AtB Elba

after the ITALY
battle
CORSICA
THE TWO INVASIONS OF 73>
THE ISLE OF ELBA No. 173

9 770306 154103
£5.00
NUMBER 173
© Copyright After the Battle 2016
Editor: Karel Margry
Editor-in-Chief: Winston G. Ramsey
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Telephone: (905) 937 3100. Fax: (905) 937 1760 The small island of Elba, situated in the Tyrrhenian Sea between the Italian mainland
Toll Free: 1-800-661-6136
E-mail: sales@vanwell.com and Corsica, was rich in iron ore (Ilva, the Etruscan name for the island means iron),
New Zealand Distribution: and in 250 BC the Romans and Etruscans went to war over possession of the island’s
Battle Books NZ Limited, P.O. Box 5549 Lambton, mines. Rome’s victory spelt the end of the Etruscans, and Elba’s iron resources con-
Wellington 6145, New Zealand tributed to Rome soon achieving dominance over the ancient world. Some 50 kilome-
Telephone: 021 434 303. Fax: 04 298 9958
E-mail: sales@battlebooks.co.nz - Web: battlebooks.co.nz tres south of Elba lies the islet of Monte Cristo, now a state nature reserve, but
United States Distribution and Subscriptions: renowned first and foremost for being the setting for Le Comte de Monte-Cristo, the
RZM Imports Inc, 184 North Ave., Stamford, CT 06901 famous French novel by Alexandre Dumas published in 1844.
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Italian Distribution:
THE ITALIAN ARMISTICE AND ians. The King and Badoglio heard about it a
Milistoria s.r.l. Via Sofia, 12-Interporto, OPERATION ‘ACHSE’ quarter of an hour later from a Reuter’s dis-
1-43010 Fontevivo (PR), Italy In July 1943, after the final surrender of patch but a message by Badoglio had fortu-
Telephone: ++390521 651910. Fax: ++390521 619204 Axis forces in North Africa in May and the nately already been pre-recorded. This was
E-mail: info@milistoria.it — Web: http://milistoria.it/ invasion of Sicily by Allied forces, Italy was hastily put out by Radio Roma, Badoglio
Dutch Language Edition:
SI Publicaties/Quo Vadis, Postbus 188, facing a disastrous military situation. On the ending his short announcement with a clear
6860 AD Oosterbeek 23rd, the Fascist Grand Council voted no directive: ‘Consequently, any act of hostility
Telephone: 026-4462834. E-mail: si@sipublicaties.nl confidence in Mussolini and the following by Italian forces against the Anglo-American
day King Victor Emmanuel III summoned forces must cease everywhere. Nevertheless
CONTENTS the Duce and dismissed him as Prime Minis-
ter. Upon leaving the meeting, Mussolini was
they will resist attacks from any other origin.’
The King along with the Royal family and
then arrested by Carabinieri and spirited off Badoglio and his ministers were able to
THE INVASIONS OF ELBA ISLAND 2 to the island of Ponza. Marshal Pietro escape from Rome early the following morn-
POLAND Badoglio took over as Prime Minister but ing, driving south to Pescara and Brindisi to
Irena Sendler 37 outwardly this did not change the position of seek Allied protection.
Italy vis-à-vis Germany and he repeatedly The early announcement by Eisenhower
IT HAPPENED HERE affirmed the unwavering loyalty of Italy to its ruined Italian plans to secretly distribute
The Case of Pfc Fred W. Ashley 44
German ally. orders, and officers and men learning of the
UNITED KINGDOM Nevertheless it was a major step towards news over the radio were left with no formal
Battle of the Somme Remembered 52 peace and moves were made in secret to seek directive as to what to do. On the other hand,
Front Cover: The two invasions of Elba. Top: an armistice with the Allies. However, German forces were ready and they moved
Having parachuted in with the German airborne through intercepted messages, the Germans rapidly to disarm Italian forces in Italy and
attack force on September 17, 1943, Luftwaffe were well aware that Italy was seeking a sep- take over the Italian zones of occupation in
PK photographer Biedermann pictured arate armistice and they lost no time in the Balkans and southern France.
Fallschirmjäger in action on the drop zone. despatching several divisions to Italy on the The bewildered Italian army collapsed and
Bottom: Then, nine months later, US Signal pretext of protecting the country from an German forces met with hardly any organ-
Corps photographer Private Chester G. Rusbar Allied invasion. In the meantime they ised resistance as between September 8 and
pictured Infantry Landing Craft disembarking
elements of the Groupement de Tabors on devised plans to take control of the country 12 they occupied all the Italian territory still
Kodak Green Beach during the Allied invasion as soon as the Italian government switched not under Allied control. Two units, moved
on September 17, 1944. (ECPAD/USNA) allegiance. The initial plan for the operation to Italy from southern France in the summer,
Back Cover: In the cemetery of Portoferraio,
was code-named ‘Alarich’ but in its final were tasked with taking Rome and disarming
on Elba’s north shore, a cross adorned with form it was named Operation ‘Achse’. its garrison. The 2. Fallschirmjäger-Division
three helmets commemorates all soldiers – After initial meetings in Lisbon, discus- moved in from the south and the 3. Panzer-
Italian, German and French – killed on Elba in sions soon reached the final stage and the grenadier-Division from the north and the
1943 and 1944. (Jean Paul Pallud) armistice between Italy and the Allies was Italian capital was under German control by
Acknowledgements: For help with the Elba secretly signed at Cassibile, Sicily, on Sep- September 11 (see After the Battle No. 152).
story, the Editor would like to thank Sergio tember 3. It was meant to be kept under Outside Italy, Italian units in the Balkans
Andreanelli, Ruggero Elia Felli, Nicolas Férard wraps to give the Italians enough time to and on the Greek islands were able to hold
at the ECPAD, Giorgio Giusti and Peter issue orders to their armed forces but then, out for some time after the armistice but,
Schenk. The Irena Sendler story is based on with the Italians vacillating and not heeding without any support by Allied forces, they
Irena Sendler. Mother of the Children of the to stern Allied messages warning them to were all overwhelmed by the Germans by
Holocaust by Anna Mieszkowska (Praeger: comply with the agreements, news of the the end of September. On the Greek island
Santa Barbara, 2011).
armistice was broadcast on Radio Algiers on of Cephalonia, the 33a Divisione Fanteria
Photo Credit Abbreviations: ECPAD — the evening of September 8. The announce- Acqui resisted but, after running out of
Médiathèque de la Défense, Fort d’Ivry; NIOD ment by Lieutenant General Dwight D. ammunition and surrendering, over 5,100
— Nederlands Instituut voor Oorlogs- Eisenhower, the Allied Commander-in- officers and men were executed by the Ger-
documentatie, Amsterdam; USNA — US
National Archives. Chief in the Mediterranean, stunned the Ital- mans (see After the Battle No. 150). On Leros
2
The Italian island of Elba has the rare dis-
tinction of having been invaded twice in
the space of nine months during the Sec-
ond World War. The first invasion,
mounted on September 17, 1943 by Ger-
man airborne troops assisted by a simul-
taneous seaborne landing (Operation
‘Goldfasan’), came in the wake of the
Italian armistice, and the second on June
17, 1944 in a large-scale amphibious
landing by a French invasion force (Oper-
ation ‘Brassard’). In both cases the island
was seized and captured with relative
ease. The stunned Italian garrison
quickly surrendered to the Germans in
1943, and the combined German-Italian
garrison was overcome within three
days in 1944. Guarding the important
sea passage between Corsica and the
Italian mainland, Elba was already forti-
fied with strong coastal batteries and
other defence positions by the Italians
and this was reinforced by the Germans
during the short period that they were in
possession of the island. Right: This crew
of a 76mm anti-aircraft gun of Italian Bat-
teria E 132 at Le Grotte, across the bay
from the island’s main harbour Portofer-
raio, was photographed early in 1943,
before the battery commander, Tenente
ALESSANDRO FONTANELLI
di Vascello Aldo Fontanelli (left), was
transferred to Sicily. The battery com-
prised four of these guns and had a total
complement of 73 officers and men. The
floating barrier strung between the
Martello Tower in Portoferraio and the
Punta delle Grotte barred access to the
harbour.
THE INVASIONS OF ELBA ISLAND

and Samos, the Italians held out with British Around 94,000 Italian soldiers chose to
reinforcements until November. Only on
Sardinia and Corsica, and in Calabria and
continue to fight on the side of Germany and
join the army of the Italian Social Republic,
By Jean Paul Pallud
southern Apulia on the Italian mainland, the Fascist state established by Mussolini in
were Italian troops able to hold off the Ger- German-occupied northern Italy. The new 103,000 Italian servicemen joined the Salò
mans until relieved by the arrival of Allied regime, proclaimed on September 23, 1943, Republic later to escape the harsh circum-
forces. declared Rome as its capital, but was de facto stances in the German labour camps.
Some individual soldiers joined local resis- centred on Salò, a small town on Lake Garda Between 600,000 and 650,000 who refused to
tance movements, and even whole units did where Mussolini and the Ministry of Foreign join were interned in Germany where before
the same like the 24a Divisione Fanteria Affairs had their headquarters (hence its col- the end of the war between 37,000 and 50,000
Pinerolo in Thessaly. On the other hand, loquial name Republic of Salò). Another would perish.
some units decided to stay loyal to the Ger-
mans like sizeable elements of the 184a Divi-
sione Paracadutisti Nembo in Sardinia.
On September 3 (the day of the secret
signing of the armistice), British and Cana-
dian troops began landing on the southern-
most tip of Calabria (Operation ‘Baytown’),
and the day after the armistice was made
public (September 9), the Allies landed at
Salerno (Operation ‘Avalanche’, see After
the Battle No. 95) and at Taranto (Operation
‘Slapstick’). However, the swift reaction by
German forces prevented the Allies from
taking full advantage of the armistice. The
initiative was quickly checked, and in a coun-
tryside that favoured defensive positions, it
would take 20 months for the Allied armies
to advance to the north of Italy.
On September 23, an extended version of
the armistice was signed in Malta and on
October 13 the Kingdom of Italy officially
declared war on Germany.
According to German accounts, the Italian
forces disarmed in September totalled about
a million men. Broken down by region, there
were 415,000 in northern Italy; 102,000 in
southern Italy; 265,000 in mainland Greece
and the Aegean islands; 165,000 in
Yugoslavia, and nearly 9,000 in France. A
ATB
large quantity of weapons and equipment

was captured including 1,300,000 rifles,
39,000 machine guns, 8,300 artillery pieces Today the battery site is somewhat overgrown and trees mask the view of Porto-
and nearly 17,000 vehicles. ferraio, hence this comparison was taken a little distance away to the west.
3
ELBAFORTIFICATA
ATB
At the time of the Italian armistice in September 1943, Generale coastal batteries manned by the Italian Navy with 36 pieces.
di Brigata Achilles Gilardi, the commander of the Elba garrison, Left: Happier times in 1940 for a group of gunners at the Vittorio
had a force consisting of six battalions of fusiliers and machine- Veneto Barracks in Portoferraio. Three of their 149mm how-
gunners of the 108th Reggimento Costiero; four artillery groups itzers are visible in the left background. Right: This part of the
of the 27th Raggruppamento Artiglia with 52 pieces, and nine barracks is today used by the police. The remainder is unused.
ELBA ISLAND only some 50 German soldiers on the island, An airborne drop on Elba had first been
Located ten kilometres from the Italian mostly observers manning stations in con- considered by the Germans back in August
mainland, opposite the coastal town of Piom- nection with coastal radars on the mainland. when faulty intelligence led them to believe
bino, Elba is the third largest Italian island Following the invasion of Sicily, and the that Mussolini was being held there. How-
after Sicily and Sardinia. The largest of the subsequent landings in Calabria and Salerno, ever, in mid-August, SS-Hauptsturmführer
Tuscan Archipelago islands, through the the German High Command decided to Otto Skorzeny obtained his own intelligence
ages it has changed hands numerous times. abandon both Sardinia and Corsica to avoid revealing that the Duce was actually being
Known from very ancient times for its iron the risk of having troops trapped there in the held on the small island of Santa Maddalena,
resources, the island was invaded by event of another Allied landing. The 90. off the north-east coast of Sardinia. The
Etruscans and Romans, then by Ostrogoti Panzergrenadier-Division was then stationed parachute drop on Elba was therefore can-
and Lombards. It became a possession of the in Sardinia and the Sturmbrigade ‘Reichs- celled and an operation on Santa Maddalena
Republic of Pisa in the 11th century, then of führer-SS’ in Corsica, while four fortress bat- was called off too as on August 28 the Ital-
the Viscount of Milan in 1389, then of the talions and naval and air units were distrib- ians moved the Duce to Lake Bracciano
House of Medici in 1546. Phillip II of Spain uted throughout the two islands. In addition, north-west of Rome. On September 1, Mus-
conquered part of it in 1596, and from 1802 there were Italian forces that had sided with solini was moved again, this time to a hotel
to 1815 it was a French possession. Emperor the Germans, particularly elements of the on top of the Gran Sasso mountain. The Ger-
Napoléon I was exiled to the island after his 184a Divisione Paracadutisti Nembo. As a mans having learned of this, on September
forced abdication in May 1814, staying there few weeks would be required to carry out the 12 elements of Fallschirmjäger-Regiment 7,
for 300 days, until his return to the French safe evacuation of all these forces, and to with a platoon of SS troops led by Skorzeny,
mainland in February 1815. After Waterloo, protect the ferry movements by air and sea, it landed in gliders on the Gran Sasso and suc-
at the Congress of Vienna, the island was appeared vital to achieve control over Elba cessfully rescued Mussolini from his Italian
given to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany and in as well. prison (see After the Battle No. 22).
1860 it finally became part of the new unified
Kingdom of Italy.
Thirty kilometres long and with a width
varying from 18 kilometres at the eastern
and western ends to just four kilometres in
the centre, the island is dry, rocky and moun-
tainous, with 1,019-metre-high Monte
Capanne in the west forming the highest
peak. The coast is characterised by vertical
cliffs with deep horseshoe-shaped bays. The
population of around 30,000 in 1939 was
widely dispersed across the island, with
12,000 living in Portoferraio, the main har-
bour in the island, and 3,000 at Marciana,
both on the island’s northern shore.
Situated between the Italian mainland and
Corsica, the latter lying some 50 kilometres
to the west, and thus barring the Tyrrhenian
Sea, Elba in 1943-44 appeared to be of great
strategic importance although events in due
course were to prove otherwise.
At the time of the armistice, this sector of
the Tuscany coast was under the II Corpo di
Amata with its headquarters at Florence.
The 215a Divisione Costiera, a coastal divi-
sion just formed on August 1 with headquar-
ters at Massa Marittima, had three regiments
ATB
defending the coastline between Cecina and

Orbetello which included Elba and the
smaller islands of the archipelago. Today, a historical society named Elba Fortificata aims to record the recent military
One regiment, the 108th Reggimento history of the island. In addition to assembling documents, photographs, testi-
Costiero under Colonnello Nicola De Stefa- monies and relics, they also strive to preserve the gun batteries and military posts
nis, manned Elba itself with four battalions that still exist. Among the more impressive are the coastal batteries, even though
of fusiliers and two of machine gunners. In none of the guns survive in situ. Of the nine batteries on the island, E 133 at Poggio
addition, there were four groups of artillery Fortino has disappeared almost completely but the concrete installations of the
and one anti-aircraft battery on the island, others still remain to be seen. Those in the best condition are at Capo d’Enfola,
while the Italian Navy manned nine coastal Capo di Poro, Punta delle Cannelle and Punta dei Ripalti, though the latter is
batteries. All in all, the commander of the located on private property and difficult to access. Batteries E 131 at Capo Bianco
Elba garrison, Generale di Brigata Achilles and E 132 at Le Grotte are easy to reach, although the former is in poor condition.
Gilardi, had 8,300 men at his disposal: 6,300 This is the mount of one of the five 152mm guns embedded in the concrete floor at
Army and 2,000 from the Navy. There were Battery Lodovico De Filippi at Capo d’Enfola.
4
G. VANAGOLLI/G. MOLINARI
The German assault on Elba began with
a bombing raid on September 16.
Although there do not appear to be any
authentic pictures of this attack, some
fake pictures have been published pur-
porting to show Ju 87 Stukas flying over
smoke and explosions in Portoferraio.
These two photos (above and right) were
taken during a raid on the harbour by the
US Twelfth Air Force on March 19, 1944,
and the background of the photo (right)
was later lifted to fake photos of the Ger-
man raid. However, the author was
poorly informed for the German raid was
carried out not by Stukas but by twin-
engined aircraft, most probably Ju 88s.
On September 9, one day after the
announcement of the Italian armistice, the
215a Divisione Costiera sent Generale
G. VANAGOLLI/G. MOLINARI
Gilardi an order issued by the II Corpo di
Armata ‘to act with force against acts of
force committed by the Germans’. Also in
accordance with the armistice terms, the Ital-
ian Navy directed all ships in the Tyrrhenian
ports to sail away to prevent them from
being seized by the Germans, and that
evening and in the following days many ships
made for Portoferraio. Among them were
seven corvettes, 11 torpedo boats, four sub- The March raid was carried out just after noon by three squadrons of B-25 Mitchell
marines and many smaller units. medium bombers of the 310th Bombardment Group, the crews afterwards reporting
Late in the evening of the 9th, the Ger- direct hits on two flak barges in the harbour. Civilian casualties were heavy, 56
mans started to take over ships in the port of people being killed and 60 wounded. These two photos show the raid underway.
Piombino, taking the crews hostage and dis-
arming Italian soldiers. An Italian coastal
battery opened up and reluctantly the Ger-
mans released the captured men and
returned the seized equipment.
Tension ran high in Elba and on the morn-
ing of September 10, mistaking them for Ger-
mans trying to land, Army gunners opened up
on four Italian submarine chasers entering the
Golfo di Procchio. The party turned back and
made for Piombino in spite of adverse sea
conditions. At noon, an alarm was sounded at
Portoferraio that ships were approaching
from the north-east. The corvettes Folaga,
Ape and Cormorano sailed out and soon
opened up on five German armed lighters
coming in, forcing them to turn tail.
In the afternoon, communications with
Piombino revealed that an impressive num-
ber of German ships was now assembled in
the harbour, including two torpedo boats,
one minesweeper and a dozen lighters. Also,
the Germans were landing troops that were
moving to seize the roads adjacent to the
port. In the evening, Piombino requested the
intervention of the naval force assembled in
ATB
Portoferraio but its commander, Ammiraglio

Amedeo Nomis di Pollone, reported that this
could not be done before next morning. The photographer stood on the uphill road from Colle Reciso to Picchiaia.
5
ELBAFORTIFICATA
ATB
Left: The German raid six months earlier caused serious dam- wounded. The anti-aircraft battery at Le Grotte was badly hit
age in the town centre and resulted in even heavier loss of life and partially destroyed. Right: Via Guerazzi, in the old part of
with about 100 military and civilians being killed and 150 Portoferraio, today.
Then, on the morning of the 11th, Gen- Following an order from the Italian Navy In the afternoon, the Germans launched
erale Gilardi received an order from the 215a to sail for Palermo in Sicily, all ships in Porto- another probing attack at the small island of
Divisione Costiera instructing him to cease ferraio left except two that needed repairs; Palmaiola, off Cavo at the north-eastern tip
all resistance and establish contact with Ger- also, the torpedo boat Impavido had to return of Elba; a confused incident followed, the
man commanders. He refused to comply in the evening because of technical problems. Cannelle battery opened up, and the islet
with this about-face, considering — as he During the night, German forces finally remained in Italian hands.
officially reported in the evening — that this achieved complete control of Piombino. The Germans now turned to assault Elba,
order was at odds with the proclamation by In the night of September 12/13, the Elba beginning on the 16th by sending ten
the King heard over the radio. batteries opened fire at another party of bombers to raid Portoferraio. The attacks
During the morning, as German aircraft small boats approaching south of Porto Lon- caused serious damage and heavy civilian
flew over the island to drop leaflets, the anti- gone on the east side of the island, forcing casualties. The anti-aircraft battery at Le
aircraft batteries opened up at them. Signed them to turn back. The same incident hap- Grotte, facing Portoferraio across the bay,
by the ‘superior commander of the German pened again the next night and again on the was badly hit and partially destroyed. Some
troops’, the leaflets denounced the ‘treacher- 14th and the 15th. 100 military and civilians were killed and the
ous Badoglio government’ and required On the morning of September 15, accom- large number of wounded, 150, completely
Generale Gilardi to send representatives to panied by Capitano Edmondo Moro from overtaxed the island’s medical capabilities.
Piombino before 4 p.m. to negotiate an the staff of the II Corpo di Armata, two Ger- Faced with the losses already suffered, and
unconditional surrender. If a truce had not man officers landed at Scoglietto, an islet just realising that it would be useless to continue
been agreed by the appointed time, massive north of Portoferraio, from where they were to resist, Gilardi finally decided to re-open
bombing was to follow ‘up to your complete taken to the latter town. Moro carried a let- negotiations but by now it was too late: the
annihilation’. Those who continued to fight, ter signed by the division commander calling German invasion operation was already
especially the commanders, so the leaflet Gilardi to immediate surrender. Again refer- underway and ferries carrying troops had
said, ‘will be treated as francs-tireurs and will ring to earlier orders to resist, Gilardi already left Livorno en route for Portofer-
be shot’. rejected the proposal. raio.
6
Right: On the morning of September 17, taking off from
Ciampino airfield near Rome, Ju 52s from II./Transport-
geschwader 1 took off with 600 paratroopers of the III. Batail-
lon of Fallschirmjäger-Regiment 7 on board to assault the
island of Elba. This snapshot was taken inside one of the
aircraft during the flight and was later discovered in the
photo album of a Fallschirmjäger veteran. Below: At around
8.30 a.m., the paratroopers began landing in the open coun-
tryside across the bay from Portoferraio on a drop zone
delineated by the villages of San Giovanni, Schiopparello
and Magazzini. Three Luftwaffe Propaganda-Kompanie
photographers — Baitz, Biedermann and Thönessen —
jumped with the attack force but only Biedermann landed
early enough to be able to take pictures of Ju 52s flying from
east to west over the DZ with dozens of paratroopers still
descending. Baitz and Thönessen probably travelled in a
later aircraft as they did not take any photos of paratroops
landing. The white parachutes are those dropping containers
and heavier equipment.
ECPAD FallAOK 1568 L09

GERMAN PARACHUTE INVASION — Early on September 17, the transport air- Portoferraio itself, coming from Livorno in a
OPERATION ‘GOLDFASAN’ craft took off from Ciampino heading for handful of ferries.
Junkers Ju 52s from the II. Gruppe of Elba with nearly 600 paratroopers from the The dazed Italians put up no resistance
Transportgeschwader 1 were already stand- III. Bataillon of Fallschirmjäger-Regiment 7 and the Germans soon completed the round-
ing by at Ciampino airfield near Rome. The under Major Friedrich Hübner. Beginning at up of the garrison and the occupation of their
unit had been moved to Italy from southern 8.30 a.m., the paratroopers began landing on batteries and barracks. Oberstleutnant Hein-
France on July 11, and had then brought in the open countryside across the bay from rich von Behr, commanding the sea party
elements of the 2. Fallschirmjäger-Division Portoferraio. Meanwhile, the I. Bataillon of that landed in Portoferraio, soon met Gen-
from southern France during August. Panzergrenadier-Regiment 200 landed in erale Gilardi to discuss details of the take-
ATB
Left: The main telephone line running across the plain to the wires. This, and the poles in the vineyards, caused several
south-eastern corner of the island caused real problems to the casualties. Right: These are the same fields at Schiopparello
paratroops as many of the parachutes became entangled in its today, looking eastwards.
7
Above: An officer soon arrived to gather

his men together at an assembly point.
The Zündapp K 600 W motorcycle must
have just been parachuted in (see the
white parachutes on page 7). Right:
Though the area is now largely overgrown,
traces of the old track can still be seen
between the fields, and the two houses in
the background confirm the match.
over. Arms, artillery guns and vehicles were

to be handed over to the Germans, as well as
the coastal batteries, although some of these
had been rendered unusable by the Italians.
The German paratroopers were quickly
withdrawn from Elba to rejoin the 2. Fall-
schirmjäger-Division and prepare for other
missions, leaving the infantry battalion to
hold the island prior to the German High
Command sending other units to garrison it.
The Germans then began to pressure the
Italian soldiers into joining sides, confronting
them with an declaration to sign that gave
two choices: either remain in military service
or enrol in labour service on the German
ATB
side or be deported to internment camps in

ATB
Left: The parachute hanging from the house and the damage right through the roof! Right: The same house in Schiopparello,
would seem to indicate that a paratrooper must have crashed looking westwards, with Monte Orello in the background.
8
PK photographer Willy Baitz landed further east, near Magaz- film shows the Fallschirmjäger in the process of rounding up
zini at the north-eastern side of the plain, and his first roll of groups of Italian officers and men.
Above left: The Italian soldiers, demor-

alised by the Luftwaffe bombardment that
had preceded the landings, generally put
up no resistance and only one small inci-
dent was reported at Magazzini where an
Italian sailor was killed when he refused to
hand over his bicycle and the mail he was
carrying. Above right: The same view at
Magazzini today by the road that leads
east to Volterraio and Rio Marina. Right:
Italian officers — among them an artillery
lieutenant and an infantry lieutenant-
colonel — were held separately.
Germany. Gilardi put off returning the forms

for days but finally had to give his reply on
October 3: only two of his officers agreed to
sign for co-operation. The disappointed Ger-
mans reacted immediately, removing the
Italian guards that until then had been kept
at Portoferraio’s Vittorio Veneto Barracks
and starting arrests. On October 7, handing
him a letter that accused him of sabotage,
they apprehended Gilardi together with 250
Army and 50 Navy officers. First jailed at
Piombino, they were soon put on a train for
ATB
an 11-day trip to POW camps in Poland.
9
A long column of prisoners was soon marching westwards in the direction of Portoferraio.
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The comparison looks east at the mountain range that runs castle (centre left) and topped by the 516-metre-high Cima del
down the eastern side of the island, crowned by the Volterraio Monte (centre right).
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Left: Although the Fallschirmjäger set up a field hospital in a in the operation, the only casualties being those with broken
manor house on high ground at the western end of the Schiop- bones. Right: Jean Paul found that the house on a private
parello plain, nevertheless they did not suffer a single fatality estate near Le Grotte still stands with a new gateway.
10
CEGÉS BRUXELLES 161940
CEGÉS BRUXELLES 161941

At the same time that the airborne troops were landing south of the Another PK photographer, Kriegsberichter Kussin, took these
bay, landing craft were approaching from Livorno to put ashore the photos of ‘special forces of the Army’ landing at Portoferraio
I. Bataillon of Panzergrenadier-Regiment 200 in Portoferraio. though the exact date on which they were taken is unclear.

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Left: Looking south from the harbour today with Monte Orello transport had to be commandeered, the Germans impressing
and Monte Petriciaio across the bay in the background. Right: lorries, tractors, horse-drawn carts and additional motorcycles.
The paratroopers soon linked up with the seaborne force in the Here a paratrooper retrieves fuel from a drum found in an
town. With only a few air-dropped motorcycles to hand, local Italian barracks.
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Major Friedrich Hübner, the commander of the III. Bataillon of Jean Paul discovered that Hübner was standing on the Molo
Fallschirmjäger-Regiment 7, pictured in the harbour, another del Gallo, the principal jetty, with Giuseppe Mazzini Quay lead-
snapshot from the veteran’s photo album. ing off to the right.
11
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Left: The last of the paratroopers enter Portoferraio from the south. drop zone can be seen alongside the road. Right: San Giovanni
The same telephone line that we saw earlier running across the with the Volterraio castle and the Cima del Monte in the distance.
Above: Fallschirmjäger sharing some

wine with Italian soldiers — a scene
probably staged for the camera by PK
Biedermann. The Germans had little time
for such relaxation, their orders being to
swiftly round up the Italian troops, seize
wireless stations and cut telephone com-
munications. Also, in contrast to such
images of fraternisation, there were Ital-
ian reports of abuses against civilians,
with German soldiers breaking into
houses to steal money and valuables.
Right: This part of the old Albereto Bar-
racks, located on the Punta Enfola road
on Portoferraio’s western outskirts, has
since been converted to private housing.
On September 22, five days after the Ger-

man occupation of Elba, the Italian
steamship Andrea Sgarallino, which was run-
ning civilian services from Piombino to
Portoferraio, was torpedoed by Royal Navy
submarine HMS Uproar. The ship sank
quickly with a loss of 200 civilians and very
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few survivors. Her captain and crew were
12
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Left: The Germans quickly concentrated all captured Italian from the chimney, the ILVA steel factory seen in the back-
troops in Portoferraio, PK Biedermann picturing long columns ground is still active. Right: The same view today on Via Vitto-
of prisoners marching into the harbour. Judging by the smoke rio Emanuele, looking westwards from the Molo del Gallo.
The whole Italian garrison of the island,

some 8,300 men, was quickly transferred
to the Italian mainland. The Germans
would soon confront the Italian POWs
with a simple choice: either remain on
the Axis side and join the armed forces
of Mussolini’s Republic of Salò, or be
sent to internment camps in Germany.
The vessels used for the transfer were
army engineer landing craft operated by
Pionier-Landungs-Bataillon 771. These
craft, officially named Schwere Fähre 40
(literally: heavy ferries) but more gener-
ally known as Siebel ferries, had origi-
nally been designed as part of the prepa-
ration for Operation ‘Seelöwe’, the
German invasion of Britain planned in
1940. After this was cancelled, the ferries
were utilised on many fronts as their
modular design allowed them to be
transported by road. They served in the
Mediterranean, Baltic and Black Seas in
a variety of roles — transport, flak ship,
gunboat, convoy escort, and minelaying.
Right: Giuseppe Mazzini Quay, looking
eastwards, with the harbour just off to
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the right.
13
This crowd of Italian soldiers is waiting on the Molo del Gallo wearing an infantry badge on his cap though the number of the
to board the Siebel ferries. The man in the foreground is regiment appears to be missing from the circle.
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Above left: PK Biedermann had a field

day taking pictures of the activities on
the mole. Above right: The old watch-
tower on the Molo del Gallo still stands.
Right: The Fallschirmjäger were with-
drawn from the island using the same
ferries. Unusually for Siebel units, the
vessels of Pionier-Landungs-Bataillon
771 bore unofficial names, like SF 266 —
Huchen (Salmon of the Danube) — seen
here being loaded with parachute con-
tainers, parachutes, a PaK 38 50mm anti-
tank gun and a Flak 30 20mm anti-air-
craft gun. The containers are the
multi-purpose type FL29680 used for
dropping light arms as well as medical
supplies. Measuring 1.37 metres long
and 40 by 40 centimetres, they were
equipped with wheels and a handle to
allow easier transport. Note the mark-

ings applied to facilitate their recovery
and sorting-out after the drop: some
here belong to the III. Bataillon of
Fallschirmjäger-Regiment 7, others more
specifically to the 4. Kompanie or the
8. Kompanie.
14
Right: Before boarding the landing craft
and leaving Elba, Biedermann handed
one of his cameras to his colleague Thö-
nessen and asked him to take a picture
of himself on the quay. Biedermann is
the man on the left.
Italian and on board were only a few Ger-

mans checking the identity of the passengers.
This tragic mistake shocked the whole island,
practically everyone having someone to
mourn.
With Elba in German hands, the evacua-
tion of Axis troops from Sardinia and Cor-
sica was able to proceed in somewhat safer
conditions, and within two weeks 6,294 sol-
diers, 3,026 vehicles, 361 guns, 105 tanks and
5,414 tons of materials had been shipped
back to the mainland. During the same
period, the Luftwaffe evacuated a further
23,192 German soldiers and 2,100 Italians, in

addition to 619 tons of materials. Although
the figures are impressive, losses were signifi-
cant as 25 Ju 52s and 80 naval units of every
sort were lost, many when Allied bombers
attacked the airfields at Pisa and Pontedera
and raided the ports in the islands and Tus-
cany.
Then, having retrieved his camera, Bie-

dermann used it to take this shot of the
harbour’s signal light as SF 266 Huchen
passed it en route for Piombino. Sailing
with Huchen was SF 243, another land-
ing craft of Pionier-Landungs-Bataillon
771. These Schwere Fähre 40 were con-
structed from existing material, two
pontoons being connected side-by-side
with a large platform mounted on top
to carry the payload. A propulsion unit
was mounted in the rear and a loading
ramp on the bow. This gave a shallow-
draft catamaran landing craft, measur-
ing 21.6 metres long and 13.9 metres
wide, with a maximum cruise speed of
6.5 knots and the ability to transport
150 men. Right: The lighthouse, 25
metres high and built in 1788, stands
on the northern rampart of Forte Stella,
the fortification built by Cosimo I de
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Medici in 1548.
15
BUILDING UP DEFENCES
In November 1943 a new German army
group, Heeresgruppe C under Generalfeld-
marschall Albert Kesselring, was created to
take over the Italian front, although he still
remained Ob. Südwest (Commander in
Chief, South-West) in the same theatre.
Heeresgruppe C took charge over the 10.
Armee on the main front across Italy and the
14. Armee facing the Anzio bridgehead.
Northern Italy was under the command of
Armee-Abteilung Zangen, a rear-area,
catch-all organisation assuming the dual
function of holding replacements and theatre
reserves and being responsible for coast-
watching, construction of rear-area defences
and anti-partisan warfare. These latter tasks
were consigned to the LXXV. Armeekorps
of General der Infanterie Anton Dostler.
No time was lost in manning the defences
in the rear areas, and on December 5 Gen-
eralmajor Franz Gall was named commander
of Verteidigungs-Abschnitt Elba (Elba
Defence Sector) under the LXXV.
Armeekorps. By May 1944, General Gall
possessed three fortress battalions to man
the island’s defences: Festungs-Bataillon 902,
BUNDESARCHIV BILD 101l-474-1861-03

Festungs-Bataillon 908 and the VI
Battaglione Difesa Costiera (or Küsten-Fes-
tungs-Bataillon 6 in German parlance).
Festungs-Bataillone 902 and 908 had both
been formed in Germany in mid-June 1943
from various rear-echelon elements, and
were made up particularly of men recovering
from frostbite incurred on the Eastern Front.
Some ten per cent of them were Volks-
deutsche (ethnic Germans), mainly from
Poland and Czechoslovakia. Both battalions
had been part of the forces hastily moved to
Italy in September 1943, first to Sardinia Early in December 1943, Generalmajor Franz Gall was named commander of Verteidi-
before being evacuated to Corsica and then gungs-Abschnitt Elba (Elba Defence Sector). Here he is visiting a battery of Artillerie-
to the Italian mainland. When Festungs- Abteilung z.b.V. emplaced on top of a hill. The officer with him might be Oberleut-
Bataillon 902 was moved by air from Corsica nant Sterz, the unit’s commanding officer. Artillerie-Abteilung z.b.V. comprised three
to Italy on September 23, two of its transport batteries armed with Italian field guns: eleven 149mm howitzers and five 75mm
aircraft had been shot down, killing the bat- guns. The map of defence positions drawn up by the Germans in late 1943 showed
talion commander, Hauptmann Willi Kroe- no less than 36 strongpoints.
ber.
The two battalions, each comprising four formed in November 1943 in the Modena from the Straits of Messina to man six of the
companies, were each some 520 men strong, sector from young recruits aged 18 to 21. existing Italian coastal batteries on the
their armament consisting mainly of cap- While its commander, Capitano Bugarelli, island. Led by Korvettenkapitän Max
tured Italian weapons. Reporting in May and his officers and NCOs had volunteered Schreiber, the unit was 350 strong and took
1944, the new commander of Festungs- to continue to fight alongside Germany, the over the gun positions with 200 Italian
Bataillon 902, Major Dietze, noted that recruits were not all of the same conviction, coastal gunners. Schreiber was also the Naval
though his men were generally experienced many having simply been threatened that commander on the island with a command
soldiers, some of them were unable to march their parents would be jailed if they refused post in Portoferraio.
for long due to the severe frostbite. Also, a to volunteer. Moved to Elba in February Three of these coastal batteries defended
thorough training programme was needed 1944, the battalion comprised some 650 men the northern shore in the Portoferraio sector:
before they were fully proficient with the by June but its four companies were distrib- the 1. Batterie of Marine-Artillerie-
Italian equipment. uted among the German infantry units. Abteilung 616 took over Batteria Enfola
The VI Battaglione Difesa Costiera was an A German naval artillery unit, Marine- with four 152mm howitzers; the 9. Batterie
even more recent creation having been Artillerie-Abteilung 616, was brought in went to Batteria Bianco with four 76mm and
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Left: Gall was inspecting the series of strongpoints emplaced access to the precise spot but also restricts the view, hence
on the mountain spur that dominates the centre of the island. this comparison was taken from a location some distance to
The skyline in the background enabled Jean Paul to determine the south of where the German photographer stood. However,
that this shot was taken from Strongpoint 28, midway along it has the advantage of showing Marina di Campo where Allied
the spur. Right: Thick vegetation on the hills not only prohibits forces were to land the following June.
16
two 75mm anti-aircraft guns, and the 7. Bat-
terie manned Batteria Fortino with three
102mm dual-purpose anti-aircraft/coastal
guns.
Two coastal batteries defended the eastern
shore, particularly the sector of Porto Lon-
gone. The 8. Batterie manned Batteria Can-
nelle with four 102mm guns, and the 4. Bat-
terie was at Batteria Ripalti with four 152mm
howitzers and two 76mm AA guns.
The 6. Batterie took over Batteria Poro
with one 102mm gun and four 90m AA guns
to cover the Golfo di Campo in the centre of
the southern coast.
Two of the existing Italian batteries, Batte-
ria Penisola and Batteria Le Grotte, both on

the north coast, were not taken over by the
Germans, the latter because it was left in
poor shape after having been badly hit dur-
ing the air attack on September 16.
In addition to Marine-Artillerie-Abteilung
616, a makeshift artillery unit, named
Abteilung z.b.V. (zur besonderen Verwen-
dung – For Special Employment), was
moved to Elba in September. Some 110 men
strong, the unit had been hastily created at
Brindisi in June 1943 with men from the
Afrikakorps returning from leave and unable
to re-join their unit before the capitulation in Another shot from near Strongpoint 28, probably taken in front of the guardhouse of
Tunisia that May. It comprised three batter- the original Italian ‘Monza’ position here. The PK photographer accompanying the
ies armed with Italian field guns, eleven general’s inspection tour was Leutnant Ludwig Doering.
149mm howitzers and five 75mm guns. Ober-
leutnant Sterz, the commanding officer,
reported that it was only due to the integra-
tion of Italian officers and men from the 4th
Battery of V Gruppo Artigliera Costiera,
another Italian unit that had gone over to the
German side, that the battalion was able to
reach operational capability with guns that
were unknown to them.
To bolster the weak anti-aircraft defences,
two batteries from Flak-Abteilung 192 (the
2. and 4. Batterie), were moved to the island
in November 1943, each with four German
88mm guns and three 20mm guns — the only
unit under Generalmajor Gall armed with
really modern weapons. Commanded by
Oberleutnant Mahl, it was some 120 men
strong. The two batteries were emplaced a
few hundred metres apart on the hills at
Acquabona, across the bay from Portofer-
raio.
By June 1944 the garrison on Elba com-
prised 2,600 men including 800 Italians. All
units were makeshift, with the Italians dis-
tributed among German units, everyone
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being mainly armed with Italian weapons.
Many of the German officers were from the
reserve, including 60-year-old Generalmajor A similar guardhouse still exists in another, nearby former Italian position on the top of
Gall himself. Height 268 just north of Monte Tambone, the southern end of the central spur. Known as
The defences were organised into 13 ‘Tivoli’, once taken over by the Germans, it became Strongpoint 26 and a French report
coastal sectors. ‘Stralsund’ and ‘Athen’ describes it as being crewed in June 1944 by 99 men: nine Germans and 90 Italians. It was
which covered the Golfo di Procchio west of armed with two German 50mm anti-tank guns, three mortars and 17 machine guns.
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Left: With this remarkable background — Capo Stella jutting less comparison looking down Elba’s south-eastern shore.
out into the sea between the Golfo della Lacona and the Golfo It was taken from the southern end of the central spur, some
Stella, and with the tip of the island with Monte Calamita on distance north of Monte Tambone, just where an Allied
the horizon — Jean Paul was able to pinpoint the exact spot intelligence aerial photo of April 1944 indicated the positions of
where Doering stood when he took this photo. Right: A time- five earthworks and numbered the position C62.
17
Above: The Germans progressively

brought in more troops to reinforce the
island’s garrison. Sometime during the
winter of 1943-44 (note the heavy clothing
worn by the men), PK Doering pictured a
party of infantry, just disembarked in
Portoferraio harbour, marching south-
wards to their assignment. Right: Not an
easy place to find but Jean Paul discov-
ered that the picture had been taken in Via
Colonnello Marco Antonio Carpani, in the
southern outskirts of the town. The street
has seen remarkably little change in over
seven decades, except that the two palm
trees have been felled recently.
Portoferraio; ‘Pisa’, ‘Venedig’, ‘Palermo’,

‘Florenz’ and ‘Neapel’ the wide bay south-
east of Portoferraio, with a pre-arranged
artillery barrage (code-named ‘Maria’)
designed to cover the entrance of the bay.
‘München’ protected the bay near Porto
Longone with its pre-arranged artillery code-
named ‘Hedwig’. ‘Berlin’, ‘Köhl’ and ‘Ulm’
covered the Golfo Stella; ‘Hamburg’ the
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Golfo della Lacona with its artillery barrage

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Left: Doering appears to have toured the whole island, carrying ians by Marine-Artillerie-Abteilung 616, it became German
out a systematic coverage of the various defence positions. Strongpoint 8. Right: The view across the bay of Portoferraio
This is Batteria Fortino, a former Italian coastal battery which makes a perfect comparison. Monte Capanne, the highest sum-
was armed with three 102mm guns. Taken over from the Ital- mit of the island, can be seen in the background.
18
Above: Continuing his photo report,
Doering visited Strongpoint 30 in the
centre of the island. Crewed by 65 men of
Artillerie-Abteilung z.b.V. — 35 Germans
and 30 Italians — the battery comprised
another four of the Italian 149mm how-
itzers. Right: It was located near Colle
Reciso, the view of Portoferraio in the
centre background enabling ‘JP’ to pin-
point its exact position.
code-named ‘Toni’; ‘Danzig’ defended the

Golfo di Campo, the bay being covered by
another pre-arranged artillery barrage, code-
named ‘Almut’. According to Allied intelli-
gence obtained from local fishermen, mine-
fields closed the entrance to Portoferraio, the
Golfo di Procchio, the Golfo della Lacona
and the Golfo Stella.
Civilians remained free to circulate all
over the island, providing they had identity
papers but restrictions were applied on fish-
ing. All boats had to be moored in desig-
nated harbours and fishing was only allowed
during the day and no further than three
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kilometres offshore.
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This picture from the same strongpoint well illustrates how the island. On June 1, 1944, the garrison consisted of 2,633 men, of
Italian troops were divided up among the German units on the whom 1,834 were German and 799 Italian.
19
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Left: A Kapitänleutnant visiting an outpost in Marciana Marina,
guarded by two of his men, one of them an Italian. He has
NIOD 8067
taken the trouble to take along the mail: ‘Lonely men on Elba’,
reads the wartime caption. Above: The watch-tower was built
in the 16th century.
Mules were the only means of transport in the hilly regions of the monthly report of Festungs-Bataillon 908 for May 1944
Elba. Though its official war establishment allowed for none, gave a strength of 29 mules.
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Left: Marinefährprähme (ferry barges operated by the Kriegsmarine) aircraft guns for self-defence, as Flak-lighters or F-lighters. This one
maintained a regular supply service to Elba from the mainland. seen moored in Portoferraio probably belonged to the 4. Landungs-
Allied sources refer to them as ferry lighters or, if armed with anti- Flottille. Right: The same spot along Giuseppe Mazzini Quay today.
20
The German defences included two heavy
anti-aircraft batteries, Strongpoints 31
and 32, both operated by Flak-Abteilung
192 and each armed with four 88mm and
three 20mm AA guns, plus six machine
guns for their own defence. Flak-
Abteilung 192 had a strength of 120 men
but these were supplemented by Italian
soldiers and Strongpoint 31 had 120 men
(70 Germans and 50 Italians) and Strong-
point 32 another 90 men (50 Germans and
40 Italians). Thanks to aerial photo recon-
naissance (complete coverage of the
island was achieved in April 1944), Allied
intelligence knew in advance the precise
position and armament of most of the
German batteries. Note how the crews of
this one have dug out deep pits in the
vineyard to install their guns below
ground level. Above: With only two bat-
teries on the whole island armed with
88mm guns, and Allied intelligence maps
pinpointing their positions, it was not dif-
ficult to identify this one as Strongpoint
32 at Schiopparello, just beside the road
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between Portoferraio and Porto Longone.

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Left: Another view of the same battery, with the road now run- just off the picture. Right: As new properties have since been
ning across in mid-distance. The other 88mm battery, Strong- built all over the site blocking the view, this comparison was
point 31, stood a little higher up on the hill in the background, taken from the road itself.
21
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Left: Generalmajor Gall conferring with what might well be familiar shapes of Volterraio castle and the Cima del Monte on
Oberleutnant Mahl, the commander of Flak-Abteilung 192. the horizon. Though new trees have changed the scene, the
Right: They met near the hamlet of Acquabona, with the now- house in mid-distance forms the link with the past.
This ceremony appears to have been held to strengthen teamwork with the Italian soldiers.
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In the background, just in front of the villa, the large dish of a Still in the same sector at Acquabona with Monte Fabbrello in
Würzburg radar can just be detected. the background.
22
ALLIED INVASION
As General Eisenhower had returned to
England to assume command of the forces
assembling for Operation ‘Overlord’, Gen-
eral Sir Henry Wilson had taken over as
Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediter-
ranean.
To the Allied command, the strategic rea-
son for the invasion of Elba was to prohibit,
or at least gravely endanger, the German
supplies traffic to their forces fighting along
the main front across Italy. These supplies
were mainly being moved by road and rail
along the Tuscany coast, with ferries bringing
more down through the Piombino channel.
Plans for an invasion of Elba were therefore
shaped at Allied Forces Headquarters
(AFHQ) in Algiers from April 1944. They
went under the code-name Operation ‘Bras-
sard’.
The idea was to use French troops then in
the Corsica. The French saw it as essential to
the regeneration of France that the reconsti-
tuted French Army take part in the fight
against Germany and by the beginning of
1944 an expeditionary corps with four divi-
sions was fighting on the main front in Italy
under the command of the US Fifth Army.
Following an insurrection by the local resis-
tance of Corsica in October 1943, other
French troops (the Ier Corps d’Armée)
under the command of Général Henri Mar-
USNA
tin had invaded and occupied that island.
The French command was eager to commit
the forces now in Corsica to the invasion of On June 16, 1944, troops of the 9ème Division d’Infanterie Coloniale embarked for
Elba as well. Operation ‘Brassard’ –- the Allied invasion of Elba — from the harbour of Porto Vec-
In January, the US Twelfth Air Force, pro- chio on the island of Corsica. Although the landing force was almost exclusively
viding tactical air support in the Mediter- made up of French troops, because the air support and part of the invasion fleet was
ranean, turned attention to the island, American, a few US Army photographers from the 196th Signal Photo Company
launching two medium bomber raids, fol- went along to cover the operation. Lieutenant James V. Gann pictured these four
lowed up by a major raid on Portoferraio on Landing Craft Infantry (Large) at Porto Vecchio. US 39, US 48, US 44 and US 189
March 19. Fighter-bombers started strafing belonged to Group 4 and transported elements of the 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs
attacks in April, P-47s attacking shipping off Sénégalais. Note that the censor has blocked out the vessels’ radar aerials.
Elba on the 25th. Repeated attacks by
fighter-bombers and medium bombers hit Landing craft were provided by the Royal boats — Aphis, Scarab and Cockchafer —
Elba in May, capped on the 15th with a raid Navy and US Navy, and four LSTs, 41 and support craft — five LCT(R) rocket-fir-
on Portoferraio by B-24 heavies from the US LCTs, 42 LCI(L)s, 36 LCAs and 20 LCVPs ing craft, five LCG gun-armed landing craft,
Fifteenth Air Force’s 485th Bombardment were to transport the French assault forces. five LCF anti-aircraft landing craft, five
Group. The Royal Navy also provided three gun LCS(M) machine-gun and mortar-armed
The force assembled for the taking of Elba
(code-named Force 255) was to be provided
by French troops from Corsica. It would be
made up of three Regimental Combat
Teams. Two were from the 9ème Division
d’Infanterie Coloniale, the first comprising
three battalions from the 13ème Régiment
de Tirailleurs Sénégalais (natives from West
Africa) under Colonel Jean Chrétien, the
second two battalions from the 4ème Régi-
ment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais led by
Colonel Lucien Cariou. The third RCT was
the 2ème Groupement de Tabors Marocains,
commanded by Colonel Pierre Boyer de
Latour.
Colonel Fernand Gambiez’s Bataillon de
Choc, and Lieutenant-Colonel Georges-
Régis Bouvet’s Commandos d’Afrique were
to provide commandos to silence the shore
batteries. They would land in complete dark-
ness three hours before H-Hour.
With an engineer beach group equipped
for clearing mines and other obstacles, five
batteries of 105mm and one of 155mm guns
from Division Artillery, anti-aircraft batter-
ies, and a squadron of ten light tanks from
the 9ème Division’s reconnaissance regi-
ment, the invasion force numbered 11,667
troops, with 86 guns, 250 mules and 481 vehi-
cles, all under the command of Général
Joseph Magnan, the commander of the 9ème
Division d’Infanterie Coloniale. The follow- The main invading force was to land on a stretch of sandy beach over one kilometre
up force comprised 4,092 men, 37 guns and long and sweeping around the lower end of the Golfo di Campo on Elba’s southern
444 vehicles. shore. To the left lay the small fishing village of Marina di Campo. The landing area,
The operation would be carried out under sub-divided into Kodak Red (left) and Kodak Amber (right), was judged to be ideal for
the overall command of Général Jean de all types of landing craft, the troops being able to step ashore only a few metres from
Lattre de Tassigny. the island’s road system. Kodak Green Beach, off to the east behind a rocky promon-
The naval commander was Rear-Admiral tory, was considered less favourable, being rated suitable only for the smaller LCAs
Thomas Troubridge of the Royal Navy in and there was no exit for other than infantry. This map comes from the operational
command of Force N, which would be order issued by the naval commander of ‘Brassard’, Rear-Admiral Thomas
responsible for landing the assault troops. Troubridge.
23
Compiling their report after the opera-
tion, French intelligence officers drew
up a map detailing the German defences
of the island; this is the sector of Marina
di Campo. Where captured German doc-
uments were available, the French
pasted them on the map, like the small
patch detailing the port demolitions pre-
pared by German engineers. This com-
prised two chambers with three depth-
charges of 30kg in each, and it appears
that the igniter was ready but not yet
built in when the document was typed.
The map also shows the pre-arranged
artillery barrage, code-named ‘Almut’,
that covered the bay, and the Strong-
points in the sector, numbered 18 to 21,
the latter being the 6. Batterie of
Marine-Artillerie-Abteilung 616, the for-
mer Italian Batteria Poro. There was no
specific defence for the Spiagga di Fonza
(Fonza Beach) — Kodak Green in the
Allied assault plan — and the landing
there was indeed to prove unopposed.
Note the mis-spelling of ‘Danzig’, evi-
dence that the map was not an original
German one, and a mysterious ship
named Köln (see page 29).
ECPAD TERRE 239 5327
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Left: The ‘Danzig’ defence sector as seen by the crew of a 50mm sector is not recorded. Kodak Red beach cannot be seen from here
PaK 38 anti-tank gun emplaced on the hill above Marina di as it is directly below, but Kodak Amber is clearly visible in the
Campo. By June 1944, Festungs-Bataillon 908 had three such guns background. Right: New houses have now been built in the hills
but exactly how many of these were deployed in this particular above the village, so losing the site of the gun position.
support craft, and four LCA(HR) Spigot Force. Air support was to be provided by the The operation was originally scheduled to
mortar-armed assault craft. Twelve MTBs 87th Fighter Wing and the 57th Bombard- take place soon after May 25 but at the
and 39 PT Boats would give close support ment Group (of the Mediterranean Allied beginning of the month one of the three gun
and cover besides carrying out diversionary Tactical Air Force) and the 63rd Fighter boats earmarked to support the operation,
operations. Wing (of the Mediterranean Allied Coastal HMS Cockschaffer, had not yet arrived, and
The air commander was American Air Force). It was hoped that Darcy could it was clear that certain specialised equip-
Colonel Thomas C. Darcy, the commander establish an advanced command post on ment would become available too late for the
of the 87th Fighter Wing of the Twelfth Air Elba on D+1. troops to be trained in its use. Moreover, it
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Left: Shortly after the landing, Corporal Earl Zeigler of the shells on the run-in to the beach — is burning. She will eventu-
196th Signal Photo Company pictured the reverse view from ally sink in shallow water near this position. Right: The same
the hill off to the east of Marina di Campo. Shells are exploding view from the promontory between Marina di Campo and
off Red and Amber beaches, and LCI(L) 132 — hit by German Fonza beach (behind the photographer).
24
became apparent that a more-intensive
amphibious training of the French forces was
required. Accordingly, Wilson and de Lattre
agreed to postpone the operation until the
first suitable day in June. This was largely
governed by the state of the moon and the
landing was finally fixed for the 17th.
This postponement nearly brought about
the cancellation of the whole operation as in
the meantime the situation in Italy had devel-
oped rapidly. On May 11, the 15th Army
Group launched Operation ‘Diadem’, a mas-
sive offensive against the German defensive
line at Cassino south of Rome. With Allied
formations having broken through on a wide
front and linked up with the Anzio bridge-
head, on June 2, Kesselring ordered his
armies to break off contact and withdraw
north. The following day he declared Rome
an open city and American troops entered
the city on June 4 (see After the Battle No.
152). In the days that followed, the Allies
advanced quite a distance north of Rome so
that the German coastal supply traffic to the
front, for which Elba had until then served as
a screen, ceased; thus the primary reason for
the assault of the island disappeared. On June
12, General Sir Harold Alexander, comman-
der of the Allied Forces in Italy, made clear
that he wanted it cancelled on the grounds
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that, due to the rapid German withdrawal
north of Rome, the capture of the island no
longer served any useful purpose. Moroccan goumiers — soldiers from the Berber tribes of Morocco — landing on
Although his reasoning was sound, de Lat- Kodak Green. Enemy opposition here was negligible with scattered machine guns
tre was eager to train his green units and said spraying the beach for a time. US 237 was part of the eight LCI(L) of Group 4 landing
he could not agree. He pointed out that the the 2ème Groupement de Tabors. A unit the size of an infantry regiment, the latter
lie of the land and the nature of the German comprised three Tabors (battalions), each of three Goums (companies). Note that the
defences on Elba were similar to those on Goumiers are wearing British helmets.
the Riviera, where a major Allied landing
was planned to take place in August (Opera- there on the 14th, General Gall issuing an Campo, and ‘Louise’ along to the western tip
tion ‘Dragoon’), and that the assault on Elba order to his troops that ‘the island of Elba of the island; then ‘Maxie’ around the north-
could be regarded as a valuable rehearsal for will be defended to the last’, and threatening western corner, and finally ‘Nectar’ to join
the latter. To this argument AFHQ agreed. that ‘all rumours regarding the evacuation of up with ‘Annette’ along the north shore.
From about June 10, intelligence indicated the island will be severely punished’. (How- ‘Delia’ was the code-word for the whole
that the Germans were preparing to evacu- ever, when interrogated by French intelli- island, with ‘Chiffon’ standing for Portofer-
ate their forces from Elba, just as they had gence officers after his capture on June 20, raio and ‘Gigolo’ for Porto Longone.
done from Corsica and Sardinia. Considera- Major Dietze of Festungs-Bataillon 902 Where sectors were favourable as possible
tion was therefore given to reducing the scale explained that plans for an evacuation had in landings sites, notably ‘Fifi’, ‘Glaxo’,
of the assault but the only change made was fact been prepared and lain ready for execu- ‘Kodak’, ‘Louise’ and ‘Nectar’, the beaches
to cancel the airborne part of the operation, tion but had been kept secret from the men were sub-divided from left to right into Red,
initially planned to neutralise German posi- to avoid any misunderstandings.) Amber and Green. The colour was then
tions in the central and eastern portions of added to the sector name to identify the
the island. This mission was to have been car- OPERATION ‘BRASSARD’ beach, for example Glaxo Green.
ried out by the 1er Régiment de Chasseurs For Operation ‘Brassard’, the Allies The assault force was formed into three
Parachutistes. Another reason for the cancel- divided up the coastline of Elba into alpha- groups:
lation was that the C-47 transport aircraft of betical sectors, starting with ‘Annette’ for the Group 1 comprised Motor Torpedo Boats
the US 62nd Troop Carrier Group that were area just north-west of Portoferraio, fol- and PT boats. They were to land commandos
to carry out the mission were urgently lowed eastwards by ‘Bolo’ up to the tip of from the Bataillon de Choc on the northern
needed for air-supply duties on the Italian Capo Vita. Then came ‘Capri’ down the east- side of the island at 0100 — three hours
mainland front. ern side of the island to Porto Longone; before H-Hour. Three of the PT boats were
However, the German command was not ‘Dieppe’ and ‘Estelle’ around the south-east- to release 57 men in rubber boats just east of
ready to relinquish Elba so soon and on June ern corner; then on the southern shore ‘Fifi’ Capo Enfola, their objective being to silence
12, Kesselring directed that the island must for the Golfo Stella sector; ‘Glaxo’ for the the coastal battery there, while two more PT
be held. Some reinforcements were sent Golfo della Lacona; ‘Kodak’ for the Golfo di boats were to land 30 men some distance
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Left: Losses were much heavier on Red and Amber beaches, wave companies, the 6ème and 7ème Compagnies of the 2ème
and the day after the assault, charred and dead bodies were Bataillon of the 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais.
still lying on Amber. Particularly hard hit were the two first- Right: Tourists now sunbathe where dead bodies once lay.
25
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ATB
Left: Infantry landing craft US 188, US 18,
US 192, US 44, US 284 and US 190 of
Group 4 disembarking more elements of
the Groupement de Tabors on Kodak
Green. This picture was taken by Private
Chester G. Rusbar, another photogra-
pher with the 196th Signal Photo Com-
pany. Note again the censorship of the
radar aerials on top of the masts. Right:
The remote Spiagga di Fonza beach is
not the easiest place to reach, hence it is
relatively peaceful, even in the summer
months.
further east, their task being to attack the
Villa Napoléon, the suspected German head-
quarters on the island (it was indeed Gen-
eralmajor Gall’s command post). After
releasing the rubber boats, the PT boats were
to join other PTs and create diversions off
Portoferraio, operating special sound effects
to simulate an invasion force from 0320 to
0350 hours and firing rockets from 0340 to
0350. Then, withdrawing to a position three
miles north of Portoferraio, they were to pre-
pare to attack any vessels trying to escape
from the harbour after the aerial bombing
planned at 0400.
Group 2 would comprise five LCIs, each
towing two LCAs; six motor launches each
towing one LCA, and two motor launches
towing one LCS(M) support craft each.
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Their objective was four beaches on the
south coast where they were to land com-
mandos (490 men from the Bataillon de Rusbar then pictured Senegalese infantry making their way up the hillside and push-
Choc and 70 from the Commandos ing further up the high ground.
d’Afrique) three hours before H-Hour. With
the support of the two LCS(M)s (armed with
a 4-inch smoke mortar and two heavy
machine guns each), nine LCAs were to land
men on Louise Green Beach, some distance
west of Marina di Campo; four LCAs were to
land on Glaxo Red on the west side of the
Golfo della Lacona, while two LCAs were to
beach on Glaxo Green. One final LCA was
to come ashore on Fifi Green down the east-
ern side of the Golfo Stella.
Group 3 comprised the main assault force.
The main landing site was at Marina di
Campo where the beach was some 1,250
metres wide. Code-named Kodak Red on the
left and Kodak Amber on the right, it was
lined with sandy dunes some 20 to 35 metres
high. At H-Hour minus 10 minutes 14
LCVPs were to land on Kodak Green, some
distance to the right. Between H minus 7 and
H minus 4 minutes, five LCT(R)s were to
fire rockets on Kodak Red and Kodak
Amber. Orders for the assault specified: ‘It is
most important that all French troops are
warned and thus prepared for the full noise
and blast from this barrage as they will only
be some 500 yards away at the time’.
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At H-Hour — 0400 — six LCAs were to

beach on Kodak Red and six LCAs on
Kodak Amber in the centre. These were to Just above Fonza beach, looking inland, with the crest of Monte Tambone less than a
be followed by a second wave of six LCAs kilometre further up the hill.
26
and six LCVPs on the same beaches respec-
tively. They in turn would be followed at
0430 by 28 LCIs bringing in more infantry
and after dawn by 40 LCTs bringing in heav-
ier equipment, artillery guns and transport
mules.
As aerial reconnaissance had revealed that
a German landing barge armed with Flak
guns was frequently moored alongside the
jetty in Marina di Campo, a special operation
was devised to deal with it should it be pre-
sent on D-Day. Transported in two LCAs,
two sub-units of the Royal Naval Beach
Commandos, Able 1 and Oboe 3, were ear-
marked for this task.
In order not to jeopardise surprise, no pre-
assault air bombardment was planned,
although Wellingtons from No. 205 Group
were to raid Portoferraio and Porto Longone
on the night of June 16/17.
Code-named ‘Alternative’, a small sub-
sidiary operation was to be launched at the
same time against Pianosa, a small island in
between Elba and Corsica, where a Ground
Control Interception (GCI) radar station
was to be set up. This small force was made
up of two American APD troop transport
ships, Tattnall and Roper, and two French
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patrol boats, Chasseurs 51 and 52, carrying

305 French troops.
Sometime after 8 a.m. the three tank landing craft of Group 5 bringing the Tabors’ Loading of troops and equipment on the
pack mules — Royal Navy LCTs 356, 364 and 389 — beached on Kodak Green and landing ships was completed in the harbours
started discharging the 250 animals. at Bastia and Portovecchio in Corsica during
the morning of June 16. The first ships set
sail by midday with the departure of the vari-
ous components spread out throughout the
afternoon. Général Magnan and his
advanced headquarters were located with
Admiral Troubridge on LCH 282, a LCI(L)
converted to act as a headquarters ship.
NORTH COAST COMMANDOS

The landings of the commandos at two
points on the north coast took place as
planned from 0100. Having scaled the precip-
itous cliffs, the 52-strong detachment under
Lieutenant Pierre Jacobsen detailed to
attack the Enfola battery managed to
destroy three out of the four 152mm guns but
suffered heavy casualties and, after being
counter-attacked, all the men in this group
were either killed or captured. Only Sous-
Lieutenant Michel Libersa’s section, which
successfully attacked the battery’s quarters
and Flak guns, escaped capture: pinned
down and surrounded in a tiny foothold on
the cliffs, it managed to hold out in this pre-
carious position until relieved by troops of
the main landing force 30 hours later.
About one kilometre further to the east,
Lieutenant Eugène Durieux’s detachment of
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32 men landed at Acquaviva and penetrated

inland. However, before they reached their
Fonza beach, looking towards the west, with Capo di Poro in the background objective, the Villa Napoléon, the Germans
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ATB
Left: By 9.15 a.m., all mules had been disembarked. Ammu- up the high ground. Right: The large rocky outcrop, which
nition brought in by amphibious DUKWs was quickly loaded was an annoyance in 1944 forcing the landing craft to beach
onto the mules and soon they were making their way up the on either side of it, still juts out into the sea in the centre of
hillside to supply the infantry who were advancing further the beach.
27
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ATB
Left: The flanking attack from Kodak Green soon joined up Sénégalais inspect the remains of vehicles wrecked by the
with troops pushing up from Amber Beach and by 12.45 p.m. rocket barrage that was fired just before H-Hour. Right:
the village of Marina di Campo was finally cleared. Here Seven decades later Piazza Vittorio Emmanuele II still looks
Senegalese troops of the 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs very much the same.
raised the alert so they retreated to the

beach, meanwhile harassing enemy troops in
the area.
From 0320, diversionary forces began
operating off Portoferraio, and a light breeze
from the east soon swept their smoke-screen
slowly across the harbour. Behind the
smoke, four PT Boats fitted with special
apparatus blared forth a multitude of sounds
to replicate a fleet of landing craft approach-
ing, loosing off rockets at intervals toward
the shore. Meanwhile, three other PT Boats
carried out continuous radio chatter direct-
ing the movements of an imaginary invasion
fleet.
In reaction to the feint, German search-
lights swept across the water, trying to pene-
trate the blanket of smoke, and guns in
Portoferraio and inland fired blindly though
the smoke-screen until 0400, when the
Wellingtons came in to bomb the port.
SOUTH COAST COMMANDOS

The commando landings by detachments
of the Battalion de Choc on the south coast
also went ahead as planned sometime after
0100, although the results were mixed. The
detachment assigned to land on Louise
Green Beach and neutralise the coastal bat-
tery at Capo di Poro and the strongpoint on
Punta Bardella — the 1ère Compagnie under
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Capitaine Carbonnier — found considerable
difficulty in crossing the rough hilly country
to Capo di Poro from their beach three kilo- By 2.30 p.m., enemy fire had ceased to harass Kodak Red and from then on LCTs
metres away. They failed to directly assault were able to land there, discharging three at a time. This craft has come in on the
the battery before H-Hour, having only right-hand part of the beach to evacuate wounded brought in by ambulances. The
reached the hill immediately to the west, but invasion force included two medical companies with 17 ambulances.
ATB
Left: German and Italian prisoners being marched to the POW

cage. Right: The same spot on the corner of Via Roma and Viale
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Giuseppe Pietri in Marina di Campo.
28
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The fight on the mole at Marina di
Campo, and its tragic ending, was one of
the small epics of Operation ‘Brassard’.
At about 4 a.m., simultaneous with the
main landing, a small British unit, com-
prising two sections of Royal Navy
Beach Commandos, attacked Marine-
fährprahm F 542, a German ferry lighter
that lay berthed on the leeward side of
the jetty, soon forcing its crew to surren-
der. Consolidating their position on the
jetty, the commandos cut all the cables
that might possibly trigger off demoli-
tion charges, and turned the lighter’s
deck-mounted 76mm gun against the
enemy. Then, about 5 a.m., the charges
on the mole (90 kilos of explosive, see
page 24) suddenly went off, killing every-
one in the area, commandos and POWs
alike. Miles out to sea the explosion was
seen and heard by the follow-up forces.
The blast pushed F 542 away from the
jetty and it caught fire. Of the comman-
dos, Able 1 section lost 20 officers and
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men and Oboe 3 section 18.
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ATB
Belonging to the 2. Landungs-Flottille, F 542 carried no name Longone (Küstrin), and Marciana Marina (Kiel). In reality, Köln
but French and British histories all name her Köln, a mistake was a former inland river barge belonging to the 1. Transport-
that appears to originate from a French after-action report: on Flotille and used in this sector to move supplies along the
the drawing reproduced on page 24 someone added a ship sail- coastline. Also, F 542 is depicted as a heavily armed Flak barge
ing at speed off the harbour and pasted the name Köln beside when in fact it only possessed a 76mm Italian gun and two
it. Similar ships appear in front of Portoferraio (Kassel), Porto twin 20mm Flak guns.
29
from this vantage point were able to prevent
it from playing an active part against the
main landing in the Golfo di Campo. Mean-
while, another section reached and captured
the Punta Bardella strongpoint at 0430,
destroying all its guns and taking the Italian
crews prisoner.
Landing on the same beach, the 2ème
Compagnie under Capitaine Jacques Lefort
successfully moved inland to capture a Ger-
man battalion command post at San Piero
and occupy a strongpoint at Sant’Ilario
before moving across the island to Marciana
Marina.
Landing further to the east were three
detachments of the 3ème Compagnie. Com-
ing ashore at Glaxo Red, the 140-strong
detachment under Capitaine Léon Lamy
(which included 70 men from the Comman-
dos d’Afrique) found the strongpoint at

Monte Fonza, the highest point on the
promontory east of Marina di Campo, unoc-
cupied. At Glaxo Green, the 35 men under
Lieutenant Manquillet tasked with taking
the strongpoint on Capo Stella met tough
opposition and, after a three-hour battle with
many casualties, were overwhelmed and
forced to capitulate. However, later in the
day Manquillet managed to talk his German On June 19, a French Army photographer pictured two defenders killed in a trench
captors into giving up the fight and surren- above Marina di Campo. Though difficult to say whether they are German or Italian, it
dering to him. Finally, at Fifi Green, the is grim evidence of the costly fighting that took place here.
landings by a 70-strong detachment under
Lieutenant Charles Garret met no opposi-
tion but here too the commandos found
great difficulty in driving eastwards over the
rough country and their objective, the Capo
Ripalti coastal battery, was still active at H-
Hour, only being finally silenced by LCGs
and gun boats later in the morning.
PIANOSA ISLAND
The landing on Pianosa was not opposed
at all, the German garrison having been with-
drawn during the night, and the island was
reported in Allied hands at 0743. However,
the LCT carrying the GCI radar set had
some difficulty in finding a suitable beaching
point and the equipment was not finally
offloaded until late on D-Day. The GCI set
therefore did not become operational until
the morning of D+2.

MAIN ATTACK
The opening shots in the operation came
at 0020 when two PT Boats sighted landing
barges that were engaged in evacuating the
Pianosa garrison. A short engagement fol-
lowed in which HDML 1301 came under
heavy cannon and machine-gun fire from
one of the barges, Marinefährprahm F 542,
to which she replied. The motor launch’s In all, the French took 1,995 prisoners on Elba, comprising 1,383 Germans and 612
captain, Lieutenant Frank Carter, RNVR, Italians. Most of the Germans were fortress troops made up of older men or soldiers
was killed and six men wounded. ‘Overs’ withdrawn from front-line units having suffered frostbite on the Eastern Front. Some
from the shelling exploded on the island, had served with crack units and this has led some reports to mistakenly describe
starting brushwood fires. Damaged, with Elba as being defended by elite troops.
ATB
The French quickly constructed a POW camp at Marina di The tower of the electric transformer was the clue that enabled
Campo, just inland from the beaches. Eighty-four of the POWs Jean Paul to discover that the POW cage is now a car park by
(66 Germans and 18 Italians) were wounded. the side of Via Renato Fucini.
30
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ATB
Left: On the morning of June 18, a company of the 4ème Rég- opened a new chapter in the Golden Visitor Book with the
iment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais reached the Villa Napoléon at words ‘La France’. Two days later, on the 20th, the 9ème
San Martino where the French Emperor had lived in exile in Division d’Infanterie Coloniale opened its command post
1814-15 and which more recently had served as Generalma- there. Right: The villa, modest by Napoleonic standards, is
jor Gall’s command post during his tenure of the island. dominated by the large gallery at its base, built in the 1850s
Aware of its historic importance, Sous-Lieutenant Desportes to house his memorabilia.
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ATB
Left: Late in the morning of the 18th, elements of the 13ème full of rubble from the aerial bombing — by Allied fighter-
Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais reached Portoferraio and by bombers according to the wartime caption. Right: Nicely
3.15 p.m. they reported the town cleared. Some streets were restored, this is Via Giosuè Carducci.
several 40mm hits in the stern and with four the pier, waiting for French forces to occupy been set with demolition charges, the com-
of her crew wounded, the German vessel the village of Marina di Campo. mandos proceeded to cut any wires seen
managed to reach harbour in Marina di So far the mission had gone well and with leading inland from it. Nonetheless, about an
Campo at 0230 where the wounded were few casualties. Suspecting that the pier had hour later a huge explosion blew up the
brought ashore.
The approach of the first wave of the
assault craft was not detected until they
neared the entrance to the Golfo di Campo.
It was now 0339 and at this point the landing
force was challenged by light signals from the
battery at Capo di Poro. When they failed to
answer, at 0347 the German defences around
the bay — the ‘Danzig’ sector manned by
elements of Festungs-Bataillon 908 —
opened fire. The assault waves continued in
to their beaches under cover of smoke from
the LCS(M)s.
At 0350 the two Royal Naval Beach Com-
mando sections — Able 1 under Lieutenant
Alan Hodgson and Oboe 3 under Lieutenant
Chris Harland — detailed to deal with the
armed landing barge — Marinefährprahm F
542 — now tied up alongside the pier,
detached from the main assault shortly
before it touched down and proceeded
straight towards the pier. LCA 576.6 was hit
during the final approach and foundered on
the rocks near the jetty. The commandos
stormed ashore, while LCA 576.1 managed
to get alongside and its occupants followed
closely using LCA 576.6 as a bridge. They
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engaged Marinefährprahm F 542 with hand-

grenades and Tommy guns before boarding
her and forcing the crew to surrender. The The town was virtually empty, the population having fled from the fighting to the sur-
commandos then set up Bren guns to cover rounding countryside. These prisoners in Via Vittorio Emanuele II are waiting to board
any incursion from the village, while the Ger- lorries that will take them to the POW camp at Marina di Campo. The building on the
mans were shepherded to the seaward end of left, which no longer stands, can be seen at the end of the street in the picture above.
31
The French troops swiftly cleared the whole island, this map blue line, aiming at Portoferraio); 4ème Régiment de Tirailleurs
detailing the main movements: Bataillon de Choc (dashed red Sénégalais (southern dashed blue line); Commandos d’Afrique
lines); 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais (northern dashed (black line), and Groupement de Tabors (dashed black line).
outer portion of the pier, killing everybody ing craft approached the beaches under 0430, the first five LCI(L)s passed through
around, commandos and their German pris- heavy fire from all kinds of weapons. At 0400 the smoke-screen, which by then extended
oners alike (out of the 48 commandos, 38 the first wave of six LCAs beached on Kodak across the neck of the bay about 100 yards
were killed and nine wounded). Severely Amber (the eastern beach), followed five from the beach, only to come under heavy
damaged, Marinefährprahm F 542 then minutes later by the six on Kodak Red (the fire too. All were hit at once and one of
started to burn, her ammunition soon western beach). The rocket barrage fired by them, LCI(L) 132, caught fire and eventually
exploding. What caused the explosion is not the LCT(R)s on Red helped the first wave to sank in shallow water near the beach, French
known. It may have been that some of the get ashore without opposition but on Amber troops jumping into the water in panic to
wires were missed and the charges were only one of the two LCT(R)s had fired its escape the flames. The other four LCI(L)s
remotely blown by German engineers or that rockets, which moreover appeared not to be managed to withdraw but without having put
one of the German guns in the hills scored a so well concentrated. any troops ashore.
lucky hit on them. The second waves on both Red (six LCAs) Faced with heavy shell and mortar fire on
Meanwhile, at 0350, the first wave of six and Amber (six LCVPs) also came under both Red and Amber Beaches, the only size-
LCVPs had beached on Kodak Green at the heavy fire but the troops managed to get able footing gained was on Amber where the
eastern side of the entrance to Golfo di ashore, and the assault was pressed forward men of the first wave, the 2ème Bataillon of
Campo. Although greeted by a good deal of in the face of heavy opposition with casual- the 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Séné-
machine-gun fire this landing was not heavily ties being suffered from both fire and mines. galais, pushed across barbed wire and mine-
opposed, but at Marina di Campo the land- Planned to touch down on Kodak Red at fields. The regimental commander, Colonel
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ATB
Left: On the morning of June 19, French colonial troops in last stand. This is another picture taken by Signal Corps
Portoferraio watch as high-explosive and white-phosphorus photographer Zeigler. Right: The same view from Forte Fal-
shells explode on German positions on the far side of the bay cone, the 16th-century fortification that overlooks Portoferraio,
where elements of Festungs-Bataillon 902 were making their a visit of which we strongly recommend.
32
Chrétien, now had all the following LCI(L)s
directed to Kodak Green, a small cove some
distance to the east, from where he launched
a flanking attack. By 0700 they had joined up
with the troops from Amber and the advance
inland resumed.
By 0730, the commandos that had landed
on Glaxo Red east of Golfo di Campo
reported having topped the 379-metre-high
Monte Tambone ridge that overlooked the
whole area, the 13 Italians manning the
height with two machine guns surrendering
without a fight.
At 0830 three LCTs started discharging
mules on Green Beach and by 0915, 250 ani-
mals had been disembarked. Quickly loaded
with ammunition that had been landed from
DUKWs, they were soon making their way
up the hillside to supply the infantry who
were advancing further up the high ground.
Unfortunately no pack artillery was available
to be brought in by the mules.
At 1315, the village of Marina di Campo
was finally cleared. LCTs were at once
ordered in to the main beach, the first unmo-
lested landing on Kodak Red coming at 1430.
Soon the tank landing craft were being
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received and discharged three at a time,
unloading a beach group from the 101ème
Régiment du Génie, artillery (105 and By noon on June 19, leaders of the 4ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais had
155mm guns) and a medical unit in that reached the crest of the mountain range that runs north to south along the eastern
order. Desultory shell or mortar fire contin- side of the T-shaped island. This pass, 327 metres high and named Le Panche, over-
ued against Amber on the far side of the looks the town of Rio nell’Elba, off to the right.
beach until 1700.
The scale of the attack came as a complete
surprise to the Germans. Major Dietze later
revealed that for some days prior to the inva-
sion officers had been explaining to their
men that, because of the evolution of the sit-
uation on the mainland front in Italy, Elba
would have no further strategic interest to
the Allies. Then, when the various com-
mando assaults and the diversion off Porto-
ferraio did take place, General Gall, at his
headquarters in the Villa Napoléon, was mis-
led as to the overall size of the operation, and
he waited until 1400 hours before giving
orders to engage his weak reserves. These
were the 3. and 4. Kompanieen of Festungs-
Bataillon 908, and the 4. Kompanie of Fes-
tungs-Bataillon 902, then in the centre of the
island to the south-west of Portoferraio.
By 1600 the French had taken the entire
mountain horseshoe enclosing the Golfo di
Campo, and immediately began advance fur-
ther inland fanning out with the 13ème Régi-
ment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais on the left, the
4ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais in
the centre and the Tabors on the right. At
1700, three batteries of 105mm field guns
ATB
were in place to support the advance.
Fighter-bombers and medium bombers
were very active in supporting the assault A timeless comparison. The road, now macadamised, is the Via dell Volterraio. The peak
throughout the day but there was not a single on the left is the 496-metre Monte Capannello with Monte Strega, 427 metres, in the
intervention by the Luftwaffe. background. Over on the right are the ruins of the Torre del Giove castle built in 1459.
USNA
ATB
Senegalese riflemen entering Rio Marina, the main harbour on The café on Via Principe Amedeo is still in business albeit now
the eastern coast, pictured by Corporal Zeigler. named Bar Astra.
33
USNA
ATB
Left: Another shot taken by Zeigler at Rio Marina of colonial bara Church in the left background was demolished in 1860, with
troops pushing through the town. Because it was in danger of col- only its tower remaining. The latter was then pulled down in 1960.
lapsing due to the proximity of mining operations, the Santa Bar- Right: Piazza Vittorio Emanuele in front of the San Rocco Church.
JUNE 18, D+1 Meanwhile a dispute had arisen between attempt to stop the evacuation by the 3ème
It was now June 18 and the anniversary of Generalmajor Gall and Korvettenkapitän Bataillon of the 4ème Régiment de
De Gaulle’s appeal to France in June 1940 Schreiber, the naval commander, as to when Tirailleurs Sénégalais, before dawn the
but also, as Admiral Troubridge reminded to evacuate the island. Schreiber insisted Germans had successfully taken off 400 men
Général de Lattre with a smile, the anniver- that, in order to give an evacuation of a sub- to Italy, including Gall and Schreiber.
sary of Waterloo! stantial number of men the best chance, they On June 20, Gall was awarded the
During the night French troops reached should not delay, but Gall was determined to Knight’s Cross to the Iron Cross in recogni-
the north coast, the attack being continued to hold out and fight to the last man. tion of his command in the defence of Elba.
the east, a symbolic moment coming with the
capture of the Villa Napoléon on the morn- JUNE 19, D+2 CASUALTIES
ing of D+1 by elements of the 4ème Régi- The garrison of Porto Longone surren- French losses in the operation were 201
ment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais. dered at 1130 on June 19 and by midday all men killed, 51 missing, and 635 wounded,
By midday, the 13ème Régiment de organised resistance on Elba was reported to while the British lost 38 killed and nine
Tirailleurs Sénégalais had reached Portofer- have ceased. All that remained of the Ger- wounded. Royal Navy losses were 65 killed
raio and at 1515 they reported the town man garrison was holding out in a small and 100 wounded.
cleared. Elements of Festungs-Bataillon 902 bridgehead near Cavo at the north-eastern In the fighting for the island, the Axis
were still making a stand near Puccio but in tip of the island. That evening General Gall forces lost 672 dead and missing (507 Ger-
the south the Tabors drove along the coast received permission to evacuate what was mans and 165 Italians), with another 1,383
and reached the heights north-east of Porto left of his forces. During the night the French Germans and 612 Italians becoming prison-
Longone by evening. The 6ème Tabor then reported seeing four ships (presumably land- ers of war. A French after-action report
started to push northwards, turning the Ger- ing barges) approaching from the mainland, listed the capture of 48 artillery pieces and
man defences in the rear. making for Chiesa del Cavo. In spite of an 100 machine guns.
ATB
Left: During the night of June 19/20, Generalmajor Gall and harbour installation used by the mines. Quite by chance, PK
the last remnants of his troops holding out in a small Leutnant Doering happened to photograph this sector of the
bridgehead south of Cavo at the north-eastern tip of the coast in the winter of 1943-44. Right: Mining activities on
island were evacuated by landing craft coming from the Elba ceased in 1980 after which the cable transporter carry-
mainland, being picked up, under French fire, at a small ing ore to the harbour was dismantled.
34
ATB
Left: On June 19 Général Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, the overall of Group 6 that landed the 4ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Séné-
commander of Operation ‘Brassard’, came to Elba to visit the galais. It was loaded with stores and, once unloaded, was due
troops, coming ashore during the morning. LCT US 204, visible to depart that evening. Right: A myriad of small ships now fills
in the background, had participated in the D-Day assault as part the sunny bay and the quays of Marina di Campo.
POSTSCRIPT
In 1944-45 the Allied armies liberated
France, Belgium and the Netherlands from
German occupation, a liberation that the
various populations greeted with enthusiasm.
The Italians in 1943-45 also warmly wel-
comed being freed from the German yoke
but unfortunately the subsequent behaviour
of Allied troops towards the civilian popula-
tion, and abuses by some, soon dampened
the joy of liberation. The worst offenders
were the Moroccans from the French Expe-
ditionary Corps that fought in Italy under the
US Fifth Army from November 1943. Polish
troops also committed acts of violence in
Italy, albeit on a much smaller scale and in a
very particular political context as the anti-
Communist Poles were enraged to see por-
traits of Stalin on display and the flying of
hammer-and-sickle red flags. The Poles

stayed in occupation long after the end of the
war and their abuses continued through
1945-46 until they finally left in 1947.
In Elba, troops of the 9ème Division d’In-
fanterie Coloniale and the Groupement de
Tabors Marocains who invaded the island
soon turned to inflict many excesses on the
population: raping, robbing, breaking into
houses, looting cattle and wine, and killing Coming ashore with de Lattre (centre) were (L-R) Rear-Admiral Troubridge; Général Henri
anyone who tried to oppose them. Their offi- Martin, commanding the Ier Corps d’Armée; Général Joseph Magnan, commander of the
cers did little, if anything, to stop this behav- 9ème Division d’Infanterie Coloniale, and Colonel Jean Olié, de Lattre’s representative at
iour and when called to intervene their the advance HQ operating with Admiral Troubridge on headquarters ship LCH 282.
ATB
Left: Having reviewed troops of the 4ème Régiment de 13ème Régiment de Tirailleurs Sénégalais (which had formed
Tirailleurs Sénégalais in Marina di Campo, de Lattre posed for a the first wave on Kodak Red and Amber), and Général Magnan.
group photo with (L-R) Colonel Olié, Général Martin, Comman- Right: Piazza della Vittoria, with the town’s First World War
dant Jean Gilles, commander of the 2ème Bataillon of the memorial just off to the left.
35
ATB
Above: De Lattre was then driven to
Portoferraio, with Générals Martin and
Magnan and Colonel Olié travelling with
him in the Jeep, before going to Porto
Longone during the afternoon. Above
right: Retracing the route, he entered
Portoferraio along Viale de Gasperi, with
Forte Falcone on the hill in the back-
ground overlooking what was then the
Vittorio Veneto Barracks.
answer was simply a dismissive ‘This is war’

or that the excesses were ‘nothing compared
to what the Italians did in Corsica’. As a
result, the population went into hiding in the
hills and countryside until order finally
returned when all troops of the 9ème Divi-
sion d’Infanterie Coloniale and the Groupe-
ment de Tabors left Elba. The newcomers —
a battalion of the 29ème Régiment de
Tirailleurs Algériens — behaved well.
In September 1944, General of the Cara-

binieri Taddeo Orlando filed a detailed
report of the abuses by French troops against
the population of Elba.
The impression is that the men were just
left to do what they wanted as an implicit
reward of their fighting spirit. In addition to
the fact that the newly reconstituted French
units were still lacking control and cohesion,
the failure of the command and officers to In Porto Longone, de Lattre awarded decorations to a number of soldiers. Here he is
control their men can partly be explained — shaking hands after pinning the Médaille Militaire and the Légion d’Honneur onto
not excused in any way — in the context of members of the Commandos d’Afrique. The occupation of Elba was a swift success and
the underlying relations between France and General Sir Henry Wilson, the Supreme Allied Commander in the Mediterranean, hailed
Italy. The feeling in France was that revenge it as ‘one more proof of the capacity of our forces and our united nations to march
was legitimate after the aggression that had together, shoulder to shoulder, to victory’. However, the operation proved more costly
taken place in June 1940 when Mussolini than anticipated, seven per cent of the French forces being killed, missing or wounded.
invaded France at a moment when the latter
was already engaged in a desperate battle
against the German armies. Called the ‘stab
in the back’, it was referred to by President
Roosevelt in an address made at the Univer-
sity of Virginia: ‘The hand that held the dag-
ger has struck it into the back of its neigh-
bour’.
These crimes left a deep trauma, not just
on Elba but in the whole of Italy, and in 1964
a monument called the ‘Mamma Ciociara’
was erected at Castro dei Volsci, north of
Monte Cassino, to remember the women
who tried in vain to defend themselves and
their daughters from abuses by foreign sol-
diers. (La Ciociara comes from the title of a
1957 novel by Alberto Moravia, and the
movie made in 1960, titled Two Women in
English.)
Feelings still run high in Elba even today
so that when in October 2013 the Senegalese
community living in Europe proposed to
commemorate the liberation in June 1944,
the idea was immediately opposed on the
island. Debate was heated, some people
refuting that the Allied operation should
even be referred to as liberation, while oth-
ATB
ers described the ‘soldier liberators’ as hav-

ing turned into ‘ruthless oppressors’. In the
end, the mayor of Campo nell’Elba, Vanno Porto Longone, finding its name too closely associated with the prison in nearby Fort
Segnini, decided that he had no other option Longone, changed its name to Porto Azzurro in 1947. The award ceremony took place
but to cancel the commemoration. on Piazza Giacomo Matteotti.
36
tion known as Zegota — or Rada Pomocy Żydom (Council for Aid
During the Nazi occupation of Poland, an underground organisa-
to Jews) — managed to smuggle out some 2,500 Jewish children

from the Warsaw Ghetto, providing them with false identity doc-
uments and shelter, and thus rescuing them from certain death.
The driving force and leading figure behind this clandestine oper-
ation was Irena Sendler, a 33-year-old social worker and head of
the organisation’s Children’s Section, seen here pictured in
nurse’s uniform in 1944. After the war, although her achievement
was acknowledged in small circles in Poland and Israel and by
Holocaust historians, her story remained largely unknown in the
wider world, the main reason being that it was suppressed by
the Communist regime that ruled Poland until 1989. The Polish
authorities actively persecuted Sendler, the secret police interro-
gating and imprisoning her in 1948-49 because of her connec-
tions with the wartime Armia Krajowa (Underground Home
Army) and later forcing her into retirement due to her public dec-
larations in support of Israel in the Israeli-Arab war of 1967. Her
wartime work did not in fact gain international fame until 1999
when four American Protestant girls from a high school in Union-
town, Kansas, unearthed her story and wrote a play about her
called Life in a Jar for a class project. The play became a big the-
atre hit, leading to numerous press articles, radio and television
programmes, books and documentaries about her, most of them
in the United States. Since then, Sendler’s work has been univer-
sally recognised. Still living in Poland, she was honoured with
numerous high rewards for her humanitarian efforts — among
them the Order of the White Eagle, Poland’s highest civilian deco-
ration, and the Jan Karski Award — and was even nominated for
the Nobel Peace Prize in three consecutive years, 2006, 2007 and
2008. A public figure until her death in 2008, she is today seen as
a symbol of heroism and self-sacrifice. Many have compared her
achievement with that of German businessman Oskar Schindler,
who is credited with saving 1,200 Jews by employing them in his
enamel factory in Krakow, and — with an allusion to Schindler’s
List (the title of the 1993 movie that made him famous) — refer to
her work as ‘Sendler’s List’.
Irena’s story, as told to Anna Mieszkowska,
IRENA SENDLER
titled Mother of the Holocaust Children was
published in English in 2011.
‘My father, Stanislaw Krzyzanowski, was a
physician and very much engaged in the inde-
pendence movement, helping those who were
persecuted for participating in the revolution
in Russia in 1905. Whilst staying with his par-
ents in Tarczyn, he became acquainted with
Ksawery Grzybowski’s daughter Janina and
they married in 1908.
‘The following year the young couple
issued key instructions to the Social Welfare
Department to organise special social care
points throughout Warsaw to provide essen-
By Anna Mieszkowska
returned to Poland where my father worked tial aid to refugees fleeing from the German mans deported large numbers of youths to
as a doctor at the Holy Spirit Hospital in War- invaders. I had to organise such points in work in the Third Reich. In order to save
saw. I was born there on February 15, 1910. three different places for, as one area was these young people, we established a co-
One day I contracted whooping cough and as bombed, it had to be moved elsewhere. operative where they could be officially
Dr Erbrich, who was a friend of the family, ‘When the city capitulated on September employed in shoemaking, carpentry, and tai-
said that a change in the climate would help 28, almost immediately I became involved in lors’ workshops. In time, the Germans
cure me, two days later we were settled in the conspiratorial activities of the Polish realised what we were doing so we helped
Otwock, a small spa town outside the capital. Socialist Party (PPS). I carried out many youths in the greatest danger of deportation
‘I married Mieczyslaw Sendler in 1931. He tasks, including the delivery of money to pro- to acquire medical certificates, falsely stating
was a junior assistant at the University of fessors at the University of Warsaw who now that they were suffering from pulmonary dis-
Warsaw Faculty of Classical Philology. My found themselves in a very difficult financial eases. Later, after being accused of helping
first professional job in 1932 was in the situation. I also went to the families of those ghetto Jews, I was transferred to another
Mother and Child Aid Section of the Citi- who were imprisoned or had been executed centre in Grochow which was far from my
zens’ Committee for Social Help. Apart from and supplied medicines and essential sani- home and sick mother.
helping the unemployed — at the time many tary items to people hiding in the forests. ‘On December 1, 1939, a regulation was
people were out of work in Poland — this ‘What help the social welfare department introduced instructing all Jews to wear arm-
was also a kind of training ground for the was able to provide was hopelessly inadequate bands with the Star of David. Likewise, their
Free Polish University School of Social and in face of the most urgent needs. Polish POWs shops were to be marked with the Star of
Educational Work. suffering from typhus were put in the former David. Gradually Jews’ freedom of move-
‘The Mother and Child Aid Section had military Ujazdowski Hospital in Piekna Street ment was restricted; houses and flats were
three offices and I was put in charge of the but the food was quite insufficient for the mal- confiscated; bank accounts blocked, and
sub-section caring specifically for unem- nourished soldiers who had languished in the Jewish employees sacked from Polish institu-
ployed single mothers whose number was terrible conditions of the German Stalags. tions. Finally, Warsaw was divided into three
continually rising with the influx of girls from ‘Apart from delivering provisions, we also districts: German, Polish, and Jewish.
the countryside who moved to Warsaw in established contacts between the soldiers ‘The city’s inhabitants were now forced to
search of work. In the spring of 1935 the sec- and their families, many of whom lived in move. Even Jews from other parts of the
tion was closed and I was given a post in other parts of the country. We helped in the country were transported into the Warsaw
Social and Health Care Centre VI which was writing of letters and brought them books Jewish district. When, on November 16,
responsible for poor people living in the and even gramophones and records. Among 1940, the Warsaw ghetto was finally closed, it
Annopol Barracks. Later I worked in various the several hundred conscripts there were contained over 400,000 people, over 130,000
sections of the Social Welfare Department two officers whom we helped to escape. This of whom had been forcibly moved there.
where I also instructed new members of staff. was a very risky operation as the hospital was ‘An order issued by Hans Frank on Octo-
‘On August 30, 1939, I escorted my hus- under constant German supervision and ber 15, 1941 prohibited Jews from leaving the
band to the station as he was leaving for the observation. ghetto and all Poles from helping Jews. For
front. We stood on the platform among a ‘After a year in this office, I moved to Jews and Poles alike, the punishment for
crowd of others who were also departing or another centre in Wola district, nearer to breaking this rule was death.
seeing their loved ones off. where my ailing mother lived. There my job ‘In order to help the Jews, we had to gather
‘When at dawn, in the early morning of was to decide which families were the poor- information so that we knew which ones were
September 1, the first bombs fell on Warsaw, est and in the greatest need of aid. It was in the greatest need, and we also had to forge
the president of the city, Stefan Starzynski, from this working-class district that the Ger- hundreds of documents. The surnames of the
37
Right: Set up by the Nazi authorities in
1940, the Warsaw Ghetto housed over
400,000 Jews. Utterly overcrowded, living
conditions in the ghetto were abysmal,
tens of thousands of adults and children
alike succumbing to hunger, cold and dis-
ease. Thousands of emaciated children,
many of them orphaned, roamed the
streets, begging, desperately looking for
food, or listlessly lying on the pavement.
Jews we helped had to be changed into Polish

ones. For myself and my friend Irena Schultz, I
managed to acquire the work passes of a sani-
tary unit responsible for fighting infectious dis-
eases. Later I was able to obtain such passes
for my other couriers. Thus, up to the spring of
1943, we were able to enter the ghetto quite
legally. The Germans were terrified of typhus,
and in those atrocious unsanitary conditions
with over-population and hunger, an epidemic
was bound to break out. Not wishing to have
physical contact with any potential carriers of
this disease, they left it to the Poles to try and
control the situation. Sometimes we would
enter the ghetto several times a day. We had
money from the social welfare department
fund, food and medicines (including precious
typhus vaccines) and disinfectants. We also
smuggled in clothes by wearing several layers
every time we came, which was not a problem
for me as I was very slim.
‘On entering the ghetto, I would put on a
Star of David armband as a gesture of soli-
darity with the Jewish population. The other
reasons were that it would not draw the
attention of any Germans I encountered
7
there and also not arouse the suspicion from
Jews who didn’t know me.
‘From the very first days of the occupation,
I combined my official work in the City of
Warsaw Administration with my secret
underground work. In December 1942 —
after the first large-scale deportations from
the ghetto — I joined Zegota, an under-
ground social organisation formed to aid the 1
Jewish population, and soon became the
head of its Children’s Section. My section
specialised in helping children of various
ages leave the ghetto and it also provided
shelter for other children who had managed
to escape individually. Depending on their 6
age, sex and outward appearance, the chil-
2
dren were either found Polish families to live
with, or were sent to convents or secular
child-care institutions. The older youths
(often not without very considerable prob-
lems) joined the partisans. It was important
to know whether the child spoke Polish.
Each child needed new fictitious documents 4
regarding his or her birth and here Catholic
parishes helped.
3
‘The cruel living conditions in the Jewish
district quite literally decimated the inhabi-
tants. There were now many homes where all
the adults were dead and only neglected,
helpless children remained. One way to help,
of course, was to take the children out of the
ghetto but we could not take them all at
once. One first needed to organise tempo-
rary help, child-care and food. The ghetto
streets were full of child beggars. We saw
them on entering and after a couple of hours
when we turned to leave, there would often
be tiny corpses, covered with newspapers
lying on the ground.
‘The deaths of adults resulted in a rapid
rise of child orphans. With my colleagues we 5
also contacted families we knew had chil-
dren. We would tell them we were able to
save the children to get them beyond the
wall. We had to honestly say that we could Childcare in the ghetto was organised by the Jewish Social Welfare Society, which
offer no guarantees. I spoke frankly; I said I ran a number of so-called ‘youth circles’ and child homes. The ones with which
could not even be certain I would safely Irena’s organisation was in closest contact, and from which they smuggled out many
leave the ghetto with a child that very day. children, were those in Pawia Street [1], supervised by Rachela Rozenthal; No. 9.
Scenes from hell ensued. For instance, the Smocza street [2], under Ala Golab-Grynberg; Ogrodowa Street [3], run by Josef Zys-
father would agree to give us the child, but man; No. 24 Elektralna Street [4], led by Jan Izaak Kiernicel, and No. 16 Sienna Street
the mother would refuse. The grandmother, [5], led by Ewa Rechtman. Many of the children were smuggled out through the
embracing the child most lovingly of all, tears courthouse [6], which had one entrance on Lezno Street in the ghetto and another on
streaming down her face, in between the sobs Ogrodowa Street on the ‘Aryan’ (non-Jewish) side.
38
On July 22, 1942, the Nazis began large-scale deportations Freight Train Station by Slawki Street, adjacent to the ghetto
from the ghetto, daily sending off some 5,000 to 6,000 per- [7]. By September 21, some 265,000 people had been
sons by train to the Treblinka death camp, where all were deported and exterminated. Although Irena and her co-work-
murdered in the gas chambers. The central collection and ers had already smuggled out many children before the Ger-
departure point for the deportees was the so-called mans launched this Gross-Aktion (Great Action), most of their
Umschlagplatz (reloading point) at the Warsaw-Gdansk rescue work occurred after it.
would declare: “I’ll never give up my grand- in the Public Records Office and in a very They sometimes did not understand that
daughter!” Sometimes I would leave such a secret way he was able to issue authentic even leaning out of a window or stepping out
family with their child. The next day I would Kennkarten with the appropriate thumb- onto the balcony was of great danger not
return and frequently find that the entire prints. Next, once again by very secret only to themselves but also to their hosts.
family was already in the Umschlagplatz means, a rescued individual would be regis- ‘One of the basic principles of successfully
where Jews gathered for deportation to the tered as a resident by Mrs Stanislawa Bussol- hiding Jews was to frequently change loca-
Treblinka death camp. dowa, a midwife who was very dedicated to tions. This was essential on account of obser-
‘There were several ways to get infants out rescuing both children and adults, the admin- vant neighbours, who would notice when a
but in order for such an operation to stand istrator of House No. 5 in Kaluszynska family suddenly started buying more food,
any chance of success, one needed help from Street, in the Praga district. especially bread.
the Jewish police. We needed to know in ‘There were considerable difficulties with ‘The first place of refuge was the most
advance which houses were selected to go hiding adults. Often they failed to appreciate important. A young child had to be taught to
first to the Umschlagplatz. It was difficult to how crucial it was to behave in the least- live in new — and not necessarily immedi-
get older children out of the ghetto individu- noticeable way in the homes of people who ately safe — circumstances. These were spe-
ally. One needed to find a whole group of were risking their own lives to hide them. cial, private family units managed by very
young boys and a policeman who, like
others, had had enough of the ghetto’s cruel-
ties and wanted to leave it permanently. For
a few days the boys had to be put up with
highly trusted Polish families and then, once
the underground resistance authorities had
agreed to recruit them, one of us would lead
the group out into the forest.
‘It was a different matter with small chil-
dren. We would usually take them out
through the court in Leszno Street. This
building had two entrances: one from the
ghetto side, and the other from Ogrodowa
Street on the German side. Some of the
doors were left open and, thanks to the
courage of the ushers, through this building
one could get out of the ghetto with a child.
Children were also driven out in fire engines,
ambulances or by tram, the latter thanks to a
ADRIAN GRUCYK
friendly tram driver. Some children were

taken in sacks, boxes, or baskets. Babies
were put to sleep and hidden in crates with
holes and they were driven out in the ambu-
lance that delivered disinfectant to the
ghetto.
‘All needed documents. The children Today, a memorial marks the site of the Umschlagplatz. Designed by Architect Hanna
needed a baptism certificate whereas adults Szmalenberg and sculptor Wladyslaw Klamerus, and unveiled on April 18, 1988 — the
needed authentic Kennkarten (identification 45th anniversary of the start of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising — it has inscriptions in
cards) because without these you could not Polish, Hebrew and English: ‘Along this path of suffering and death over 300,000
get ration cards. We got in touch with the Jews were driven in 1942-1943 from the Warsaw Ghetto to the gas chambers of the
husband of one of the couriers who worked Nazi extermination camps.’
39
and managed the files and before I went to
bed I placed the tiny, tightly-rolled-up scroll
in the centre of the table. If I heard knocking
on my front door, I planned to throw the
scroll out through the window into the
bushes in the small garden. I practiced many
times to do it swiftly in the eventuality of
unwelcome visitors. And then that day came.
‘October 20, 1943 — my name day — an
elderly aunt of mine and Janina Grabowska,
one of my best couriers, came to the flat at
No. 6 Ludwiki Street where my mother and I
lived. We talked till three in the morning so
my aunt and the courier had to stay because
the curfew began at eight in the evening.
‘The frightful bang and pounding on the
door first woke my mother. I was also fully
awake and about to throw the small scroll
out of the window when I realised that the
house was totally surrounded by the
Gestapo. I tossed the vital scroll to my
courier and then went to open the door.
They burst in, 11 of them. The search lasted
three hours with the lifting of floorboards
and pillows being ripped open. Throughout
that time I did not once look at my friend, or
at my mother, for fear of any of us giving
anything away. Janina had managed to hide
the scroll under her armpit and she was
The first hiding address of many of the saved children was the Father Boduen wearing my large dressing gown whose long
Orphanage at No. 75 Nowogrodzka Street. Set up in 1736 by the French missionary sleeves covered everything.
priest Gabriel Baudouin, it was Warsaw’s oldest care institution for abandoned chil- ‘When the Gestapo officers ordered me to
dren. Under its courageous director, Maria Prokopowicz-Wierzbowska, the institute get dressed, incredibly as it might seem, I felt
gave shelter to some 200 Jewish children. Every month, two of Sendler’s co-workers happy because I knew the list of children was
— Irena Schultz and Helena Szeszko — would bring some eight Jewish orphans to not in their hands. I was in such a hurry to
the home. The information about a planned drop-off of a child was usually given by get out of my flat that I left the house in my
telephone, in a code including data about a child’s appearance and the time of its slippers. Janina ran after me with my shoes
arrival. The building still functions as a care institution for children to this day. and the Germans let me put them on.
‘I walked down the long courtyard think-
trusted people. Children there were taught search for Jews on the German side still con- ing only about how I had to stay composed,
Polish, how to pray, sing Polish songs, and tinued. The greatest concern was the fate of so that my face would not reveal to them any
recite Polish poems. They were surrounded the children. traces of fear, even though fear was clutching
with the most affectionate care. They were ‘Even during the war, consideration was my throat. Yet in that time three miracles
washed, dressed in new clothes, and fed. being given as to what would happen after occurred. The first was that the Gestapo did
Considerable trouble was taken to calm the fighting ended as it was important that not find the lists, and the second was that I
them down, to ease the pain of being sepa- the children should not be lost to the Jewish had a large sum of money (the allowances for
rated from their loved ones. community. For the sake of families eventu- the escapees) and the Kennkarten and birth
‘There was no fixed time a child had to ally searching for their children, I kept a file certificates, both real and false ones, all
spend there — it all depended on how long it so that their whereabouts could be traced, under my bed. However, it had collapsed
would take for the child to adapt. When they not only in Warsaw but also in the whole of during the search and the Germans were so
were ready they were sent either to the Poland. This was very risky as any list with preoccupied with ripping up pillows and
Father Boduen Orphanage on Nowogrodzka names, surnames, and addresses could get throwing clothes out of the wardrobe that
Street, or to a convent somewhere in Poland, into the wrong hands. In brackets, next to the they took no notice of the broken bed.
or to live with a trusted family. name “Marysia Kowalska” would be the ‘The third miracle was my successful
‘How the children fared varied greatly name “Regina Lubliner” and the coded destruction of an important list of children
depending on whether or not the hosts had address to where the child had been sent. For for whom I was due to deliver money the
an appropriate attitude to the child’s tragedy. safety’s sake, I was the only person who kept next day. This was in my jacket pocket and,
Older children were more aware of their sit-
uation and therefore terrified of being identi-
fied. They had witnessed the cruelty of the
ghetto and understood that Jews were killed.
Having to constantly pretend in front of oth-
ers frequently proved too much for them.
Some children adapted with great difficulty
and continued to wait for their mother,
grandmother, or other close family member.
‘Apart from various dramatic surprises
that were part and parcel of life in the occu-
pied capital, up to January 1943 the opera-
tion of rescuing the ghetto inhabitants had its
regular rhythm. However, that month the
Jews resisted with firearms for the very first
time, and on April 19, during yet another
attempt to conduct the final liquidation of
the ghetto, Jewish soldiers and groups of
Jewish civilians put up the organised and
sometimes chaotic resistance that became
known as the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising.
‘We immediately went into action. We
waited at various manhole covers and I
ADRIAN GRUCYK
organised several more child-care points. I

widened the exit routes, which were usually
through the basements of adjoining houses.
When it was no longer possible to help those
inside the ghetto who had stayed to fight, we
concentrated on helping those who had man-
aged to escape. Unfortunately our aid could From the autumn of 1940, Irena lived with her ailing mother in an apartment (Flat 82)
only be limited and quite inadequate and at No. 6 Ludwiki Street in Wola district. This is where she was arrested by the
later, even with passes, we could not enter Gestapo on October 20, 1943. A tablet commemorating her was unveiled on the end
the ghetto. And when the ghetto fell, the wall in 2015.
40
H. PIOTR
Above left: After her arrest, she was
taken to the Gestapo headquarters at
No. 25 Szucha Avenue. Before the war
the imposing building had housed the
Polish Ministry of Religious Beliefs and
Public Education but now it was the seat
of SS-Obersturmbannführer Ludwig
Hahn, the Kommandeur der Sicherheits-
polizei und des SD (Commander of the
Security Police and Security Service) in
Warsaw (right). The cellars were used as
torture and killing chambers. Above
right: Today the building accommodates
the Ministry of National Education. How-
ever, since 1956, the basement houses a
museum to its grim wartime past, the
Mausoleum of Struggle and Martyrdom.
as there was no doubt that I would be
stripped naked and searched, I surrepti-
tiously tore the card into tiny pieces and dis-
posed of them through a slight opening in the
car window. It was six in the morning, it was
dark, and the Germans were so tired they
were virtually snoozing. No one’s suspicion
was aroused. a secret organisation helping Jews but they with information about the times and places.
‘At the Gestapo headquarters in Szucha did not know the details. They promised me They also showed me the files of people who
Avenue I saw I was not alone as other col- that if I told them everything, I would be had informed on me. After three months I
leagues from social welfare centres had also immediately released. received my sentence: I was to be shot.
been arrested. During the investigation I ‘In Pawiak Prison, they interrogated and ‘I received secret letters from Zegota
realised that one of our post boxes — as we tortured me for many days and nights but I telling me to stay calm because they were
called our contact points — had been discov- was silent because I preferred to die rather doing everything to save me. This was com-
ered. It was in a laundry and the owner, who than reveal our activity. The Gestapo inter- forting; I also knew that other condemned
had been arrested for some unrelated matter, rogator wanted the names of my superiors as inmates were also encouraged to feel that
broke down under torture, and gave my they did not realise they had arrested such an there was still a chance. Awareness that I was
name away. During interrogation I was important member of the underground not alone, not abandoned by friends from the
asked to name the organisation I worked for movement. I was shocked that they had infor- organisation, helped me survive the most dif-
and its leader. The Germans knew there was mants’ reports. They showed me a whole file ficult moments.
ADRIAN GRUCYK
Left: After having been brutally interrogated by the Gestapo, Irena An estimated 37,000 were executed and 60,000 sent to German
was transferred to Pawiak Prison on Dzielna Street, where she death and concentration camps. On August 21, 1944, during the
was to stay for three months, until January 20, 1944. Built in 1829- Warsaw Uprising (see After the Battle No. 143), the building was
35, during the German occupation it was turned into a Gestapo burned and blown up by the Germans. Right: Pawiak Prison was
prison, then became part of the Nazi concentration camp appara- never rebuilt. Half of its gateway on Dzielna Street and three
tus. Approximately 100,000 men and 200,000 women passed detention cells in the basement remained and these became a
through the prison, mostly members of the Armia Krajowa, politi- memorial site in 1965, the basement since then housing the
cal prisoners, and civilians taken as hostages in street round-ups. Museum of Pawiak Prison.
41
ADRIAN GRUCYK
ADRIAN GRUCYK
One of the safe-houses (or ‘emergency care homes’ as Zegota Warsaw Uprising, Irena put the coded lists with all the names
called them) where smuggled-out children were initially kept and addresses of rescued children into a bottle and then buried
was at No. 9 Lekarska Street, the home of Jadwiga Piotrowska, it under an apple tree in the garden here. After the war, the lists
one of Irena’s couriers and most-active helpers, who lived there were recovered, and enciphered, enabling the children to be
together with her parents and sister. After her release from traced — either to be re-united with their parents or relatives (if
prison in January 1944, and again in August 1944 during the these had survived) or to be put in Jewish orphanages.
‘Then a period of mass executions began On March 30, 1944, Irena’s mother took a never stayed at a friend’s home for more
at Pawiak Prison. Every morning the cell turn for the worse but she pleaded with her than a few days at a time.
doors opened and those called out never daughter: ‘Promise me you won’t attend my ‘In July, the atmosphere in the city was
returned. On January 20, 1944, my name was funeral, the Gestapo will be looking for you’. becoming increasingly tense. After my
called out with 30 or 40 others and we were Irena kept her promise but the Gestapo escape from prison, I put the lists with chil-
taken to the headquarters in Szucha Avenue. attended, asking questions about her but dren’s names into a jar which I buried in the
I realised this was my final journey. And were told that the daughter of the deceased garden of No. 9 Lekarska Street, where my
then something quite unbelievable hap- was in Pawiak Prison. ‘She was, and has now courier and friend lived, so that she would be
pened. They read out the names, and every disappeared’, growled one of the furious able to give it to the right people if I died.’
person called out was told to go to a room on German officers. After liberation, the lists were deciphered
the left, that is everyone except me. I was Irena: ‘After the death of my mother I was and submitted to Adolf Berman who was
told to go to a room on the right. Quite unex- alone so I devoted all my energies to work chairman of the Central Committee of Polish
pectedly a Gestapo man appeared, appar- for Zegota and for a secret PPS cell. My tasks Jewry. Jewish children were traced and
ently to take me for further interrogation. He included delivering money to the families of removed from their foster parents as their
escorted me out of the headquarters toward activists who had been arrested. I also trans- original families were reclaiming them. How-
the Polish parliament building in Wiejska ported medicine to those hiding in the ever, children with no surviving relatives
Street where he said in Polish: “You’re free! forests. Despite my changed name, I had no were also taken away and temporarily put
Get out of here at once!” fixed abode. For my own safety and theirs, I into Jewish orphanages, after which a large
‘The happiness and joy at my return and
my reunion with mother cannot be
described. An hour later one of my couriers
arrived and said, “Sleep here tonight, but
tomorrow you must go into hiding.” A few
days later Zegota gave me new documents
for a new name: Klara Dabrowska.
‘I discovered that my release had been as
a result of the Gestapo officer being bribed.
Everything was carefully planned. A ruck-
sack stuffed with wads of money bills hid-
den beneath packets of macaroni and kasha
had been left at the agreed spot. The
money was picked up and the deal made.
The man then entered Irena Sendler as
“executed” in all the relevant documents
but he paid dearly for this for when the ruse
was uncovered, he and his colleagues who
were also implicated, were sent to the East-
ern Front as a punishment for betraying the
Third Reich.’
For Irena Sendler she returned to a quite
JADWIGA RYTLOVA
different world. By now, she and her mother

had gone into hiding in the home of a friend,
Stefan Wichlinska, at No. 2 Kaweczynska
Street. She could no longer contact anyone in
the Warsaw Civic Administration where she
had worked and, although she could resume
her underground activities, she was in hiding,
just like the people she was trying to help. On December 15, 1965, the Yad Vashem institute in Jerusalem, dedicated to the
News of her execution was officially released memory of the Holocaust victims, granted Irena the Righteous Among the Nations
and she even read about her own death on Medal, an award reserved for non-Jews who have helped to rescue Jews during the
advertising columns in the street. In addition, war. Despite numerous invitations from the Israeli government, the tree honouring
the street megaphones announced it. It was her name that comes with the award was not planted in the Avenue of the Righteous
not until a few weeks later that the truth until 1983 as for many years the Communist authorities refused to issue Irena a pass-
came out. The underground authorities port. Here she is re-united with some of the children she had saved, many by now
themselves forbade her to sleep in her flat. mothers and grandmothers.
42
Left: Irena planting her tree, which has
since flourished (right). In all, she and the
Zegota organisation are credited with
saving an estimated 2,500 Jewish chil-
dren: some 500 were accommodated via
the Social Welfare Department in
monastic institutions; 200 in the Father
Boduen Orphanage; 500 in institutions
run by the Central Welfare Council (Rada
Glowna Opiekuncza, RGO); about 100,
aged 15-16, were sent to the forest to
join the partisans; and over 1,200 were
helped and cared for by foster families.
number of them were sent to Palestine. Irena

believed that the vast majority of the 2,000
children featured on the Warsaw lists were
found after the war. Unfortunately, all this
did not happen without problems of a psy-
chological nature.
‘It was a harrowing experience for the
small heroes. Mothers and relatives started
reclaiming their children. Some of the
reunions were beautiful and happy events.
But others were very difficult. Some of the
BONIO
younger children did not remember their
wartime past, and the foster parents also suf-
fered because it was difficult for them to part
with children they had looked after for sev-
eral years. Knowing the fate of so many
Jews, some foster parents had assumed that
the adopted child’s entire family was dead
and for the children’s own good they did not
tell them where they had really come from.
And then, all of a sudden, there was this sur-
prise. Everything now had to be explained.
And to tell a child the truth can be extremely
difficult. Sometimes these complex problems
resulted in legal proceedings.’
Irena’s action in helping the Jews, some-
thing she participated in with such great
devotion, never ended as it persisted due to
continued contact with the rescued children,
their children, and grandchildren. They
would write to her from all parts of the world
remembering that she was the last person
MARIUSZ KUBIK
that knew who they were before they left the
ghetto.
On May 4, 2008 Irena Sendler had to be
taken to hospital; eight days later she passed
away aged 98. That very day a special cere-
mony was being held at a gymnasium in War-
saw to name the school after her. The funeral Irena meeting up with some of ‘her’ children in February 2005: (L-R) Julian Pyz,
of the Mother of the Holocaust Children was Elzbieta Ficowska, Krystyna Budnicka, Irena’s daughter Janina Zgrzembska, Joanna
held in Stare Powazki Cemetery on May 15 and Margaret Sobolewska. The meeting, in her tiny room at the Care Home of the
and, in accordance with her wishes, she was Brothers Hospitallers of St John of God in Sapierzynska Street, was organised by
laid to rest in her family grave. the Association of ‘Children of the Holocaust’ in Poland.
ADRIAN GRUCYK
ADRIAN GRUCYK
Above: Irena Sendler died on May 12, 2008, aged 98, and was buried in Warsaw’s
Powazki Cemetery. Right: In 2010, a plaque in her honour was unveiled on the façade of
No. 2. Pawinskiego Street, the building that housed the Mother and Child Aid Section
of the Citizens’ Committee for Social Help, where she was employed from 1932 to 1935.
43
Private First Class Fred W. Ashley was a
member of the 2nd Cavalry Reconnais-
sance Squadron of the US 2nd Mecha-
nised Cavalry Group. He was killed in
action on May 4, 1945, but although his
remains were successfully recovered
from their field grave after VE-Day, due
to an unfortunate sequence of events,
they got switched with those of another
American soldier, with the result that
one now rests in another man’s grave in
the latter’s home town and the other is
buried as an unknown soldier in an
American military cemetery in Europe.
This is the story of the mysterious disap-

pearance of Pfc Fred W. Ashley, ASN
39907750, a seasoned soldier belonging to
the 1st Platoon of Troop C of the 2nd Cav-
alry Reconnaissance Squadron (Mecha-
nised), part of the US 2nd Cavalry Group.
He was killed in southern Czechoslovakia on
May 4, 1945 — just four days before the end
of the war — and although his remains were
recovered from a field grave a few weeks
later, and were identified by the US graves
registration specialists in August 1945, they
somehow got lost and today this young sol-
dier is still listed as missing. This is his sad
story.
Fred Warren Ashley was born on Janu-
ary 12, 1923 and lived in Emmett, Idaho,
where he worked as a common labourer at
a sawmill with a monthly pay of $130. He
was 5 feet 8 inches tall with green eyes and
brown hair, and weighed 159 pounds. He
was inducted at Boise, Idaho, and from
there sent to the reception centre at Fort
Douglas, Utah. On February 19, 1943, he
was assigned to the 2nd Cavalry at Fort
Jackson, South Carolina, and on April 22,
1944 — after a year of training and
manoeuvres — he was shipped together
with his unit to Liverpool, England, to fight
the Germans.
THE CASE OF PFC FRED W. ASHLEY

The 2nd Cavalry Group disembarked on
Utah Beach in Normandy on July 19, 1944.
Corps’ swift advance into Brittany (see After
the Battle No. 168). By Manuel F. Van Eyck
Commanded by Colonel Charles H. Reed It was during these battles, on August 4,
and comprising the 2nd and 42nd Cavalry that Pfc Ashley was seriously wounded in his Alsace-Lorraine, southern Luxembourg
Reconnaissance Squadrons, it became one of right shoulder by machine-gun fire. He spent (screening the front while Third Army’s
the independent reconnaissance units of time in the US 129th General Hospital main force fought in the Ardennes), the
Lieutenant General George S. Patton’s US recovering from his wounds until August 29, Saar-Moselle Triangle, and across the Rhine
Third Army. Their baptism of fire was on after which he returned to his unit. For the and deep into Bavaria. All this time, the 2nd
August 2, protecting the left flank of the US next eight months, he fought with the 2nd Cavalry Group was serving as the reconnais-
4th Armored Division during the VIII Squadron, seeing action in northern France, sance unit of the Third Army’s XII Corps.
USNA
ATB
Cavalry groups served as an army’s independent reconnaissance static front. Of the 13 cavalry groups deployed by the US Army
units, each of the army’s corps normally having one attached to in North West Europe in 1944-45, six served at one time or
it. Equipped with Jeeps, M8 Greyhound armoured cars, M5 Stu- another with the Third Army: the 2nd, 3rd, 6th, 15th, 16th and
art light tanks and 75mm HMC M8 assault guns, and with a 106th. A group comprised two squadrons, and for the 2nd Group
strength of some 1,500 men, their role varied from scouting out these were the 2nd and 42nd Squadrons. Here an M8 armoured
ahead of advancing armoured or infantry divisions, to screening car of the 42nd Squadron receives a warm welcome in the town
large sectors of an army’s open flank, to maintaining contact of Bréhal on the northern approaches to Avranches in Normandy
with neighbouring formations, to outposting quiet sectors of a on August 2, 1944 — the 2nd Group’s first real day in action.
44
Right: One of the trophies captured by
the 2nd Squadron during their seven
months of fighting was this Swastika
flag, which many members adorned with
their signature. That of Pfc Fred Ashley is
at bottom right.
On April 29, 1945, the 2nd Squadron and

2nd Cavalry Group HQ moved to Zwiesel in
the Bavarian Forest, close to the Czech bor-
der. The next day, they established a screen
to the north-east of that town and received
the surrender of 5,000 of General Andrey
Vlasov’s Russian soldiers who fought in the
German army. The 42nd Squadron took up
new positions and on May 1 the entire screen
moved north-east towards the Czech border,
securing the important Eisenstein Pass
across the Bohemian Forest. Resistance was
again encountered on May 4. Roads were
found blocked by felled trees and over 40
prisoners were taken in the border forests.
Troop C of the 2nd Squadron saw heavy
action on May 4. Its 3rd Platoon attacked the
Czech town of Zejbis but was forced to with-
draw when the Germans suddenly and vio-
lently came to life and almost enveloped
them, and the platoon had to fight its way
out, which they did without losing any men or
vehicles. The 2nd and 3rd Platoons re-organ-
ised and set up a screen in previous positions
with the support of two light tank platoons.
The 1st Platoon under 2nd Lieutenant Albert
C. Gannaway, Jr. was sent to reconnoitre an
assigned area in order that other troops could
advance. Pushing a few kilometres deeper
into Czechoslovakia, it set up a strongpoint in
the small village of Paseka.
Gannaway had just reported with his driver
to the Troop Command Post and was on his
way back to the platoon when suddenly his attacked from all sides by a German force that H. Buttron, Jr) was killed and four others (one
Jeep came under German bazooka and small- had closed in on them during the night. After a of them Pfc Ashley) were wounded, the entire
arms fire. At the same time, his platoon was brief fire-fight, in which one man (Pfc George platoon was taken prisoner.
HARTMANICE
THE LAST OFFENSIVE
In the final ten days of war, the US Twelfth Army Group aiming for Prague via Pilsen and the Third Army doing the
launched a drive into Czechoslovakia, the US First Army same via Klatovy and Pisek.
45
PASEKA DOBRA VODA
GERMANY CZECHOSLOVAKIA
USNA
As part of these operations, on May 4 the 2nd Cavalry was ambushed by a German force at the village of Paseka. In
Squadron crossed the German-Czech border towards the town the course of the ensuing fire-fight, one of the American GIs
of Hartmanice and it was during this reconnaissance that the was killed and four other men wounded, the battle ending with
1st Platoon of Troop C, of which Pfc Ashley was a member, practically the entire platoon being captured by the Germans.
A German POW captured shortly after men — Pfc Buttron and Pfc Ashley —
stated that he had been a member of the remained missing. It was learned from the
force that had attacked the American pla- returned men that Buttron had been killed
toon. The attack had been well planned the by a hit in the head and that Ashley had been
day before when under a Hauptmann, 50 gravely wounded during the fire-fight and
men observed the platoon from a hill to the been left behind. A search was made to
north-west of their position. The Germans locate them, but no trace of them could be
decided to attack the next day by breaking found.
up into three groups and encircling the set- Then, on May 8 (VE-Day), the remains of
tlement from the north, south and south- Buttron were found and recovered near the
east. As far as the prisoner knew, one Amer- town of Hartmanice, a few kilometres east of
ican had been killed and 22 taken prisoner. Paseka, and identified by Lieutenant Gann-
Troop C reported the following 22 enlisted away. On May 10 he was buried at the just-
men as missing: Pfc Fred W. Ashley; Pfc opened temporary US Military Cemetery
George H. Buttron, Jr; Tech/4 Kenneth M. No. 1 at Nuremberg, Germany, in Plot C,
Carrol; Tech/ 5 George R. Cloutier; Pfc Fred Row 1, Grave 19. Three months later, on
E. Dunlap; Tech/5 Edward J. Fuller; Pfc August 3, Buttron’s remains were trans-
Silas L. Hale; Pfc James W Hancock; Private ferred to the US Military Cemetery at Saint-
Ira W. Ibbitson; Pfc Donald R. Kahila; Pfc Avold, France, and re-buried in Plot CC,
Bryant P. Lofton; Pfc Joel E. Mattson; Pri- Row 1, Grave 19. Three years later, on
MANUEL VAN EYCK
vate Cecil C. Mewhinney; Pfc Madison H. August 19, 1948, his remains were disin-
Milan; Corporal William J. Murphy; Staff terred and, as was the prescribed procedure,
Sergeant Walter J. Pajdzik; Private Dal S. their condition was noted: ‘Crushed skull.
Privatte; Private Edward F. Quinton; Pfc Large amount of decomposed flesh. Disartic-
Lyde R. Rice; Tech/5 Leonard Seligman; ulated with Ground Forces uniform’. At the
Tech/4 Jerry E. Skivington and Private request of his parents Buttron’s remains
Eugene H. Wawrzyniak. were repatriated to the US and on July 21,
On May 5, with the war drawing to a close, 1949, he was placed to rest at the Long Island The one soldier killed in the skirmish
the majority of the captured platoon — 20 Cemetery in Farmingdale, New York, in was Pfc George H. Buttron, Jr. His field
men — was released by the Germans. Three Grave No. 15340. grave was found four days later and pos-
of them — Corporal Murphy, Pfc Hancock Ashley remained listed as missing in action itively identified. Repatriated to the
and Pfc Lofton — were wounded and were in Czechoslovakia after May 4, 1945. (He United States in 1948, today he lies
sent to a field hospital, the other 17 returned and Buttron had been the last men of the 2nd buried in Long Island Cemetery in Farm-
to duty with Troop C. Two of the captured Cavalry Squadron to die in action.) ingdale, New York.
46
Five weeks after the battle at Paseka, on
June 10, 1945, Sergeant Daniel J. Foley
of the 3048th Grave Registration Com-
pany recovered the remains of an Ameri-
can serviceman from a field grave at Gut-
wasser (Dobra Voda in Czech), some four
kilometres east of where the fire-fight
had taken place. This is the sketch made
by Foley to document the location of the
grave.
Five weeks after the fire-fight, on June 10,

Sergeant Daniel J. Foley, a member of the
US 3048th Quartermaster Grave Registra-
tion Company, was directed to the village of
Gutwasser (Dobra Voda), two kilometres
south of Hartmanice, where Matilda Ver-
hofen, a local resident, pointed him to an iso-
lated, unmarked gravesite outside the ceme-
tery wall. Opening the grave, Foley found
the remains of a male person in US Army
clothing, without dog-tag or other identifica-
tion. The body was estimated 5 feet 9 inches
tall, weight about 160 pounds with brown
hair. Forehead was high, teeth in excellent
repair, white and even, with two missing.
Arms listed as muscular with broad shoul-
ders. The left foot was missing, as was flesh
from the right foot. There were bullet holes
in the lumbar region of the vertebral column,
a chest hole in the sternal region and a bullet
wound in the small of the back. The body
was not buried in a coffin.
His field jacket was size 36R, colour
brown. Mackinaw marking ‘M-2777’, size
estimated 38, colour brown. Undershirt size
estimated 36, colour white. Trousers, wool,
size estimated 33-33. OD cotton drawers,
size estimated 34, colour brown. Combat
pants, size estimated 34, colour brown. No
personal effects found. Matilda Verhofen
gave the date of death as May 4, 1945 and
date of burial as May 6, 1945, both dates
established. She also stated that the body had
been buried by German soldiers.
On June 13, Sergeant Foley delivered the
unknown remains from Dobra Voda,
together with other American remains col-
lected in Austria, to the Nuremberg Military
Cemetery. The body was designated as
Unknown X-58 (an ‘X’ number denoted that
USNA
the remains had been found without identifi-
MANUEL VAN EYCK
It was just outside Gutwasser’s small village cemetery, close corpse wore no dog-tags and could not be readily identified so
beside its western wall. A local woman informed Foley that the it was transported to Nuremberg Military Cemetery No. 1 and
soldier in the grave had been killed on May 4 and that the field buried as ‘Unknown X-58’, awaiting further identification by
burial had been carried out by German soldiers on May 6. The the Army’s forensic specialists.
47
cation tags on the body) and buried in Plot Davis but the other six were assigned
D, Row 9, Grave 218. To his right was Grave Unidentified numbers X-52 to X-57.
217 with Unknown X-57, and to his left That same day, Sergeant Foley delivered
Grave 219 with Unknown X-59. to the Nuremberg Cemetery yet another
Now who were X-57 and X-59? To find group of remains. They were crewmembers
information pertaining to these unknowns of another bomber, B-17G 44-6333 of the
took me several years. These proved vital 815th Bomb Squadron, 483rd Bomb Group
facts in relation to X-58. I checked all Amer- of the Fifteenth Air Force, that had gone
ican casualties in the immediate area of the down over Linz, Austria, on December 27,
Sumava Forest and there is no question in 1944. From the crew of ten, six had been
my mind that the remains recovered from captured and four had been killed: 2nd
the isolated grave in Dobra Voda must be Lieutenant Howard E. Sampson (pilot);
those of Pfc Ashley. Flight Officer Richard W. Lane (co-pilot);
On February 24, 1944, an American Staff Sergeant Stanley D. Smith (bom-
bomber, B-17G 42-31870 of the 49th bardier), and Sergeant Buddy J. Karnes (air
Squadron, 2nd Bomb Group, of the Fif- gunner).
teenth Air Force, was shot down over the The four bodies had been disinterred from
town of Abtsdorf in upper Austria. From the an isolated grave at Sankt-Florian, Austria.
crew of ten, two men — 2nd Lieutenant Jay All four had died as the result of an aircraft
L. Monicken (co-pilot) and Sergeant Charles crash that had occurred there. From his dog-
B. Ball (ball turret gunner) — parachuted to tag, Foley identified one of the four as Lieu-
safety in the town of Sankt-Georg and were tenant Howard E. Sampson, ASN 0-7716336
captured by Luftwaffe personnel. The other (thereby identifying the men as the missing
eight were killed: 2nd Lieutenant Clarence crewmembers of B-17G 44-6333) and the
T. Moyer (pilot), 2nd Lieutenant Robert D. other three were subsequently assigned
USNA
Dodson (navigator), 2nd Lieutenant Vincent Unidentified numbers X-59 to X-61. One of
A. Kepler (bombardier), Staff Sergeant Saul them, X-59, was found wearing a wool OD
M. Tauber (upper turret gunner), Sergeant A vital piece of data to establish the shirt with clothing mark ‘L-4430’. His height
Carl H. Davis (right waist gunner), Sergeant identity of Unknown X-58 was the dental and weight were estimated as 5 foot 8 inches
Edward C. Moleti (left waist gunner), Staff chart, made up by 1st Lieutenant R. F. and 150 lbs and he had black hair. He was
Sergeant Marlin E. Eckels (tail gunner) and Albera of the 3048th Grave Registration wearing 9A brown combat shoes and cloth-
Tech/Sergeant James H. Jones (rear gunner). Company on June 13, 1945, the day the ing type thought to be used by officers of the
They were buried by Luftwaffe personnel in remains were buried in the Nuremberg Air Corps.
a wooded area some half a kilometre south- Cemetery. It showed he had teeth in All 14 American dead — the eight airmen
east of Abtsdorf. excellent repair with silver fillings, and from Abtsdorf, the four airmen from Sankt-
On June 10, 1945, Sergeant Foley of the three upper teeth missing. Florian, and unidentified X-58 (Pfc Ashley)
3048th Grave Registration Company recov- from Dobra Voda — were delivered by
ered the eight remains from this isolated Nuremberg Military Cemetery No. 1. He had Sergeant Foley to Nuremberg Military
gravesite and delivered them with others to identified Lieutenant Dodson and Sergeant Cemetery No. 1 on June 10, 1945 and all
However, when the remains of X-58 were transferred to the US
Military Cemetery at Saint-Avold in France two months later,
they were accidentally switched with those from the adjoining
grave, which held Unknown X-59. Unaware of this, the Army
forensic experts subsequently correctly identified X-58 as Fred
W. Ashley and X-59 as Flight Officer Richard W. Lane (below),
the co-pilot of a B-17 bomber of the 815th Bomb Squadron that
had gone down over Linz in Austria on December 27, 1944.
Right: The Missing Air Crew Report (MACR) of B-17 44-6333,

made up two days after the mission, listed all ten crew members
as missing. Six of them had in fact parachuted to safety and been
taken prisoner. The other four — Lane, 2nd Lieutenant Howard
Sampson, Staff Sergeant Stan Smith and Sergeant Buddy Karnes
— had died in the crash and been buried by the Germans. All four
had been recovered by Sergeant Foley from graves at Sankt-
USNA
Florian, ten kilometres south of Linz, in June 1945.
48
USNA
USNA
The identifications of unknown soldiers at Saint-Avold were It was therefore no wonder that, when the remains in Grave
carried out by collating the details from the original grave 218 were disinterred again two years later — during the
recovery report with other available data regarding missing process of transferring the remains of killed servicemen to per-
servicemen but without comparing these with the actual manent military cemeteries in Europe or repatriating them to
remains in the graves. Thus it was that when the remains from the United States — they could no longer be identified as those
Plot DD, Row 9, Grave 218 in Saint-Avold were disinterred on of Pfc Ashley. The teeth did not match with his dental chart;
August 24, 1948, its identity was still listed on the disinterment bullet wounds as noted on his 1945 recovery report were
form as Pfc Ashley but, incongruently for an Army private, he absent (the skull and all main bones of the present remains
was now dressed in Air Force uniform! The embalmer, Ralph were found to be fractured), and there were other discrepan-
W. Ahearn, should have been doubly alerted by the fact that cies. Hence the remains from Grave 218 were transferred to the
the embossed plate found in the grave read ‘UNK X-59’ instead US Military Cemetery at Henri Chapelle in Belgium and buried
of ‘UNK X-58’ but he let it pass. as an unknown soldier.
were buried on June 13. Of particular rele- further substantiated the identification. X-58 Decomposing complete. Disarticulated.
vance to our story were those buried in Plot (Ashley) was thought to be in Grave 218 but With Air Force uniform.’ The embalmer Mr.
D, Row 9 in the following order: X-57 (not in reality that grave was now occupied by Ralph W. Ahearn noted under Minor Dis-
yet identified, but actually Sergeant Moleti, Flight Officer Lane, who had already been crepancies: ‘Embossed plate reads UNK X-
ASN 31203871, the left wing gunner from B- administratively identified as such, whereas 59. On case history previous designation is
17 44-6333) in Grave 217; X-58 (not yet iden- Ashley was in Grave 219. listed as UNK X-58’. Despite these alarming
tified but Pfc Ashley) in Grave 218; and X-59 Three years later, on August 24, 1948, the discrepancies — which should have been
(not yet identified but Flight Officer Lane, remains in Grave 219 (thought to be Lane labelled ‘major’ — Ahearn and his col-
ASN T-4430, the co-pilot from B-17 44-6333) but actually Ashley) were disinterred and leagues Anthony J. Martin and Ralph T.
in Grave 219. prepared for repatriation to the US. As the Ruiz signed the disinterment Form 1194.
Two months later, on August 13, 1945, the embalmer noted on the disinterment form, Ashley’s dental records were requested
three unknowns were transferred to the US the remains were in an advanced state of and compared with the remains from Grave
Military Cemetery at Saint-Avold, France, decomposition in OD uniform. Under Minor 218. The latter had most teeth broken in the
and reburied in Plot DD, Row 9 in the fol- Discrepancies it was noted: ‘No report of upper and lower mandible with one gold
lowing order: X-57, now re-designated X-238 burial with remains. Report of burial bottle tooth in Upper Right 2. However, Ashley
(Moleti) in Grave 217; X-58, now X-239 found broken’ but little attention was paid to records showed that he had silver fillings.
(Ashley) in Grave 218; and X-59, now X-240 this irregularity (all remains of US service- Therefore the remains were re-designated as
(Lane) in Grave 219. men placed in a grave by the Graves Regis- ‘Unknown X-239 and unidentifiable’ and
However, something had gone horribly tration Service were interred with a sealed assigned to be permanently interred in a US
wrong. Somewhere between Nuremberg and bottle containing a GRS report of burial). military cemetery — first listed was Neuville-
Saint-Avold the remains of Ashley and Lane On August 27, the remains were placed in a en-Condroz, but this was later changed to
were accidentally switched and subsequently transfer box and readied for shipment to the Henri Chapelle, both in Belgium. And so, on
placed in different graves. Although adminis- US. They went by train to Antwerp, Bel- August 2, 1950, Unknown X-239 was buried
tratively they were listed as being in correct gium, and then by ship, USAT Carroll Vic- in Henri Chapelle Military Cemetery in Plot
graves (218 for Ashley and 219 for Lane), in tory, to the US. They arrived at Liberty, G, Row 6, Grave 72.
actual fact Ashley was interred in Grave 219 Nebraska, on December 14 and were In 2013 I obtained the Individual
and Lane in Grave 218. interred at Filley Cemetery, Filley, Deceased Personnel File (IDPF) pertaining
Some two weeks later, about August 30, Nebraska, as Flight Officer Richard W. to Lane from the National Archives and
1945, identification specialists established Lane. compared his dental records, which con-
that X-58 was in fact Pfc Fred Warren Ash- On August 24, 1948 — the same day on firmed that his Right Upper 2 was gold. I
ley, ASN 39907750, identification being which Grave 219 (supposedly Lane but actu- subsequently located his brother Ronald,
established by similarity of place and date of ally Ashley) was emptied — the remains in who confirmed that ‘Robert definitely did
death with physical characteristics. The fact Grave 218 (supposedly Ashley but actually have a gold upper front tooth’. There could
that the clothing mark found on the remains, Lane) were disinterred as well. Their condi- be no doubt: Unknown X-239 interred at
M-2777, was that of a member of the same tion was noted as: ‘Skull, mandible and all Henri Chapelle was in fact Flight Officer
platoon as Ashley’s (Pfc Joel E. Mattson) main bones fractured except left clavicle. Richard W. Lane.
49
of Ashley’s unit: Norman Armstrong, Ray-
mond C. Barnhisel, Robert Camp, William
L. Capewell, James A. Culver, Fred E. Dun-
lap (one of the men captured in the May 4
fire-fight), Edward Fuller (idem), Gordon A.
Groebe and Dal S. Privatte (also captured on
May 4). I also obtained a list of Troop C
members who had died since the war. Unfor-
tunately, among them was Joel E. Mattson,
the man who had loaned Ashley his jacket.
He had passed away in 1988.
One of the documents I received from the
National Archives in Washington was a let-
ter with information from two platoon mem-
bers — Staff Sergeant John L. Cannaros-
abeitia and Tech/5 Eugene C. Myberg — to
the parents of Pfc Ashley informing them
that during the short fire-fight Fred had been
hit. At first he had not realised the severity
of his wound but he was paralysed from the
waist down. Therefore, I believe that once
the Germans discovered his wound he was
given a mercy shot in the back of his head,
which showed on his skull when his body was
first disinterred from the field grave by
USNA
USNA
Sergeant Foley.
Back in 1991, I had received a photograph
Left: Had the forensic experts been more attentive, and compared the remains from of Fred from his sister, Ms Vivian Betzold-
Grave 218 with the dental chart of Unknown X-59 — the man who had been in the Ashley, and during our correspondence I had
grave adjoining that of X-58 — they would have realised that the remains were in fact promised her that I would locate his where-
those of Flight Officer Lane. Right: Lane’s dental record, made up by the US Dental abouts. Sadly, Vivian passed away in July
Corps in August 1944, also matched exactly with those of X-59. 2003 before all the facts were known.
USNA
One of the documents retrieved by US

Graves Registration from German
archives after VE-Day was this card (offi-
cially designed for use in POW camps),
which listed Lane’s details and that he
had died in a Flying Fortress crash near
the town of Wells, 25 kilometres south-
west of Linz on December 27, 1944.
I would like to point out that all the above
information was not easy to obtain. First in
the beginning I had to request Individual
Deceased Personnel Files from the National
Archives (the Army ones being kept in
Washington and the Air Force ones at the St
Louis depository) and at times I had to wait
12 months before they arrived. Sometimes I
requested specific names and received files
with another man in it. I began to wonder if
my file was missing some part of it and if it
was sent somewhere else. In the meantime I
was searching for any survivors from each
individual case that I was investigating. My
luck provided me with important eyewit-
nesses of the events, who provided informa-
tion not contained in the official files. With
the help of different veterans associations, I
came in contact with the following members
Right: The remains in the adjoining grave

in Saint-Avold — Plot DD, Row 9, Grave
219 — were disinterred on August 24,
1948, the same day as Grave 218 was
opened. Unaware that something was
wrong, and unable to challenge the
administrative identification of three
years earlier, because the report of burial
was not found with the body, embalmer
Charles W. Fredricks confirmed the
remains as being those of Richard Lane
— whereas they were in fact those of
USNA
Ashley!
50
MANUEL VAN EYCK
Above: Shipped to the United States, the remains of Pfc Fred

W. Ashley were buried under the name of Flight Officer Richard
MANUEL VAN EYCK

W. Lane in the latter’s home town of Filley, Nebraska — where
they remain with that incorrect name until this day. Right:
Meanwhile, the remains of Lane rest under a white marble
cross in Henri Chapelle US Military Cemetery (Plot G, Row 5,
Grave 72) with the epitaph ‘Here rests in honored Glory a Com-
rade in Arms known but to God’.
In the summer of 2013, using all the infor- January 30, 2015, the Defense POW/Missing Since then there has been little or no
mation I had collected, I prepared a sum- Personnel Office, along with the scandal- progress in the Ashley/Lane case. I have
mary and mailed it in paper form to the Joint plagued JPAC and parts of the Air Force’s done my duty and provided all evidence nec-
POW/MIA Accounting Command–Central Life Sciences Lab were merged into the new essary and possible. It is now in the hands of
Identification Laboratory (JPAC-CIL) at Defense POW/MIA Accounting Agency. the United States government.
Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickman in Hawaii.
I received an E-mail reply from Dr Debra
Zinni, JPAC-CIL’s laboratory manager,
which stated little more than ’ the CIL has a
historian working to resolve Unknown
remains from Germany, therefore I will have
him look into this case further’.
Nothing happened for over a year so, hop-
ing that going higher would produce some
action in this case, I wrote to the Secretary of
Defense in July 2014. The following Septem-
ber I received a letter from W. Montague
Winfield, the Deputy Assistant Secretary of
Defense, POW/Missing Personnel Affairs,
which read as follows: ‘My staff has reviewed
the information you provided, as well as
other documentation we have available for
Private Ashley. We acknowledge there are
discrepancies which suggest that Unknown
remains buried as X-239 St-Avold in 1949
may not be the same remains collected from
Gutwasser in 1945. Our historians have not
substantiated a specific connection to Flight
Officer Richard Lane and are currently con-
ducting further research on this case. Please,
feel free to submit any additional informa-
tion or evidence you may have to my office.’
I immediately mailed his office the dental
records of Ashley, Lane and of X-239. In the
meantime Winfield resigned as Deputy
Assistant Secretary of Defense effective
November 15, 2014. Following up on that, on
Right: Manuel Van Eyck has written to

the US authorities several times, point-
ing out and documenting the results of
his research in the Lane/Ashley case, but
so far without any result. It remains to
be seen whether the new Defense
POW/MIA Accounting Agency will be
more active. Naturally, we will follow
the case and report on developments.
51
Waterloo station, London, August 1914 — troops pile their rifles as they await the train to Southampton . . . and France.
THE BATTLE OF THE SOMME REMEMBERED

On August 7, 1914, Lord Kitchener put National Theatre stated that ‘if you’re male details were given only that while applicants
out the call to volunteers in order to raise a and between the ages of 18 and 45 you can required no previous experience of acting,
series of new armies, he being one of the few volunteer to take part this summer in an they needed to be comfortable performing in
at the time predicting a long and costly war. exciting one-off, large-scale event that will a public space. Also all volunteers needed to
In February 2016, an invitation from the mark a moment in history’. No further have a good level of physical fitness.
Waterloo station, July 1, 2016. Reminiscent of similar scenes at striking reminder to commuters in another century of the price
so many main line stations in Britain during the Great War, the paid then for what we enjoy today. The silent vigil by 1,400
live tribute organised by the National Theatre to mark the 100th ‘ghost’ soldiers was broken only by the rousing rendition of
anniversary of the first day of the battle of the Somme was a We’re Here Because We’re Here (see becausewearehere.co.uk).
52
CHRIS BULL
People were moved to tears as the ghost
soldiers marked the centenary of July 1,
1916, the day when the British army suf-
fered the highest number of casualties of
any battle in any war. This is Piccadilly
station, Manchester.
Successful applicants would need to be

available for rehearsals on various dates in
May and June in London when further
details would be given. Travel expenses
would be paid up to £7.80 per day for what
had now been given the code-name ‘Project
Octagon’ as a National Theatre Learning
event.
Previously millions of people had been
moved by the Blood Swept Lands and Seas
of Red display at the Tower of London
marking the 100th anniversary of the out-
break of war in 1914. The background to that
iconic display by designer Tom Piper, featur-
ing the poppy sculptures created by Paul
Cummins, was described in After the Battle
No. 167. On this occasion, Jenny Waldman,
the Director of 14-18 NOW, the UK’s arts
programme for the First World War cente-
nary, wanted an extraordinary experience to
mark the anniversary of the costly Battle of
the Somme in which the British Army suf-
fered 20,000 dead and 40,000 wounded on
the first day: July 1, 1916.
And so on Friday, July 1, 2016, commuters
in London and dozens of other towns across
the British Isles were astounded to witness
an evocative experience that moved many of
them to tears as hundreds of young men
dressed in Great War uniforms appeared and
moved amongst them representing those
who were lost. The ‘ghosts’ said nothing
except for occasionally bursting into the
words of the song often on the lips of soldiers
in France We’re Here Because We’re Here
sung to the tune of Auld Langs Syne. Each of
the ghosts carried cards with the details of
the soldier they represented.
Soldiers in First World War attire make

their way up an escalator at London’s
Euston station just as if they were back
in 1916 on their way to the Continent.
Many who witnessed the scene said
MAR DIXON
those behind the tribute deserved a

medal; in fact over 25 organisations
helped in the secret preparations.
53
MATTHEW CHATTLE
BARBARA LEATHAM
Images from around the country were quickly posted on Twitter. These came from London, Salisbury and Bristol.
The amazing commemoration was con- Birmingham Repertory Theatre with the als, quickly spread across regular and social
ceived and created by Jeremy Deller, the help and support of 27 other organisations. media connected by #wearehere. Just one
Turner Prize-winning artist, in collaboration Not a word had leaked out about what was example will suffice: ‘This just brings the
with Rufus Norris, the Director of the to take place so photos and reactions to the biggest lump to my throat. Thank you from a
National Theatre, and produced by the ‘modern memorial’ involving 1,400 individu- nation . . . WE WILL REMEMBER’.
ROSIE LADKIN
54
‘Our objective was the point christened
LISNASKEA in the German third line. At
6.25 a.m., the final artillery preparation
began, an intense bombardment of the
enemy lines and, so far as we could ascer-
tain, very effective. At 7.15 our men
debouched from our trenches in Thiepval
Wood and took up their position in front of
our wire through which lanes had been
cut. Every officer and man was eager for
the fray and determined to do their utmost
that day. At 7.30 the bugle sounded the
assault. The two leading companies
advanced immediately in perfect line fol-
lowed by the supporting companies. The
line maintained by all was magnificent, the
advance being carried out as if it was a
parade. On reaching the SUNKEN ROAD
and no man’s land, heavy machine-gun
and shell-fire was encountered. The ranks
began to thin, men falling by the score, the
advance continuing. On reaching the Ger-
man ’A’ line those still standing swept on
with irresistible determination, charging
the machine guns which the enemy had
mounted on the parapets. Casualties were
numerous. At about 10 p.m. that night we
were compelled to fall back to our own
MATTHEW CHATTLE
trenches. During the night all that was left

of the battalion was reorganised and par-
ties were sent out to the wounded lying in
no man’s land. Casualties suffered by the
battalion were very heavy; 51 killed, 252
wounded, and 154 missing.’
Without saying a word, one of the ghost
soldiers hands out the card giving the
name of the fallen soldier that he repre-
sents, listing his battalion and the date
when he died in the fighting on the
Somme. Private William Fox had been
born to Annie and Richard in Upper
Rathdown Street, Delgany, County Wick-
low in Ireland in 1896, the second eldest
of a family of six. He enlisted as soon as
he was 18 in Dublin being enrolled in the
9th Battalion of the Royal Inniskilling
Fusiliers with the service number 23771.
The War Diary of the battalion sets the
scene: ‘On the 1st July — the day so long
looked forward to and prepared for —
the Great Offensive by the combined
English and French armies in the Somme
commenced. The attack was preceded
by the most-formidable artillery prepara-
tion employed as yet in the history of the
war lasting eight days and nights. The
battalion was allotted pride of place in
the attack about to be launched, being
the leading battalion on the right of the
division.’
The first great monument to those who

had been killed in the 1914-18 war, yet
whose remains were never traced, was
unveiled at Ypres in Belgium. The Menin
Gate Memorial to the Missing was dedi-
cated in 1927 recording some 74,000
names of those missing in the Ypres bat-
tles. The Imperial War Graves Commis-
sion built many other monuments to
those whose remains were never found
or identified, but arguably the grandest
memorial of all was that erected high on
a ridge at Thiepval, overlooking the
Ancre valley, to record the 72,104 men
missing in the battles on the Somme.
Designed by Edwin Lutyens, it is the
largest built by the Commission and
THE ALLIED AIR FORCES MEMORIAL
comprises a series of huge arches in red

brick and stone, with its base of 16 piers
standing on the site of Thiepval Chateau
and part of the Leipzig Redoubt.
Unveiled by the Prince of Wales on
August 1, 1932, at 150 feet high it domi-
nates the countryside for miles around;
Private Fox’s name can be seen inscribed
on Face 5B of Pier 4D. On Friday July 1,
the memorial was the centre of the
remembrance commemorations.
55

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after the ITALY

THE TWO INVASIONS OF 73>

THE ISLE OF ELBA No. 173

THE INVASIONS OF ELBA ISLAND

large quantity of weapons and equipment

defending the coastline between Cecina and

Portoferraio but its commander, Ammiraglio

ECPAD FallAOK 1568 L09

Above: An officer soon arrived to gather

over. Arms, artillery guns and vehicles were

side or be deported to internment camps in

ECPAD FallAOK 1570 L21

Above left: The Italian soldiers, demor-

Germany. Gilardi put off returning the forms

an 11-day trip to POW camps in Poland.

CEGÉS BRUXELLES 161941

ECPAD FallAOK 1567 L16

Above: Fallschirmjäger sharing some

On September 22, five days after the Ger-

few survivors. Her captain and crew were

ECPAD FallAOK 1566 L02

The whole Italian garrison of the island,

Above left: PK Biedermann had a field

allow easier transport. Note the mark-

Italian and on board were only a few Ger-

ECPAD FallAOK 1566 L20

ECPAD FallAOK 1566 L27

Then, having retrieved his camera, Bie-

BUNDESARCHIV BILD 101l-474-1861-03

BUNDESARCHIV BILD 101l-474-1861-05

Above: The Germans progressively

Portoferraio; ‘Pisa’, ‘Venedig’, ‘Palermo’,

Golfo della Lacona with its artillery barrage

code-named ‘Toni’; ‘Danzig’ defended the

between Portoferraio and Porto Longone.

At H-Hour — 0400 — six LCAs were to

patrol boats, Chasseurs 51 and 52, carrying

NORTH COAST COMMANDOS

32 men landed at Acquaviva and penetrated

raised the alert so they retreated to the

SOUTH COAST COMMANDOS

Left: German and Italian prisoners being marched to the POW

Giuseppe Pietri in Marina di Campo.

ECPAD TERRE 239 5328

ECPAD TERRE 239 5329

engaged Marinefährprahm F 542 with hand-

ECPAD TERRE 239 5317

answer was simply a dismissive ‘This is war’

ECPAD TERRE 239 5340

ers described the ‘soldier liberators’ as hav-

to Jews) — managed to smuggle out some 2,500 Jewish children

Jews we helped had to be changed into Polish

friendly tram driver. Some children were

organised several more child-care points. I

different world. By now, she and her mother

number of them were sent to Palestine. Irena

This is the story of the mysterious disap-

THE CASE OF PFC FRED W. ASHLEY