would rely on NGOs to help them counter the challenges
posed by a changing climate and environment. In some circumstances, despite
limitations, poorer groups have sought to use non-traditional actors like NGOS and
legal processes to claim rights to resources, contest planning processes and seek
compensation for the loss of livelihood.
In the case of Lower Kinabatangan, local communities use NGOs to help

them cope with the changing landscape, expand their source of income and more
importantly, to help them finance their community activities. Such assistance as
above has produced a positive feedback and outcomes in terms of livelihood,
occupation, conservation and awareness among the local people particularly in Abai.
Other villages, especially, Mumiang and Bongon were concerned about the lack of
NGO presence in their midst and have pressed the need for them to be assisted by
these civil society organizations. Villagers in Bongon and Mumiang perceived that
the presence of NGOs and IGOs in Abai has helped them in improvising their
19
Interview with Rosli Jukrana, Kopel Berhad, Batu Puteh 30 November 2014.
107
livelihood as well as conservation. However, for NGOs to reach their area, the
villagers would first have to develop a strong community in order to make their
needs felt and heard. The question for management then, is how might a socially and
ecologically strong community had developed?.
5.6 Use of Rivers and Forests
The dependence of communities on natural resources is high. The tables in this

section show the level of use and dependence of local communities on natural
resources.
Table 43 shows that almost 100 percent of respondents said that they used
natural resources for their daily needs. The table cements the data concerning
livelihoods outlined earlier, and puts into perspective the high degree of dependence
on natural resources among villagers.
Table 43: Use of Natural Resources by Village
Using Natural Villages

Resources
Abai Bongon Mumiang Pitas Sri Tundon Total
Ganda Bohangin (%)
Yes 30 19 38 15 22 36 160
(96%)
No 2 - 2 1 - 2 7
(4%)
Total 32 19 40 16 22 38 167
(100%)
*N=167 Source:Survey Data, September to October 2014
The tables below capture the dependence of a material kind on rivers (Table 44),
forests (Table 45 (a) (b), and mangroves (Table 46).Table 44 shows that the most
common food items obtained from rivers are fish, prawn, and crab, and from forests,
wild vegetables. Interestingly, only a small proportion of respondents use rivers for
their water supply; and a small number of people also get their supply of timber (for
building houses) from floating wood resulting from continued logging activity
108
upstream. Forests also provide the timber needed for the maintenance of housing
(timber and branches of trees); firewood for cooking, saplings for planting in
conservation areas; bamboo and rattan. The nearby forests and mangroves provide
much of the supply. Specifically, as outlined in Table 45 (a) and (b) forests provide
bamboo to 4% of respondents, wood planks to 11% and firewood to 8% of them.
Tangar bark from mangroves are used for colouring (red) and mangrove trunks for
the mooring of boats, for making steps into doorways and homes, and for other
housing needs. Palas leaves make for convenient and aromatic biodegradable
wrappers of food especially rice.
Table 44: Resources Collected from Rivers
Place Fish Prawn Crab Floating Water Clam Oyster

(River) Wood (lokan)
150 115 83 6 17 9 2
Yes (90%) (69%) (50%) (4%) (10%) (5%) (1%)
17 52 84 161 150 158 165
No (10%) (31%) (50%) (96%) (90%) (95%) (99%)
Table 45 (a): Material Obtained from Forests
Place Saplings Vegetables Wood Firewood Rattan Bamboo Nibung

(Forest) Planks
4 15 18 14 25 6 5
Yes (2%) (9%) (11%) (8%) (15%) (4%) (3%)
163 152 149 153 142 161 162
No (98%) (91%) (89%) (92%) (85%) (96%) (97%)
Table 45 (b): Material Obtained from Forests (Continued)
Place Tangar Keruing Kapur Palas Seraya Nipah Tapioca

(Forest) bark wood wood leaves wood leaves
6 1 1 1 1 2 1
Yes (4%) (0.5%) (0.5%) (0.5%) (0.5%) (1%) (0.5%)
161 166 166 166 166 165 166
No (96%) (99.5%) (99.5%) (99.5%) (99.5%) (99%) (99.5%)
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Table 46 shows that mangrove provide food especially clam (lokan) and mangrove snail
(Cerithidea Decollate sp), tangar wood for coloring and wood for planks and saplings
(often used as fishing rods- see photo 29).
Table 46: Material Obtained from Mangrove
Place
(Mangrove) Clam Mangrove Snail Mangrove Wood Mangrove
(Lokan) (Cerithidea Decollate sp) Leaf Sapling
Yes 75 41 6 15 3
(45%) (25%) (4%) (9%) (2%)
No 92 126 161 152 164
(55%) (75%) (96%) (91%) (98%)
The summary of the material use of rivers, forests and mangroves for food, shelter
and for boat moorings, places an additional dimension to the earlier reliance of local
communities on the same natural resources for their livelihoods. Moreover, the non-
material value of natural resources to health and illness must not be overlooked as it
is an important aspect of culture and well-being, as clearly seen in the use of
traditional medicine.
110
5.7 Culture - Traditional Medicine
The use of traditional medicine is extensive in most villages. The extent of use
is seen in Table 47 below.
Table 47: Use of Traditional Medicine by Village
Villages
Traditional Abai Bongon Mumiang Pitas Sri Tundon Total

Medicine Ganda Bohangin
(%)
Usage
Yes 19 16 23 15 22 36 131
(78%)
No 13 3 17 1 0 2 36
(22%)
Total 32 19 40 16 22 38 167
(100%)
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Table 48: Traditional Medicine Supplied by Forests
No. of times mentioned by Respondent By Village

(multiple answer)
Types of Flora Used
illness Sri Tundon
Bongon Abai Mumiang Pitas Total
Ganda Bohangin
Daun tangan-
Stomach
tangan,
ache 7 8 6 3 6 1 31
Pengaga,
(Sakit perut)
pucuk jambu
Daun
pengaga,
Daun kayu
bakau, Daun
kapal-kapal,
Serai wangi,
Daun dap-
dap, Daun
atis, akar
Selimbangun
/ kebangun,
Fever 9 14 9 9 10 1 52
Daun tangan-
(Demam)
tangan, Akar
tongkat ali,
akar kuning,
pucuk betik,
daun ubi,
akar bunga
melur, daun
atis, Akar
pengotohon,
daun selasih
Serai wangi,
Pandan, Akar
jambu , Kulit
kelapa, Akar
patawali,
Daun
Post-Natal mengkudu,
6 5 8 3 3 3 28
(Lepas Daun terap,
bersalin) daun anak
dekat bulan,
daun sireh,
Akar pajitun,
daun
dawarastu
Diarrhea Pucuk dan
2 3 1 1 1 8
(Cirit Birit) kulit jambu
Cold/flu Daun biru-
3 3 - - - 6
(Selsema) biru
Daun tangan-
Bloated
tangan, daun
Stomach
2 2 - 4 - - 8 balik angin,
(Kembung
daun kapal-
perut)
kapal
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Pokok bunga
Abscess
4 4 - - - - 8 raya, pucuk
(Bisul)
pakis gajah,
Akar gasing-
Lower back gasing, Akar
pain pagis, daun
2 2 - - - 1 5
(Sakit tangan-
pinggang) tangan
Itch
Pucuk dan
(Gatal- 3 3 - - 1 - 7
daun jambu
gatal)
Akar Pahit-
High Blood
pahit, Daun
Pressure
4 4 2 1 - - 11 sireh, Akar
(Darah
mengkudu
tinggi)
Akar bongkol
Daun bawang
hitam, Daun
Reduce
panau, Daun
Body Heat
atis, Daun
(Buang 1 1 3 - 5 1 11
tangan-
panas dalam
tangan, akar
badan)
selimbangan/
kebangun
Sprain Daun
(Silahau / 1 1 - - - - 2 mengkudu,
terseliuh)
Daun tunjuk
Gout langit, Kulit
1 1 - - - - 2
(Gaut) bakau, kulit
kayu tangar,
Daun atis,
Daun tangan-
Headache
tangan, Daun
(Sakit 1 1 - - - - 2
kapal-kapal,
kepala)
Pucuk betik
Daun
kangkung,
Smallpox
1 1 - - - - 2 Akar lalang,
(Cacar)
Akar rumbia
Scabies Daun kayu

1 1 - - - - 2
(Kudis) bakau
Body
Swelling
Daun tangan-
(Bengkak di - - 1 - - - 1
tangan
bahagian
badan)
Daun ponget
Neck Pain
- - 1 - - - 1 tubuh, Daun
(Sakit leher)
agdou
Detox
Anak/buah
(Membuang - - 1 - - - 1
mengkudu
racun)
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Paralysis Akar
- - 1 - - - 1
(Lumpuh) jeranggau
Stingray
Poison
(Terkena - - 1 - - - 1 Pucuk bakau
duri ikan
pari)
Daun
pengaga,
pucuk daun
Cough
- - - 1 1 1 3 jambu, pucuk
(Batuk)
lagihit
Back Pain Daun tangan-

(Sakit - - - 2 2 1 5 tangan, akar
tulang) tongkat ali
Chapped Akar rumpai,
Lips umbut nipah,
- - - 3 - 1 4
(Bibir pucuk daun
merekah) jambu
Incised Getah batang
wounds pisang,
(Luka Hiris - - - 3 6 - 9 Daun jambu,
dan luka di kayu obor-
dalam) obor,
Daun
mengkudu,
Diabetes
daun nangka
(Kencing - - - 1 - - 1
belanda, akar
manis)
belimbing,
akar buluh,
Akar tongkat
Malaria - - - - 1 - 1
ali
Daun uduk-
Toothache
- - - - 2 - 2 uduk, daun
(Sakit gigi)
kapal-kapal
Asthma Daun santa
- - - - 1 - 1
(Asma) maria
Anaema Daun misai
(Kurang - - - - 1 - 1 kucing akar
darah) patawali
Bodyache
Akar tongkat
(Sakit - - - - 1 - 1
ali
badan)
Akar bunga
Mouth
melur, daun
Ulcers - - - - 2 - 2
tangan-
(Ugam)
tangan,
Impotency
Akar tongkat
(Untuk
- - - - 1 - 1 ali, akar
tenaga
sireh,
batin)
Total
49 54 36 34 44 11 224
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The use of forests for acquiring supply for traditional medicine is an important
aspect of life. There is no scope for a broad baseline study such as this one to present
in-depth the factors, especially belief systems that influence the use of traditional
medicinal knowledge of the different villages. A comparative in-depth study of such
knowledge among the various mixes of ethnic groups would require methods of
participant observation which involves a great deal more time than available to the
team. An in-depth study has been recommended by the LKSW Ramsar site
management plan (2011).
The types of flora used for maintaining health and curing diseases were
extensive. Out of the 31 common illnesses and ailments, 68 types of leaves, shoots,
bark, roots, flowers, branches and herbs were used. The most frequently reported use
of traditional medicine was for the common fever (demam) mentioned 52 times,
followed by stomach ailments mentioned 31 times. The use of flora for post-natal
care was mentioned 28 times by respondents.
There were 16 different types of flora that could be used to cure fever. Post-
natal care could make use of 11 different types of leaves and roots. Flora has also
been important for the upkeep of internal strength (tenaga batin), two of which are
tongkat ali (which also has a local reputation of being a stimulant/aphrodisiac) and
sireh (betel leaf).
5.8 Water, Oil Palm and Health
The impact of nonpoint pollution from land conversion for agriculture (especially oil
palm) and from logging in the Ulu Kinabatangan is very much felt in the area.
Nonpoint pollution impact on the water quality of the Kinabatangan has been much
written about (LKSW Ramsar site management plan 2011). The impact of oil palm
is more recent than that of forestry in terms of nonpoint effects because of the easing
of forestry activities in the last few years. Most respondents link unclean water
problems to pollution generated by oil palm mills upstream.
115
Water is a major concern of villagers. It sets limits on the expansion of the
homestay programme at Abai. Villagers there rely on rain water for cooking and buy
bottled water for drinking when pressed. River water is only good for washing and
bathing.
From FGDs and personal interviews at other villages than Abai, it became
clear that water as a basic need is not easily available to all six villages. Reliance on
rain water for cooking and on purchased water for drinking entails high cost. At
Abai, wells are used only as a last resort because there are physical limits to their
use. Water becomes salty and muddy if wells are dug too deep or in the wrong
places.
At Sri Ganda, water supply comes from a nearby hill, Bukit Ladang Kretam.
Using the gravity system, Sri Ganda has a good and clean supply of water. There is
potential that Bukit Ladang Kretam could be used to supply water to neighbouring
villages wherever geography allows.
5.9 Participation in Biodiversity Conservation
The abandonment of rice growing at Abai has been described earlier. It was an
internal village decision made by the village leadership. Even though Abai is located
outside a forest reserve, there was a real fear of being fined. The question of
enforcement is outlined in more detail in section 6.4. As well, village leaders wanted
to show support to government’s conservation efforts, regardless of which agency
had jurisdiction over the area (SFD or Wildlife).
At Abai, FGDs confirm that the collection of seedlings for forest replanting
was being done on titled land (Native Title) and without charge. The sharing of
resources on private land is a sign that scarcity of resources has not affected the
Orang Sungai norm of sharing bounties from the forests.
The norm of sharing might change as land becomes scarcer. The question is,
what other norms might change as livelihoods adapt again, later, when the trees
mature or when all the areas that need generating have been completely replanted?
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More importantly, what alternative forms of livelihood could be created for the area
once all the replanting work has been completed and there are no more areas left to
regenerate?, SFD could take a lead role in trying to find the answers to these
questions.
6.0 DISCUSSION, RECOMMENDATIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS
The six villages studied vary in terms of livelihood needs and effects from reduced
access to the means of livelihood that are based on natural resources in the Lower
Kinabatangan. However, poverty, namely of living below the poverty lines is a
shared experience. Also shared, is the experience of bearing the burden for the loss
of or reduced access to ecosystems services such as good water from the
Kinabatangan river and a good fish catch. Moreover, our data confirmed the low
level of formal education that local communities have (more than 80% have primary
or no education), although they may be educated in informal ways (traditional
knowledge), without necessarily having accreditation (qualification). As well, they
have little avenue for expressing their needs, as in examples of pollution complaints
or reports made to natural resource agencies that have not been attended to (see Box
3). And yet, generally, those who know or have heard about Ramsar show some
interest and are not necessarily against it.
In terms of location, only one village, namely Sri Ganda, is situated inside
Ramsar. Nevertheless, the other five villages are found close to the Ramsar site, or
physically backing on to the site itself (such as Mumiang and Tundon Bohangin),
and others situated a bit further away from the Ramsar border such as Abai. Due to
their close proximity to the Ramsar site, the maps for the villages show that much of
fishing and the collecting of clams (lokan), forest product collection and hunting,
inevitably take place inside or could cross into the Ramsar site. Under such
conditions, how might livelihoods be maintained and even strengthened within and
around an area that has been zoned for conservation such as Ramsar?, If there is a
lesson to be learnt from experiences around the world of the failure of protected
areas, a major one would be the issue of protected coastal areas not being able to
117
reconcile conservation and livelihood (development) objectives. These are issues of
environmental justice on site.
The Ramsar site, however, is the recipient of the effects of economic

activities in the larger ecosystem, some of which (logging and oil palm cultivation)
contribute to or have contributed to nonpoint pollution. Integrated coastal
management is thought to be one viable alternative for addressing nonpoint
pollution.
Interview and observational data from this study show that the cost of
nonpoint pollution goes beyond ecology and economics to the social realm.
Flooding caused by land use conversion to large scale plantation agriculture has
been paid for by local fishing communities of the Ramsar site. A quick summary of
such costs as reported by respondents include; reduced fisheries catch at Mumiang
and Bongon in the 1990s the loss of access to clean water for households which
affects quality of life especially at Abai, mangrove contamination affecting the
potential for the survival of fish juveniles, and other fishing related activities. Based
on their own experience, many fishers were of the opinion that fishing might
inevitably be a dying industry, so the local communities have started initiatives for
venturing into other forms of livelihoods but which still remain within the realm of
natural resources. In other words, newer forms of livelihoods do not reduce the
dependence of local communities on natural resources. In the SLA approach,
planning for the continued well-being of local communities in the near and long
term future ought to include such questions as : 1) How might the costs of nonpoint
pollution and associated causes (flooding, erosion of river banks), be shared more
equitably across different sectors of society; and 2) what livelihood alternatives
might be socially and ecologically viable in the short and longer term?.
To answer the first question regarding the equitable sharing of costs, the
issue of what to do with nonpoint pollution first needs to be addressed. While the
effects on local communities of such pollution are being described in this study, the
actual causes of such pollution have not been included in the study. Consequently,
for purposes of this study we only have to bear in mind that there are significant
118
nonpoint contributors to pollution in the LKSW Ramsar site that need to be
addressed (LKSW Ramsar management plan, Vol. 1). Addressing of nonpoint
pollution source is doubly important because livelihoods (new and existing) remain
dependent on natural resources. Examples of new livelihood activities include
ecotourism and aquaculture, and of existing activities include fishing and prawning
as well as lokan collecting.
The second question concerning the search for alternative livelihoods arise
out of the study’s objectives of finding social forestry alternatives and methods for
implementing them. This section of the report will deal with these objectives.
Specific strategies for the implementation of social forestry alternatives are
described in Box 5 below.
In the SLA approach, consideration towards local communities’ continued

access to livelihoods should be the starting point of planning. SLA further implies
that such a starting point ought to include methods for taking into consideration
initiatives already started by the communities themselves, as well as methods for
achieving a more inclusive planning process (co-management). Taking into
consideration initiatives already started by local communities imply, for example,
management actively showing the way for strengthening (not curbing initiatives via
prescriptions). For example ecotourism ventures ought to operate within sustainable
limits. Such limits ought to be jointly determined by SFD and local communities
who themselves are small operators of homestay, producers of handicraft, and who
previously were not used to being consulted.
Co-management does not necessarily mean control being transferred out of

departmental hands. It could mean limits of development (e.g. ecotourism) being
decided jointly with local communities. The example of Batu Puteh is well known,
because it is a relatively successful ecotourism community cooperative, and should
be looked into. The way Batu Puteh has turned out after years of self-learning and
knowledge generation through exposure (Majid Cooke and Vaz 2011), could be
used as a starting point for addressing issues of participatory conservation and
inclusiveness. The Mescot-Kopel cooperative is co-managing the Pin Supu Forest
119
Reserve, as a contractor for regeneration of Pin Supu, but also as a stakeholder by
virtue of the cooperative’s interest in using the Forest Reserve for its eco camp.
There are two arguments in favour of co-management. First it is a viable

process for addressing inequalities generated from unequal sharing of costs from
ecological degradation mentioned earlier. Second, co-management is essential for
garnering sustained local support if it becomes a mechanism for redistribution of
benefits from conservation, as seen in the passage below on mangrove conservation:
Local residents, have a stake in the sustainable management of

their own resources. Currently, local communities are encouraged
to bear the costs after they have been ravaged. But local
communities and stakeholders will not bear this cost, and will
only participate in mangrove conservation and restoration, if they
also can realize economic gain from their efforts.
(Ellison 2008:36)
6.1 Co-Management
If co-management were to be attempted at the Ramsar site, the ability of local

communities to participate in decision making about what kind of conservation
might be best for them, what livelihoods need supporting, how and what skills to
develop, what social and ecological limits to observe, should be a major
consideration for management to work towards.
"An encouraging development in recent years is the development of

integrated management plans that attempt to manage simultaneously
multiple facets of an ecosystem. Examples include co-management of
extractive reserves in mangrove ecosystems on the northern coast of
Brazil (Glaser and da Silva Oliveira, 2004); collaborative management
of mangroves, coral reefs, and fisheries in Tanzania (Verheij et al.,
2004); integrated silviculture-prawn (Binh et al., 1997) or silviculture-
mud crab (Triño and Rodriguez, 2002) systems in Southeast Asia; and
multiple-use planning for the Matang mangroves (Othman et al., 2004).
These plans are in accord with current fundamental objectives for
management of mangrove ecosystems (World Bank et al., 2004) and if
similar plans are implemented world-wide, it could reduce the ability of
roving bandits to continue to over-exploit mangroves and the mangrove
benthos."
(Ellison, 2008: 36).
120
A question might be asked as to how communities who have very low levels of
education and skills could be inspired to move to support conservation, or
participate in planning for a sustainable future?. To answer this question, we need to
review the evidence on the ground of what communities themselves have started
doing.
6.2 Ecotourism as a Mechanism for Capacity Building
There was a great deal of interest in ecotourism among the communities

interviewed. Homestays are available at Abai and, in the last couple of years, at Sri
Ganda. Tourist activities at Abai have been developed to capitalise on wildlife and
nature. The other villages either have heard about ecotourism but do not know how
to go about implementing the concept, or have not been exposed at all to the idea
and practices of this kind of tourism. And yet they have a great deal to offer in terms
of culture and ecology.
For Abai where ecotourism has been initiated, and Sri Ganda where
homestay has been started by only one family, the challenge is to develop a bigger
market and expand tourism to a larger but ecologically and economically viable
scale. Some communities are in awe about what Abai is doing but fear the financial
implications (real or imagined) that such an endeavour might entail. In the early
2001, Teoh et al, was concerned that the eco-tourism activity at Sukau, could
become saturated in the near future.
Tourism: If it becomes even more concentrated in a small

area, difficulties may arise. There would be impacts on
wildlife. Tourism could crowd the river with boats emitting
diesel fumes. An increasing number of tourists might exercise
their personal choice not to go there because of
overcrowding, and through loss of wildlife caused by the
continuing fragmentation and degradation of forest.
(Teoh et al, 2001: 36)
Developing ecotourism away from Sukau in the Ramsar villages could make eco-
tourism a more viable industry because of the inclusion of the Lower Kinabatangan
into the tourism sector. As to Teoh et al’s concern about ‘overcrowding’, the relative
121
inaccessibility of the Ramsar villages by road could be a plus for ecological tourism
in the area, as it could act as a deterrent to those less persistent or only mildly
interested in wildlife or local cultures. Another deterrent could be the cost involved
for travel by river (and by sea from Sandakan), which could be high. On the other
hand, if the efforts of Abai (and to a smaller extent Sri Ganda) to initiate small scale
ecotourism project were to be supported; it could become the hub of tourism for the
five Ramsar villages. Development of ecotourism should continue the tradition
already established at Batu Puteh by Kopel, of involving a large number of villagers
in planning and development of ecologically-based tourism that has proven to be
socially as well as ecologically sustainable.
Kopel has developed to a level that it is able to maintain its own website to
capture the ecotourism market, and able to become involved in environmental
regeneration (the alluvial plains) in the Pin Supu Forest Reserve, through winning a
contract from the Sabah Forestry Department for forest regeneration work a few
years ago. Kopel’s forest conservation work continues through its involvement in
the regeneration of the Kinabatangan Corridor of Life area (interviews, Batu Puteh
30 November 2014).
At Batu Puteh, participation is not taken as an end but a journey or a process

where the main objectives are that of developing community capacity to make
decisions. Such decisions include how many tourists to welcome per year, and what
ecological and social limits to observe. Considerations about ecological and social
limits are intertwined with the other major consideration, that of economic returns,
for the members of the cooperative.
The initiative that Abai is looking towards Batu Puteh for guidance is
something that the government could provide support for. Suitable levels of
financial assistance for establishing homestays and other activities are useful, of
course. More importantly, however, and aside from financial support, Abai
communities need training on specific community capacity building measures,
including:
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 The social skills to rise above fractionalisation and community jealousy;
 Social and technical (planning) skills in dealing with tourism numbers,
 Ability to raise environmental awareness across all sections of the
community about ecological limits in development;
 Ability to plan in such a way that a larger proportion of benefits from eco-
tourism remains in the community through job creation for youths, the
formation of more homestay programmes, tree planting, and tourist
guidance;
 Ability to plan for a sustainable future for themselves, for example, how to
seek alternative avenues for income generation when regeneration work has
been completed and space is no longer available for tree planting, or how to
reap viable returns from the trees that they themselves have planted since the
trees in the end belong (in most instances) to the government; and
 Other kinds of training that would lead to a more sustainable (secure) socio-
ecological future.
Given that capacity building may not be within the mandate of natural resource
agencies such as SFD to promote, even if they have an interest in doing so, NGOs,
who have experienced such bottom up development themselves, could be sub-
contracted to do the job. Kopel is already starting to play an advisory role to CAP at
Abai. However, such one-to-one attention is a luxury. An alternative way is for the
Ramsar communities to link up with local networks, national or Southeast Asian
ones. Members of such networks (individual and organisational) provide a rich pool
of experience and expertise and could be contacted to provide exposure needed by
communities. To name a couple, there is the network for Jaringan Orang Asal
seMalaysia (JOAS), and the Forum for Indigenous Peoples of the Highlands in the
Heart of Borneo (FORMADAT).
JOAS is an alliance of NGOs throughout Malaysia whose individual and

institutional members are equipped with a range of skills from engineering (micro
hydro construction), information technology, small holder subsistence farming
technology, law (both customary and state law) and conflict resolution know how as
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well as other skills and knowledge. Some NGOs in Sabah are already members of
JOAS.
As well, some indigenous communities in Sabah are already part of

FORMADAT. This alliance of upland peoples consist of 50 ethnic groups in Sabah,
Brunei, Sarawak and the provinces of East, Central and West Kalimantan. They
speak a diversity of languages, practicing an equally diverse range of cultures that
parallel the biodiversity that is characteristic of the central parts of Borneo in which
they live. Their traditional knowledge is said to have been responsible for long term
sustainability of forests managed in the area known as the Heart of Borneo (WWF
2012).
Access to both Alliances would open up other networks and so it goes on.
These alliances and networks could be contracted to provide Ramsar communities
with the relevant skills or expertise required to address new economies and their
effects, namely changes in social relations (gender and leadership roles), and new
skills required (for example, in the writing of grant applications for
projects/programmes).
The aim of investing in capacity building is to create a socially and

ecologically sustainable economic community. For evidence that it could be
achieved, a feasibility study could be made into how to introduce and manage
ecologically low impact tourism, with community involvement, and an assessment
of its socio-ecological impacts.
6.3 Aquaculture
The study findings show that aquaculture is one of the means for diversifying
livelihoods engaged in by some fishermen. Aquaculture is carried out in rivers
inside the Ramsar site (at Sri Ganda), as well as outside it (at Mumiang and Tundon
Bohangin). The benefits and cost of aquaculture to local and the larger economies
have been the subject of studies by those concerned with depleting resources and the
ecological effects of cage culture in Sabah (Biusing, et al 1999). Other studies
especially Sadovy (2000) have been concerned with the effects of the trade in live
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fish on Southeast Asian economies including Malaysia. Sabah is an important
contributor to that trade (Sadovy 2000 and Biusing et al 1999). By contrast, and
from interviews, the local aquaculture industry is small scale. There are middlemen
from the villages who formed part of the production chain for cage fish production.
Fishers are involved at different levels of intensity in cage fish production, with
those who are more intensely involved selling their fish once every couple of weeks.
Those less intensely involved produce cage fish for use when emergency cash is
needed, i.e. as a ‘safety net’. For this latter type of fishers, production may be
produced for sale only once every 3 to 6 months when extra cash is needed for
specific needs.
Whether the small aquaculture practices ought to be supported technically or

financially depends on its social and ecological viability as an alternative source of
livelihood. Socially, the promotion of aquaculture would balance somewhat the
reduced return from fisheries especially for trawl net (pukat tunda) operators.
Trawling has been discouraged in Sabah and elsewhere in view of the high
proportion of by-catch of non-target species, including protected species such as sea
turtles (Beliku and Ejria 2013; Kumar and Deepthi 2006). Moreover, in economic
terms, there is the question of output (returns) compared to input of labour time for
maintaining the cage and for providing food for the cage fish (small fingerlings that
must be caught on a daily basis). A study evaluating output (cage fish) versus input
is recommended to understand whether economically, aquaculture is a worthwhile
activity, and what its social worth might be.
Taking into consideration the social worth of aquaculture is important

because even if aquaculture is not economically worthwhile, fishers might persist
with the activity for social reasons (e.g. keeping stock as emergency cash or
maintaining social networks with buyers in Sandakan). Hence, a socio-economic and
ecological study of aquaculture potentials and effects in the Lower Kinabatangan
ought to be considered.
Without such a study the argument against cage culture could win the day
because the fish to be fattened and those being used for fattening them come from
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the wild, enhancing their potential for contributing to resource depletion. On the
other hand, the social and political setback from restraining aquaculture could cause
management problems later on. Hence, in the case of aquaculture, in addition to the
socio-economic factors, there is an ecological dimension to consider.
6.4 Agriculture
Communities at Abai have grown rice for their own consumption as an attempt to
reduce their cost of living. While at Tundon Bohangin and Sri Ganda groups are
planting oil palm on an area that is now within the Ramsar site. At Abai, being told
by their own leaders to stop growing rice has caused consternation to the rice
growers. As mentioned, although Abai is situated outside Ramsar, leaders at Abai
are keen to show their support and could have been overzealous. Or they could have
embarked on what they perceived to be preventive action by preventing ‘trouble’
before they get into a difficult situation, given that monitoring intensity varies and
could intensify or relax over time, and across government agencies.
Consequently, clarification of what could and could not be done outside

Ramsar or inside it could be undertaken more rigorously, since the findings
confirmed that many were still not certain about what Ramsar was all about, where
its exact borders are and the effects on livelihoods could be.
Especially at Tundon Bohangin and Sri Ganda, clarification would be much

appreciated, since the anticipation that their oil palm activity might have to be
abandoned sooner or later is causing anxiety to the villagers.
If the question for management is narrowed down to whether to allow for oil
palm to remain until the first harvest or let it remain only for the duration of the
production cycle (25 to 30 years), then the issue of equitable sharing of the cost of
conservation again resurfaces because of the perception that the burden of
conservation is borne entirely by the local community. By contrast, the major cause
of environmental and livelihood change through nonpoint pollution has not been
adequately addressed, because of the larger political economic context of oil palm
production in Sabah. The political economy context of oil palm is that it is a major
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contributor of state revenue. Once again, there will be socio-political implications if
nonpoint pollution were to be squarely addressed (allowed with conditions or
prohibited).
To begin with, the reason why Sri Ganda and Tundon Bohangin are engaged
in small holder oil palm production is because of the presence of oil palm mills
nearby at Sungai Gajah. Mills being nearby are advantageous to oil palm producers
because the oil palm fresh fruit bunches have to be processed within 24 hours in
order to obtain maximum oil from the fruit (Majid Cooke et al 2006). Small holder
farmers in the Bukit Garam area of the middle Kinabatangan have found that if fruit
are left overnight, they dry up, and they lose about 5 tons for every 80-90 tons of
fruit. Since payments are made according to weight, the lighter the fruit, the greater
the loss (Majid Cooke et al 2006). Small holder oil palm is a growth industry in
Sabah, viewed by governments (both state and Federal) as a viable answer to
alleviating poverty as seen in the support provided for indigenous groups to grow oil
palm through the Agropolitan schemes which are run estate-style and to participate
in them by being registered beneficiaries (pewaris) (Majid Cooke, Toh and Vaz 2011).
Allowing the growing of oil palm by small holders, is thought to have two benefits,
first the clear economic benefit from a much sought after oil, the second, the process
of capacity building of small holders being involved in learning by doing (self-
sufficiency) (Majid Cooke, Toh and Vaz 2011).
However, SFD is bound by the fact that oil palm is a non-forest species and
worse, that it is grown in a Forest Reserve. It is, therefore, a management decision
that SFD has to make, bearing in mind that the decisions will have implications for
community/state relations, and in the long term, affect issues of environmental and
social justice. As a start, it could be good, to find out whom, how and why people
are growing oil palm. It could also be beneficial to find support for experimenting
with less polluting methods for growing oil palm as is being currently attempted by
a few in the oil palm industry in the use of microbes and other similar alternatives.
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6.5 Clams (Lokan) and Water Quality
Lokan collection is an age old practice that has survived and has become more
intensive, as a supplement to a livelihood based only on fishing. Lokan collection is
taking place in all villages except one, namely Abai which is located too far from the
mangrove forests. Although there are lokan in the nipah areas near Abai, villagers
have found that alternatives in ecotourism are more viable than lokan collection. The
area for lokan collection is important for the continued economic well-being of the
other five villages. A study of the level of use of lokan in the context of local needs
(for sustenance and for earning a living), as well as for ecological balance, ought to
be initiated, in order to achieve sound management.
A related issue is the quality of the water in which the clams are found. If
water pollution is beyond the levels acceptable for maintaining ecosystems health,
then the health of villagers and of the public they are sold to would be at stake. At
stake as well, is the villagers’ livelihood. Water quality in the Ramsar site, then
ought to be continually monitored, in addition to initiatives taken for controlling
nonpoint pollution mentioned earlier.
6. 6 Community Monitoring
Monitoring of water quality could be taught by scientists to local communities.

Community researchers, if trained, could become reliable agents since their
livelihoods are at stake. Community monitoring of water quality is already being
initiated at Abai. There is also the potential for such participation to instil a sense of
ownership among villagers since, as collectors of saplings from forests and lokan
from mangrove sites, and, most importantly as fishers, they can now become active
participants in conservation, not mere onlookers of management practices. The
benefits of community monitoring will be revisited in the next section.
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6.7 Mangrove Conservation
The sustainability of the array of livelihood activities from the harvesting of fish to
the collecting of lokan, to earning a living from ecotourism relies on the healthy
existence of mangrove forests. The diversity of fish, crabs, clams lokan and their
availability are indicators of the state of the mangrove forests. How are mangrove
forests to be protected, expanded and maintained, given the existence of stressors
from nonpoint and local pollution sources? What might be the socio-economic costs
and benefits for maintaining healthy mangrove forests?.
In weighing up the costs and benefits, the trickle down effects from
protection and expansion of mangrove forests in the form of increased supply to
cage culture and non-tangible benefits should be taken into account. An example of
tangible effects of mangrove conservation could be the involvement of local people
in growing mangroves with financial incentives (as is happening with the
regeneration of forests by local communities for financial return at Abai and Batu
Puteh). An example of non-tangible benefit of community monitoring would be the
effects on local communities if they were taught to monitor pollution levels with the
help of trained scientists. The benefits could be long lasting in the form of local
pride and the formation of a sense of place. Such a sense of place has an equivalent
in management term, namely, that of a sense of ‘ownership’. A sense of place if
successfully cultivated, could contribute a great deal to the gaining of local support
for conservation as communities see themselves playing an active role in the
complex mix of activities required for conservation and for the maintenance of
sustainable livelihoods.
Conversely as well, scientists may be interested to learn from fishers and

other users of mangroves about what kind of knowledge they have developed in this
regard, since the reduction in fish stock has taken place since the 1990s (Teoh et al
2001), and locals affected could have accumulated local knowledge in trying to cope
with the problem.
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6.8 Management Scenario: If Things Proceed with Consultation Processes
Minimally in Place or Not in Place
As mentioned earlier, building local capacity to participate more actively in

economic development and in conservation has its advantages and could be done
with a multi-sectorial attempt at promoting cooperation among agencies such as
SFD, socially oriented NGOs, local communities and academics as and when
necessary. The potential for tapping into the skills and knowledge of other sectors
than government through contractual or other arrangements has been done and done
well, all over Sabah, including in the Kinabatangan such as at Batu Puteh, and Abai
(early stages yet). What needs to happen is to have a concerted effort at finding a
viable path for the Ramsar villages.
If, no such viable path were to emerge, or if things were to proceed as usual
ending up with many people not understanding Ramsar, or not agreeing with the
implementation of conservation principles in their area, several questions could
emerge.
First, when all the spaces are filled and no more trees are required for
replanting, what would be the viable alternative livelihood activity for local
communities?. Our research findings confirmed that local community (Abai) who
are involved in tree planting, have not thought of alternatives for the future. What
might be the role of management here?. To plan for them an alternative livelihood or
to build capacities so that local communities could plan their own alternatives
similar to what Batu Puteh is doing?.
Tourism, could continue if the water problem is solved, but what if water
problem persists?. If nonpoint pollution continues unchecked, fisheries stock
continues to decline, and yet restrictions about the use of the Ramsar site were
implemented, what might be the solution to potential conflicts that are bound to
arise?. New forms of economic activities such as tourism have been proven to be
socially and ecologically sustainable if undertaken by communities that are aware
and independent. However, tourism too is known to be ‘fickle’ or footloose,
meaning, it could move to other areas according to changing tastes and trends. Many
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alternatives must be looked into. Could the task of looking for viable alternatives be
the focus of an inter-departmental consultative initiative similar to BBEC 2 which is
tilted towards decision made by planners (Hasegawa 2013)?. The process at BBEC 2
required a strong coordination body that is accepted by all stakeholders involved. Or
could it be more people centred? If the latter, what models are there to follow?. The
intermediate results of adhering to the latter model would be a greater involvement
of local communities in decision making about income generation and development
activities; the creation of vibrant and self-sufficient rural communities; enhanced
conservation interests in order to protect livelihoods; and in the long term, less
burden on natural resource managers especially SFD.
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BOX 5 – SOCIAL FORESTRY MODEL – SUMMARY
OF ISSUES TO CONSIDER
Based on the above discussions, there are several issues and strategic
recommendations to be considered by Ramsar’s Management (SFD).
i. Poverty Alleviation through Community-based Aquaculture Activities.

Most people living in the six villages are living below the poverty line; having
low levels of formal education and lacking skills in new techniques of
aquaculture production. At the same time, there are several paths to follow in
addressing poverty. One clear avenue to pursue is to provide fishers with the
support and skills that they need. Therefore, the SFD and the other related
development agencies such as the Sabah Fisheries Department and/or Ko-
Nelayan could provide more concrete and practical programs in this instance,
such as facilities, equipment and funding support; technical, training and
advisory supports; monitoring and marketing supports. This effort is crucial in
order to enhance fisher folks’ monthly income and livelihood through modern
community based aquaculture approach.
This path however, has been tried in many places in Southeast Asia and has been
proven to be ecologically unsustainable for reasons that have been mentioned in
the Aquaculture Section 6.3 above. If conservation could be made to generate
‘green jobs’ then many fishing families could be involved in maintaining the
ecological health of their own and their neighbors` environments. For example,
systems could be adopted for:
- organizing the mountains of plastic and other rubbish that accumulate in the
waters near the villages. A continuing system of community rubbish collection
(not one off), could be a possibility for paid employment.
- paid wildlife warden (not voluntary)
- paid mangrove protection and monitoring
- paid water quality monitoring
Expansion of the economy through ‘green jobs’ might lesson the need for the
promotion of high intensity aquaculture. Inevitably the creation of ‘green jobs’
requires government support, but it is a different kind of input that would have
been accorded development projects such as the ones that could be adopted
using the first path.
Making a green economy pay is government policy. In 2009, Malaysia

announced a new development policy framework called the New Economic
Model (NEM) (Hezri Adnan and Rospidah Ghazali, 2011). Green technology
and new jobs have been earmarked as important drivers for the twin goals of
high income and sustainability outlined in NEM. Government targets are aimed
at creating about 500,000 green jobs by 2020, up from 95,000 in 2009. Creating
green jobs in the Ramsar site at LKSW clearly supports government thrust
towards achieving a green economy for Malaysia, especially since development
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and environment are no longer viewed as contradictory objectives.
Equally important in Sabah’s contribution to the strengthening of a green
economy is the inclusiveness of that economy, an important offshoot of green
jobs. Apart from the financial rewards, green jobs typically could lead to the
development of a ‘sense of place’ discussed above, important for building
individual pride and community strength through awareness and working
together for a sustainable social and ecological future.
ii. Monitoring Pollution and Water Quality in the Lower Kinabatangan Rivers.
Rivers and oceans whether they are in or nearby the Ramsar site are crucial
resources on which livelihoods of local communities in the six villages depend.
Thus, frequent and serious monitoring mechanism must be developed by SFD or
related development agencies, NGOs and local communities themselves. This is
to ensure aquaculture related activities, ecotourism activities and community
socio-economic and daily livelihood activities will not be jeopardized by
nonpoint water pollution particularly by oil palm mills, sewages or flooding.
iii. Establishing Homestay Programmes for Every Village in the Ramsar Site.
The research findings show that Abai village has successfully developed a
homestay programme compared to the other 5 villages surveyed. Through
ecotourism, women are the drivers of change at Abai. The other 5 villages,
however, also have a great potential to become new players as ‘ecotourist
homestay operators’, and , in their favour, many villagers have expressed
interest to become operators. There are many ecotourism potential products that
could be developed in these villages such as river boating in mangrove areas,
fishing, wildlife viewing, participating in local cultural performance such as
dancing, singing and eating. Whether women in the other 5 villages would
benefit from becoming more active in economic and community development
depends on the kinds of social exposure and training that they will acquire, as
mediated by values, norms and gender relations that are locally in place. An in-
depth study of gender relations in the 5 villages could help when formulating
concrete development programs.
iv. Establishing Community Monitoring Approach through Ramsar Co-

Management.
The development agency such as SFD must establish a Community Monitoring
Approach; for instance, by providing courses or training to qualified and
motivated villagers who are willing to become “partners of Ramsar” or “friends
of Ramsar”. Some villagers may already have experience in being partners by
being appointed honorary game wardens for the wildlife sanctuaries that dot the
Lower Kinabatangan (see map 3). The main distinguishing factor in this
instance is that such jobs will be paying ones (not voluntary), for the sake of an
inclusive and economically viable local economy, as mentioned earlier. The
main objective of this program is to ensure that both parties, namely, local
communities and development agencies have a common understanding and
platform on how to face ‘threats’ and ‘disasters’ such as water pollution, illegal
logging of mangroves and trawl fishing. Being properly remunerated for their
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work ensures, and with more persistent monitoring (which is already initiated
via the SFD District office at Kota Kinabatangan), real collaboration will
continue and will be long lasting. The Active Management Zone as described in
the Ramsar site Management Plan (2011 p. 92) requires a kind of management
that could pave the way for the creation of green jobs.
v. ‘Village Land Reserve’ must be Established and Extricated from the Ramsar
Site.
The research findings from FGDs indicate that a majority of village residents
were worried about their village reserve status of their land. Thus, if SFD and/or
related development agencies could survey or re-survey village reserve lands,
the differing interests between the local people and the development agencies
could be minimized. Once differences are minimized, community development
and Ramsar conservation efforts could then become the main focus of the
development agenda for all parties.
The extrication is applicable only to Sri Ganda which is located within the
Trusan Kinabatangan Mangrove Forest Reserve (TKMFR). Interviews with SFD
officers20 confirmed that Sri Ganda is the only village among the five that is
located within a Forest Reserve. Nevertheless, according to the Ramsar
Management Plan (2011 p.52 Table 11), with the exception of Abai, four of the
villages surveyed are within the Ramsar site. A survey or re-survey could clarify
the status of these villages and, by extension, confer their entitlements to access
natural resources, which could be more limited if they are within the Ramsar
site.
Additionally, there is an avenue for addressing ‘community use zones’ within the
Ramsar site which has been outlined in the Ramsar Management Plan (2011 p.
91-92) under the Buffer Area concept. The Buffer Area allows local residents to
continue their livelihood activities in a ‘low impact manner’ (p. 92). However,
for residents who have moved on from acceptable ‘low impact’ activities to a
higher impact activity such as those small holder oil palm growers at Sri Ganda,
their status remain insecure. For example, the same Plan on p. 98 recommends
the felling of oil palm growing in the TKMFR, but did not exclude nor
distinguish between oil palm grown by poorer members of the local communities
and that belonging to the large oil palm companies.
vi. Review Sabah Forest Enactment 1968, number 20 (1) (c) (i) and (ii) to
ensure Forest Community Approach can be Implemented and to avoid
‘Fortress Conservation’.
The stated Enactment does not allow local villagers to take or use any resources
from forest reserves regardless of their socio-economic and cultural practices
(food, housing, health and well-being), as covered in the study. The implication
of reviewing this Enactment is that it will result in the benefits of conservation
being well shared among all stakeholders of Ramsar.
20
Informal interviews at SFD - 30, 31 October and 20 November 2014
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In this regard, the Sabah Wildlife Conservation Enactment 1997 has attempted
to allow for a greater recognition of community use of natural resources.
Although the Enactment is concerned about prohibitions to prevent abuse of
resources, it allows for village rights through the issuing of local hunting
licenses for as long as they are not used for commercial purposes (Majid Cooke
and Vaz 2011). In addition to the system of issuing hunting licenses already in
place, SFD might have to be more creative in finding ways to enable it to
exercise its mandate more broadly since its Core Zone contains large areas of
Forest Reserves within which are found a rich mix of rivers, flora and fauna, in
addition to wildlife. .
6.9 Conclusion
In line with our position that conservation has its social as well as ecological effects,
the report has dealt with changes in social relations especially in the changing role of
women and in new forms of leadership in association with new forms of economic
activity. With conservation taking on a more inclusive turn, income generation
activities taking place in the LKSW Ramsar Core Zone by villagers who may be
residing in areas adjacent to the Zone, even prior to the establishment of the Ramsar
site, would have to be better understood. Such an understanding is crucial if a
realistic grasp were to be created of what community capacity might already exist
and what could be developed to achieve both conservation and development
outcomes. Why should conservation management take an interest in the
development of community capacity and livelihood? The development of such an
interest is important because one clear lesson has been learned from the experience
of ‘fortress conservation’. The experience from fortress conservation is that it has
generally failed to achieve environmental outcomes while incurring high costs to
local people because of reduced access to their means of livelihood. ‘New
conservation’ views conservation and development as linked, namely development
of sustainable livelihoods matter if the conservation of Ramsar were to be supported
by local communities and made sustainable. Ultimately, ‘new conservation’ has
come to terms with the reality that conservation is political and is attempting to
address unstated assumptions and views about environmental problems, their policy
solutions and strategies.
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APPENDIX 1
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR VILLAGE
SURVEY (CENSUS)
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Appendix 1.1: Questionnaire for Village Survey (Census)
Social Baseline Survey of Communities Residing Within and Adjacent to the

Lower Kinabatangan-Segama Wetlands (Ramsar Site)
A. Maklumat Asas Responden (Ketua Isi Rumah/Wakil)
A1. Alamat :
A2. Umur/Tahun :
A3. Jantina :
1. Lelaki 2. Perempuan
A4. Etnik : ____________
A5. Agama :
1. Islam 2. Kristian 3. Budha 4. Lain-lain
A6. Status Perkahwinan :
1. Bujang 2. Berkahwin 3. Balu/Duda 4. Lain-lain
A7.Bilangan anak orang
A8. Pendidikan Formal
1. Tidak Bersekolah 2. Sekolah Rendah 3. PMR 5. SPM
6. STPM 7. Lain-lain ___________________

A9. Pendidikan Informal
1. Kursus kemahiran ___________________
2. Kemahiran yang diwarisi ___________________

A10. Pekerjaan Utama ___________________
A.11. Pendapatan dari pekerjaan utama RM__________________
A12. Pekerjaan sampingan ___________________
A13. Pendapatan dari pekerjaan sampingan RM__________________
A14. Sumber pendapatan lain (eg. Terima kiriman wang drp anak)
RM___________________
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A15. Status pemilikan Asset (Bulatkan pada jawapan yang berkenaan, boleh pilih
lebih dari satu jawapan) (Nota: Hasil daripada pemerhatian enemurator)
1. Televisyen 2. Petisejuk 3. Dapur gas 4. Mesin jahit
5. Telepon bimbit 6. Motosikal 7.Kereta
8. Kipas 9. Kerusi set sofa 10. Lain-lain; _________________
A.16. Pemilikan rumah (Nota: Hasil daripada pemerhatian enemurator)
1. Jenis rumah
Atap: 1. Zink 2. Nipah 3. Genting 4. Lain-Lain (Nyatakan:_________)
Dinding: 1. Papan 2. Batu 3. Batu dan Papan 4. Lain-lain (Nyatakan________)
Lantai: 1. Papan 2. Batu/kongrit 3. Lain-lain (Nyatakan_______________)
2. Status pemilikan rumah _______________ (Sendiri / sewa / lain-lain: nyatakan)
3. Dapat dari mana _____ (Kalau milik sendiri; Warisan / Beli / lain-lain: nyatakan)
4. Tahun pemilikan __________ (Untuk rumah milik sendiri)
A.17. Pemilikan tanah
1. Keluasan tanah __________
2. Kategori tanah (Ada geran / tiada geran / dalam proses permohonan / lain-lain
_________)
3. tempoh permohonan __________ (sekiranya tanah masih berstatus permohonan)
3. Tahun pemilikan __________
4. Sumber pemilikan __________ (Warisan / beli / sewa / pinjam / lain-lain:
nyatakan)
B. Profil Isi Rumah (Lengkapkan Jadual 1)
B1. Bilangan ahli keluarga __________ orang

B2. Bilangan ahli isi rumah lelaki __________ orang
B3. Bilangan ahli isi rumah perempuan __________ orang
B4. Bilangan ahli isi rumah yang bekerja __________ orang
B5. Bilangan ahli isi rumah yang tidak bekerja __________ orang
B6. Bilangan ahli isi rumah yang masih bersekolah __________ orang.
138
PROFIL ISI RUMAH
Nama Hubungan Umur Jantina Status Pendidikan Status Jenis Pekerjaan Sektor Status Pendapatan
1.Isteri (tahun) 1.L 1.Belum bersekolah Perkahwinan Utama (Sila Pekerjaan Pekerjaan Sebulan
2.Anak 2. P 2. Tidak pernah 1 Berkahwin nyatakan) 1. Kerajaan 1. Sepenuh (RM)
3.Menantu bersekolah 2.Bujang 2.Swasta masa (Pekerjaan
3.Sekolah rendah 3 Bercerai 3.Bekerja 2. Separuh
4.Cucu 4.PMR
Utama)
5. Lain- sendiri masa
5.SPM 4.Lain-lain 3. Kontrak
lain 6.STPM (nyatakan) 4. Lain-lain
7 Lain-lain
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
139
C. Pandangan Komuniti Terhadap Kawasan RAMSAR
Pandangan Komuniti Jawapan

Terhadap Kawasan
RAMSAR
C1. Apa yang anda ketahui
tentang RAMSAR
C2. Bagaimanakah anda

mendapatkan maklumat
tentang kawasan
(RAMSAR)1
C3. Adakah kewujudan
RAMSAR memberi manfaat
kepada anda?
ataupun
Sebaliknya menjejaskan
sumber pendapatan anda?
Nota2:
C4. Adakah tempat tinggal anda termasuk dalam kawasan RAMSAR

1. Ya 2. Tidak 3. Tidak pasti
C5. Kalau tidak dan tidak pasti mengapa?
C6. Sekiranya tidak termasuk dalam kawasan RAMSAR, berapakah jarak antara tempat
tinggal anda dan kawasan RAMSAR?
1 Sumber informasi berkenaan dengan Ramsar
2 Nota adalah ruangan untuk Enumerator membuat catatan berkenaan dengan apa sahaja yang berkaitan.
140
D. Akses Kepada Kawasan Alam Semulajadi Dan Kesan Ke atas Komuniti
D1. Adakah anda mengunakan sumber alam semulajadi? (eg. Kayu, rotan dll)
1. Ya (Nyatakan
Sebab_____________________________________________)
2. Tidak (Nyatakan
Sebab____________________________________________)
141
Dari sumber alam semulajadi berikut Apakah jenis sumber yang anda ambil?
142
**D7. Dengan Siapakah anda mendapatkan sumber Semulajadi tersebut?3
1. Sendiri 2. Bersama Isteri 3. Bersama Rakan (Nyakan

Sebab__________ )
**D8-**D10 Apakah sumber semulajadi yang kerap digunakan dari dahulu sehingga
sekarang?
**D8 Sumber **D9 Sumber Semulajadi **D10 Sumber

Semulajadi (eg. Rotan, yang digunakan dari semulajadi yang
kayu dll) dahulu sehingga sekarang kerap digunakan
pada masa kini
1.
3 Adakah responden mengambil sumber tersebut secara bersendirian atau ditemani?
143
**D11-**D12. Apakah sumber semulajadi yang tidak dapat digunakan pada masa
sekarang? kenapa tidak dapat digunakan?
**D11 Sumber Semulajadi -**D12 Sebab tidak digunakan

(eg. Rotan, kayu dll) (Sila isi guna petunjuk di
bawah)
1.
Petunjuk D12 : 1. Bencana alam 2. Teknologi baru 3. Penguat kuasaan undang-undang 4.Faktor haiwan
5.Faktor manusia 6. Lain-lain (nyatakan:___________________).
(Nota: Bencana alam (eg. Kemarau, kebakaran, banjir, petir, dll); Teknologi baru (eg. Racun rumpai, bom ikan dll);
penguatkuasaan undang2 (eg. Larangan mengambil sumber alam semulajadi); Faktor haiwan (eg. Pemusnahan oleh
gajah, monyet/babi hutan dll); Faktor manusia (eg. Pembukaan ladang Kelapa Sawit/pertanian dll)
144
***D13 Kesihatan dan rawatan penyakit menggunakan sumber alam semulajadi
sekitar RAMSAR
Bil Jenis Penyakit (eg, Jenis Sumber untuk Bagaiman sumber

demam, gatal-gatal, sakit rawatan (eg, daun, akar digunakan? (Rendam,
perut, bersalin, dll) kayu, kulit kayu, dll) makan, dll)
145
Soalan tambahan bagi (A17) Bahagian Pemilikan Tanah
Status memiliki tanah – ya / tidak memiliki
No. Keluasan Status Tempoh Status Lokasi Kegunaan Agihan hasil

bidang tanah tanah permohonan pemilikan tanah tanah daripada
tanah yang (bagi yang tanah5 penggunaan
4
dimiliki berstatus tanah 6
PT)
4 Status tanah = ada geran / tiada geran / proses permohonan / tanah rezab
5 Status pemilikan tanah = sendiri / keluarga / sewa / menumpang di tanah orang lain (bukan keluarga) / pinjam
6Agihan hasil daripada penggunaan tanah = untuk kemudahan tempat tinggal / disewakan / dijual / makan / jual dan
makan
146
APPENDIX 2
QUESTIONNAIRE FOR FOCUS GROUP
DISCUSSION (FGD) AND IN-DEPTH
INTERVIEWS
142
Appendix 2.1: Questionnaire for Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and In-depth
Interviews
SOALAN PANDUAN TEMUBUAL DENGAN KOMUNITI (FGD & In-depth)
BAHAGIAN A: LATAR BELAKANG RESPONDEN
Nama:
Gender:
Umur:
Pekerjaan Sekarang:
Etnik:
Berapa lama tinggal di kampung ini:
BAHAGIAN B: KEPERLUAN ASAS DAN SUMBER ALAM SEMULAJADI
1. Apakah sumber alam semulajadi (eg. sumber dari hutan/sungai) yang digunakan
dalam kehidupan anda/penduduk di kampung ini? Mengapa?
2. Kegunaan untuk apa?
3. Pada pandangan anda adakah sumber yang anda digunakan dalam kehidupan
seharian semakin berkurangan?
4. Jika sumber alam semulajadi tersebut semakin berkurangan anda mengantikannya
dengan sumber apa? Mengapa anda pilih sumber gantian ini?
5. Mengapa anda guna sumber gantian ini?
6. Adakah anda menjual hasil sumber alam semulajadi kawasan ini?
7. Jika Ya, anda jualkan dengan siapa?
8. Pada pandangan anda jika pihak kerajaan mengisytiharkan kawasan ini sebagai
kawasan perlindungan adakah anda bersetuju? Jika Ya, mengapa? Jika Tidak,
mengapa?
148
BAHAGIAN C: AKSES KEPADA KAWASAN ALAM SEMULAJADI DAN
KESANNYA KE ATAS KOMUNITI
1. Pernahkah anda dihalang memasuki kawasan alam semulajadi (Ramsar site)?

2. Pada pandangan anda, adakah sumber alam semuladi di kawasan ini semakin
berkurangan? Jika Ya, mengapa?
3. Pernahkah berlaku kebakaran hutan di kawasan ini?Jika Ya, Bila? Mengapa terjadi
kebakaran ini?
4. Pernahkah berlaku banjir besar yang merosakkan sumber alam semulajadi di
kawasan ini? Jika Ya, Bila berlaku banjir?
5. Pada pandangan anda pernahkah berlaku pencemaran sungai di kawasan ini? Jika
Ya, mengapa dan bagaimana ia berlaku?
6. Adakah pencemaran sungai tersebut telah merosakkan sumber alam semulajadi?
(eg. ikan, udang/kehidupan harian komuniti)
7. Pernahkah berlaku hakisan tanah? Jika ya, apakah jenis kerosakan yang berlaku ke
atas sumber alam semulajadi/kehidupan komuniti di kawasan ini? Mengapa ianya
berlaku?
8. Pada masa kini adakah berlaku perubahan cara menangkap ikan berbanding masa
dahulu?
9. Pada masa kini adakah berlaku perubahan dalam penggunaan bahan membuat
rumah berbanding masa dahulu?
10. Pada masa kini adakah berlaku perubahan dalam penggunaan sumber alam
semulajadi terutama tumbuh-tumbuhan dalam kawasan ini berbanding pada masa
dahulu?
149
BAHAGIAN D: PROGRAM HUTAN KOMUNITI
1. Apakah bentuk aktiviti/program perlindungan alam sekitar yang anda tahu/terlibat

di kawasan ini?
I. Mesyuarat kampung tentang perlindungan alam sekitar
II. Aktiviti menanam pokok
III. Pembersihan tebing sungai/gotong royong
IV. Lain-lain
2. Siapakah yang menganjurkan aktiviti di atas, bila? dan mengapa?
3. Pada pandangan anda aktiviti/program tersebut memberi manfaat kepada
anda/komuniti di kawasan ini? Jika, tidak, mengapa?
4. Jika terdapat syarikat yang ingin membuka ladang (eg. kelapa sawit) di kawasan ini
adakah anda bersetuju?
5. Jika terdapat syarikat yang ingin membuka Lodge atau Resort (pelancongan),
6. Jika terdapat individu dalam komuniti yang ingin membuka ladang di kawasan ini
7. Sekiranya terdapat individu atau kumpulan yang memburu hidupan liar dalam
kawasan ini, apakah tindakan anda?
BAHAGIAN E : PELAN STRATEGIK PELAKSANAAN PROGRAM RAMSAR
1. Pada pandangan anda, apakah bentuk aktiviti yang baik untuk dilaksanakan oleh
penduduk kampung bagi melindungi alam semulajadi dalam kawasan ini?
2. Jika pihak NGO mengesyorkan aktiviti perlindungan alam semulajadi dalam
kawasan ini, adakah anda bersetuju? Jika tidak, mengapa?
3. Jika pihak kerajaan mengesyorkan aktiviti perlindungan alam semulajadi dalam
kawasan ini, adakah anda bersetuju? Jika tidak, kenapa?
4. Apakah harapan anda terhadap masa depan kehidupan anda sekeluarga dan
komuniti di kawasan ini?
150
BAHAGIAN F : PERAMALAN PERHUTANAN SOSIAL
1. Sejauhmanakah penglibatan dalam kegiatan ekonomi berikut memberi manfaat

dalam kehidupan anda?
 Eko-pelancongan dan homestay
 Perladangan kelapa sawit
 Kraft tangan
 Perikanan
 Konservasi dan nursery (menanam benih pokok hutan)
2. Apakah cabaran yang anda hadapi dalam kegiatan ekonomi di atas?
3. Adakah anda memerlukan bantuan dari mana-mana Agensi / Jabatan / NGO?
4. Berasaskan kegiatan ekonomi di atas, bantuan dalam bentuk apa yang anda
harapkan?
5. Apakah harapan anda terhadap masa hadapan kegiatan ekonomi di atas dan
kaitannya dengan taraf hidup anda sekarang?
6. Apakah cadangan anda untuk meningkatkan lagi faedah kegiatan ekonomi anda di
masa hadapan dalam kawasan ini?
151
APPENDIX 3
ESTIMATION OF FISH LANDINGS AND
PRICES
142
Appendix 3.1: Estimated Fish Landings and Prices, September – October 2014
Source from the Estimated price Estimated total Source of information

river and sea (per kg) amount of fish (interviews)
(selected Village Town caught per trip
species) (Sandakan)
Abai, 23rd January 2015
River prawn RM7 - RM25 RM7 - RM20
Grouper (Ikan
RM12 - RM15 RM15 - RM20 Sri Ganda, 30 October 2015
kerapu)
Red snapper
RM10 RM13 - RM15 1-20 KG Sri Ganda, 30 October 2015
(Ikan merah)
Mixed prawn,
Ikan belanak RM5 RM10 fish and crabs Sri Ganda, 30 October 2015
Ikan patin RM7 RM9 - RM10 Abai, 25th September
Crabs RM8 RM8 - RM13 Pitas, 31st October 2015
Clams (Lokan) RM3 - RM6 RM6 5-30 KG Sri Ganda, 30 October 2015
Source : In depth interviews, September to October 2014

*Landed fish and cage fish fetched the same price. Price is set by middlemen but with
agreement from fishers. Fish price also changes according to customer demand in town.
153
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A BASELINE OF CHANGE: A SOCIO ECONOMIC STUDY OF LOCAL

COMMUNITIES, NATURAL RESOURCE USE AND CONSERVATION IN

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ii-iii

1. SECTION ONE – INTRODUCTION

4. SECTION TWO – PROFILES

5. SECTION THREE - CONSERVATION, CULTURE AND

6. DISCUSSION, RECOMMENDATIONS AND FUTURE

1 List of Interviews and Focus Group Discussions

2 Total No. of Houses Surveyed in Kg Abai, Bongon,

3 Household Occupation by Sector and by Villages 19

4 Household Income by villages 20

5 Respondents by Age and Gender 22

7 Marital Statuses of Respondent by Villages 24

9 Primary Occupation of Respondents

10 Primary Income of Respondents by Gender 26

11 (a) Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender 27

11 (b) Secondary Income of Respondents by Gender

12 Respondents’ Primary, Secondary and Additional

13 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

14 Total Income from Primary Occupation of Respondents

15 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

16 Total Income from Secondary Occupation of

17 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

18 Total Income from Primary Occupation of

19 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

20 Total Income from Secondary Occupation of

21 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

23 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

24 Total Income Secondary Occupation of Respondents

25 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

26 Total Monthly Income from Primary Occupation

27 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

28 Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation

29 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

30 Total Monthly Income of Respondents from

31 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

32 Total Monthly Income from Secondary Occupation

33 Primary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

34 Total Monthly Income of Respondents from Primary

35 Secondary Occupation of Respondents by Gender

37 Respondents’ Awareness of Ramsar by Village 96

38 Source of Information about Ramsar 96

39 Whether Ramsar is Beneficial to Community 97

40 Structure of the Community of Abai Project (CAP) 99

41 Organizational Chart of the Development Welfare

42 List of Non-Governmental Organizations, Business

43 Use of Natural Resources by Village 108

44 Resources Collected from Rivers 109

45 (a) Material Obtained from Forests 109

45 (b) Material Obtained from Forests (Continued) 109

46 Material Obtained from Mangrove 110

47 Use of Traditional Medicine by Village 111

48 Traditional Medicine Supplied by Forests 112- 114

1 Six Types of High Conservation Value Forests

2 The Community Abai Project 42 - 43

3 Bearing the Costs of Non-Point Pollution?

4 Women Salted Fish Producers, Kg. Mumiang,

5 Social Forestry Model – Summary Of

1 Lower Kinabatangan - Segama Wetlands Showing

2 Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower

3 Lower Kinabatangan – Corridor of Life (CoL) and

4 Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower

5 Livelihood Areas in Relation to the Lower