Steven Miles - Consumerism - As A Way of Life-SAGE Publications LTD (1998)

CONSUMERISM
CONSUMERISM
As a Way of Life
Steven Miles
®SAGE Publications
London » Thousand Oaks · New Delhi
© Steven Miles 1998
First published 1998

Reprinted 2002, 2004, 2006
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I dedicate this book to Tom Lamb and Violet Miles
CONTENTS
Acknowledgements viii
1 C o n s u m e r i s m Then a n d N o w 1
2 C o n s u m e r i s m in C o n t e x t 15
3 Design for Life or C o n s u m p t i o n Designed 36
4 C o n s u m i n g Space, C o n s u m i n g Place 52
5 Consuming Technology 70
6 Consuming Fashion 90
7 C o n s u m i n g P o p u l a r Music 107
8 C o n s u m i n g Sport 126
9 The C o n s u m i n g P a r a d o x 147
References 161
Index 171
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Several people offered their invaluable s u p p o r t a n d a d v i c e while I w a s

writing this book. I w o u l d therefore like to thank the following: Jim
B r o w n , Viv Burr, Stephanie C h u r c h , Penny Clark, Dallas Cliff, Glenn
D u c k w o r t h , H a r v i e Ferguson, A n d y Furlong, Eric Harrison, Kevin
M e e t h a n and last, but certainly not least, Ian Roper. I w o u l d also like to
thank Chris Rojek, Robert Rojek a n d e v e r y b o d y at Sage w h o helped
bring this project to life.
1
CONSUMERISM THEN AND NOW
The Church of England is to adopt a corporate logo in an attempt to

rid the Church of its muddled image and provide a 'common visual
identity' for its 13,000 parishes . . . The Rev. Eric Shegog said . . . 'The
Church is one of thousands of bodies competing for attention in the
media market place and we have got to do it efficiently/ He said the
Church sought a symbol that had 'gravitas with a contemporary feel'.
(Combe, 1996: 1)
C o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to h a v e b e c o m e p a r t a n d p a r c e l of the v e r y fabric
of m o d e r n life. A r e a s of social life that w e r e previously free of the
d e m a n d s of the m a r k e t p l a c e , including religion, h a v e h a d t o a d a p t to a
w o r l d w h e r e the n e e d s a n d desires of the c o n s u m e r a r e a p p a r e n t l y
p a r a m o u n t . H o w w e c o n s u m e , w h y w e c o n s u m e a n d the p a r a m e t e r s
laid d o w n for u s within w h i c h w e c o n s u m e h a v e b e c o m e increasingly
significant influences on h o w w e c o n s t r u c t o u r e v e r y d a y lives. W h e t h e r
y o u live in P l y m o u t h , E n g l a n d , Paris, T e x a s , or M o s c o w , Russia, the
benefits of c o n s u m e r i s m , t h o u g h to v a r y i n g d e g r e e s , a r e a p p a r e n t l y
available off the shelf. A n d the parallel with religion is n o t a n accidental
one. C o n s u m e r i s m is ubiquitous a n d e p h e m e r a l . It is a r g u a b l y the
religion of the late twentieth century. It a p p a r e n t l y p e r v a d e s o u r
e v e r y d a y lives a n d s t r u c t u r e s o u r e v e r y d a y e x p e r i e n c e a n d yet it is
perpetually altering its f o r m a n d reasserting its influence in n e w guises.
E v e r y d a y life in the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d a p p e a r s , a t least at a c o m m o n -
sense level, to be d o m i n a t e d b y o u r relationship w i t h c o n s u m e r g o o d s .
T h e question this b o o k intends to ask is: h o w far a r e w e in control of
this relationship? W h e r e v e r w e g o , w h e t h e r in the H i g h Street, the
m u s e u m , the airport, the s p o r t s s t a d i u m , the d o c t o r ' s s u r g e r y o r o u r
v e r y o w n living r o o m , c o n s u m e r i s m is touted as the a n s w e r to all o u r
p r o b l e m s , a n e s c a p e f r o m the m u n d a n e realities of e v e r y d a y life. O u r
city centres a r e m o r e r e m a r k a b l e as sites of c o n s u m p t i o n t h a n they a r e
as cultural centres; o u r h o m e s m i g h t be described a s temples to the
religion of c o n s u m e r i s m ; o u r lives a p p a r e n t l y a m o u n t to little m o r e t h a n
a c o n s t a n t juxtaposition of diverse c o n s u m e r styles a n d tastes. F r o m this
2 CONSUMERISM
point of view, it could well be a r g u e d that w e a r e indeed w h a t w e

c o n s u m e . But can this really be said to be the case? Do the superficial
appeals a n d attractions of c o n s u m e r lifestyles h a v e a profound i m p a c t
u p o n w h o w e are as individuals or d o they simply a m o u n t to i m a g e s
a n d representations which w e disregard at our will? C a n w e assert
personal choice through the things w e c o n s u m e or is such choice m e r e l y
prescribed for us?
I shall begin this c h a p t e r by briefly considering why consumption is an
important focus for social scientific enquiry. I will then g o on to take the
i m p o r t a n t step of identifying h o w best to distinguish b e t w e e n the t w o
terms, 'consumerism' and 'consumption'. H a v i n g d o n e so, I will ask how
did the consumer society come about? I will then briefly consider the
relationship between consumerism and politics, at which point I will
s u m m a r i z e the m a i n points to be taken from this c h a p t e r by identifying
the significance of c o n s u m e r i s m in the context of social, economic and
cultural change. I will c o n c l u d e C h a p t e r 1 by outlining the structure of the
book as a whole.
Why consumption?
In recent years, a sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n has developed w h i c h has

b e g u n to a c k n o w l e d g e the fact that o u r lives are not solely d e t e r m i n e d
by o u r relationship to the m e a n s of production or to w h e r e w e work.
Previously, the productivist vision of m o d e r n i t y h a d seen the relations
and experiences characteristic of w o r k as fundamental to the shaping of
social life. Sociologists h a v e traditionally seen people's relationship to
p r o d u c t i o n as being the fundamental d e t e r m i n a n t of their life experi-
ence. In this context, the i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n w a s largely ignored.
Indeed, it is possible to identify
a series of trends which have led to an overwhelming concentration on the area

of production as the key generative arena for the emergence of the dominant
social relations in contemporary societies, and a comparative neglect of con-
sumption, together with a concomitant failure to observe the actual changes
which have taken place over the last century in the balance of influence
between these two forms of interactions with goods. (Miller, 1987: 3)
C o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e traditionally focused o n d e v e l o p m e n t s in the

p r o d u c t i o n process and h o w it is that p r o d u c t i o n i m p a r t s influence on
social structures. In this context, c o n s u m p t i o n has for too long been
perceived to be little m o r e than a b y - p r o d u c t of production. This over-
e m p h a s i s on p r o d u c t i o n has, in fact, been c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e in so far as
important aspects of social life h a v e for too long been neglected by
sociologists. Several c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e noted that the productivist
vision of m o d e r n i t y is an oversimplification a n d that c o n s u m e r g o o d s
CONSUMERISM THEN AND NOW 3
h a v e an active a n d significant role to play in the e x p e r i e n c e of social life

(see L e e , 1 9 9 3 ; Gabriel a n d L a n g , 1995). C o n s u m e r g o o d s a n d services
potentially play a n i m p o r t a n t role in w h o w e a r e a n d h o w w e c o n s t r u c t
o u r social lives, in t e r m s of h o w w e use s u c h g o o d s a n d services a n d
h o w w e relate to other people through such g o o d s a n d services. But
w h a t is c o n s u m e r i s m ? Is its influence on o u r e v e r y d a y lives m e r e l y
superficial or does it really a m o u n t to a f u n d a m e n t a l focus for the
construction of c o n t e m p o r a r y social lives? Before I g o o n to consider
these issues, it m u s t be n o t e d that n o clear-cut definition of c o n s u m e r -
ism is readily available. All too often c o m m e n t a t o r s fail to distinguish
between definitions of 'consumption' a n d 'consumerism'. It is therefore
important that I begin b y distinguishing b e t w e e n these t w o terms.
'Consumption' or 'consumerism'?
A n y a t t e m p t to define the relationship b e t w e e n ' c o n s u m p t i o n ' a n d 'con-

s u m e r i s m ' is fraught with difficulty. C o n s u m e r i s m is n o t c o t e r m i n o u s
with c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e Concise Oxford Dictionary defines consumption as
the 'purchase a n d use of goods'. Similarly, C a m p b e l l (1995: 102) defines
c o n s u m p t i o n as 'the selection, p u r c h a s e , use, m a i n t e n a n c e , repair a n d
disposal of a n y p r o d u c t o r service'. Useful as this definition is, C a m p b e l l
himself a c k n o w l e d g e s that it is far from c o m p l e t e l y satisfactory since at
its heart lies a n e c o n o m i c conception of the role of c o n s u m p t i o n . W h a t is
of m o r e interest here, as L e e (1993) notes, is the w a y in w h i c h , d u r i n g the
1980s, the object of c o n s u m p t i o n , the c o m m o d i t y , c a m e to take on s o m e
form of m a g i c a l quality, to s u c h a n extent that c o n s u m p t i o n took o n a
dual role as both an e c o n o m i c a n d a cultural touchstone. T h e p r o b l e m
here is that discussions of c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d particularly those w h i c h
c a n loosely be described as contributing to a 'sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n ' ,
h a v e been slow to deal with the c o m p l e x n a t u r e of the interrelationships
that exist b e t w e e n the e c o n o m i c a n d the cultural. This is a p r o b l e m that
this book will seek to redress.
O n e a u t h o r w h o h a s g o n e s o m e w a y t o w a r d s c o m i n g to t e r m s with
the complexities inherent in a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the social significance
of c o n s u m p t i o n is M c C r a c k e n (1990), w h o describes c o n s u m p t i o n as a
thoroughly cultural p h e n o m e n o n a n d w h o a r g u e s in t u r n that
in Western developed societies culture is profoundly connected to and

dependent upon consumption. Without consumer goods, modern, developed
societies would lose key instruments for the reproduction, representation, and
manipulation of their culture . . . The meaning of consumer goods and the
meaning creation accomplished by consumer processes are important parts of
the scaffolding of our present realities. Without consumer goods, certain acts
of self-definition and collective definition in this culture would be impossible.
(McCracken, 1990: xi)
4 CONSUMERISM
M c C r a c k e n argues that any s t u d y of c o n s u m p t i o n should take into

a c c o u n t the w a y s in w h i c h c o n s u m e r g o o d s a n d services a r e c r e a t e d ,
b o u g h t a n d used. T h e significance of this definition is that it e x t e n d s the
traditional view of c o n s u m p t i o n as a n a c t of p u r c h a s e in o r d e r to
a d d r e s s the sorts of influences a n d experiences that a r e u n d e r t a k e n by
both the p r o d u c t a n d the c o n s u m e r before a n d after s u c h a p u r c h a s e .
If w e are therefore to a c c e p t the contention that c o n s u m p t i o n is m o r e
than a m e r e economic p h e n o m e n o n , then its cultural dimensions c a n n o t
be a d d r e s s e d in isolation. Indeed, w h a t is m o s t interesting a b o u t c o n -
s u m p t i o n is that, 'as a set of social, cultural a n d e c o n o m i c practices,
together with the associated ideology of c o n s u m e r i s m , [it] h a s s e r v e d to
legitimate capitalism in the eyes of millions of o r d i n a r y people' (Bocock,
1993: 2 ) . It is in this sense that the notion of consumerism c a n be said to be
of m o r e sociological interest than c o n s u m p t i o n per se. The s t u d y of
c o n s u m e r i s m is a b r o a d e r a n d m o r e reflexive enterprise than a c o n c e r n
for the relatively straightforward process of simply p u r c h a s i n g a n d
c o n s u m i n g a particular g o o d or service. I will suggest that a s t u d y of
c o n s u m e r i s m should actually a t t e m p t to c o m e to t e r m s with the c o m -
plexities that lie behind the act of c o n s u m p t i o n . In effect, while c o n s u m p -
tion is a n act, c o n s u m e r i s m is a w a y of life. F r o m this point of view,
c o n s u m e r i s m is the cultural expression a n d manifestation of the a p p a r -
ently ubiquitous act of consumption. W h a t is it about social life in the
developed world in the late twentieth c e n t u r y that p r o v i d e s a set of
c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h e r e the adoption of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life
b e c o m e s a feasible alternative? W h a t is it that attracts c o n s u m e r s to this
w a y of life a n d w h a t does the fact that people choose such a w a y of life
s a y about the state of the w o r l d in general?
It is w o r t h noting that the w o r d ' c o n s u m e r i s m ' is often used to refer to
a life 'excessively p r e o c c u p i e d with c o n s u m p t i o n ' (Gabriel a n d Lang,
1995: 3 ) . In this sense the w o r d ' c o n s u m e r i s m ' takes on negative over-
tones. I prefer to describe the social i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n as ubiquitous
rather than excessive. C o n s u m e r g o o d s a n d services a p p e a r to s u r r o u n d
us, but need not necessarily be a negative influence on o u r lives. A s such,
I suggest that c o n s u m e r i s m should not a n d c a n n o t be m o r a l l y con-
d e m n e d , but m u s t rather be considered in a systematic fashion as an
a r e n a within which social lives a r e currently constructed. H a v i n g said
that, this is essentially a critical text. M y intention is to highlight s o m e of
the m o r e important sociological debates that s u r r o u n d c o n s u m e r i s m as a
w a y of life, providing a basis u p o n which r e a d e r s c a n decide u p o n their
validity as I d o so. T h e a r g u m e n t s w h i c h I present a m o u n t to considered
j u d g e m e n t s which I h o p e will p r o v o k e the r e a d e r into reflecting u p o n
his or her o w n assessment of the social a n d ideological i m p a c t of
consumerism.
T o reiterate, w h a t is crucial to the s t u d y of c o n s u m e r i s m as far as m y
definition is c o n c e r n e d is h o w the ubiquitous n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n is
reconstructed and interpreted on a d a y - t o - d a y basis; h o w it is that
structural expressions of c o n s u m p t i o n c o m e to affect o u r e v e r y d a y lives

a n d h o w w e negotiate o u r life experience within those s t r u c t u r e s that
c o n s u m e r i s m p r o v i d e s . C o n s u m e r i s m is an i m p o r t a n t topic for social
scientists precisely because it a p p e a r s , at a c o m m o n - s e n s e level, to be
s o m e w h a t inconsequential. B e c a u s e w e a c c e p t the routine of the
c o n s u m i n g e x p e r i e n c e as legitimate, powerful ideological elements of
that experience g o largely unnoticed. W h a t I will g o on to s u g g e s t is that
c o n s u m e r i s m should b e considered as an issue that h a s a fundamental
influence u p o n the e v e r y d a y experience of social life in a d v a n c e d
capitalist societies. N o t only d o e s c o n s u m e r i s m s t r u c t u r e o u r e v e r y d a y
lives, but it d o e s so b y offering us the illusion of c o n s u m e r f r e e d o m
w h e n , at least to a certain extent, s u c h freedoms a r e inevitably con-
structed a n d constrained.
In this sense, I call for a b r o a d e r definition of c o n s u m e r i s m than has
generally been offered in the literature. Definitions of c o n s u m e r i s m ,
notably in the U n i t e d States, h a v e t e n d e d to describe c o n s u m e r i s m in
the context of the d e v e l o p m e n t of a m o v e m e n t to p r o t e c t c o n s u m e r
interests. I suggest h e r e that the w o r d ' c o n s u m e r i s m ' is of m o r e use in a
sociological sense w h e n it is differentiated from its derivative, n a m e l y
consumption, as a m e a n s of a d d r e s s i n g the psycho-social i m p a c t of the
c o n s u m i n g experience. The definition of ' c o n s u m e r i s m ' that I a d o p t
t h r o u g h o u t this book highlights the interactive n a t u r e of the c o n s u m i n g
experience a n d h o w this experience o w e s m u c h to the interaction
between the personal a p p e a l a n d the ideological p o w e r of c o n s u m e r i s m .
C o n s u m e r i s m c a n be defined as a psycho-social expression of the inter-
section between the structural a n d the individual within the r e a l m of
consumption. T h e c o n s u m i n g experience is psycho-social in the sense
that it represents a b r i d g e that links the individual a n d society.
W h a t i m p a c t does c o n s u m e r i s m actually h a v e on o u r e v e r y d a y experi-
ence? T h o u g h c o n s u m e r i s m a r g u a b l y a m o u n t s to w h a t is a fundamental
influence u p o n the w a y s in w h i c h w e c o n d u c t o u r personal a n d social
lives, there a p p e a r s to b e little consensus about precisely w h a t con-
stitutes 'the c o n s u m i n g experience'. This book will a t t e m p t to c o m e to
t e r m s with the n a t u r e of that experience a n d , in particular, with w h a t I
describe as 'the c o n s u m i n g p a r a d o x ' : the fact that in t e r m s of our
individual e x p e r i e n c e c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to h a v e a fascinating, a r g u -
ably fulfilling, p e r s o n a l a p p e a l a n d yet simultaneously plays s o m e form
of a n ideological role in actually controlling the c h a r a c t e r of e v e r y d a y life.
In effect, c o n s u m e r i s m is, at one a n d the s a m e time, psycho-socially
constraining and enabling a n d this is w h a t m a k e s it s u c h a fascinating
topic for social scientific investigation. T h e key point h e r e is that con-
s u m e r i s m is not p u r e l y of sociological interest, but its significance
crosses disciplinary boundaries. C o n s u m e r i s m is quite possibly the key
c o n c e r n of c o n t e m p o r a r y social science i n a s m u c h as it t r a n s c e n d s
e v e r y d a y life a n d d o e s so in s u c h a w a y that c o n s u m e r s take it for
granted. Indeed, c o n s u m e r i s m is a r g u a b l y the r e a l m within w h i c h the
6 CONSUMERISM
tensions of late twentieth-century social life in the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d a r e

m o s t graphically played out.
How did the consumer society come about?
In o r d e r to m a k e further sense of s o m e of the a b o v e debates w e n e e d to

consider h o w it w a s that a c o n s u m e r society b e g a n to take root.
M c K e n d r i c k et al. (1982) identify a c o n s u m e r revolution in E n g l a n d as
early as the eighteenth c e n t u r y , w h e n , for the first time, it is possible to
identify a society within w h i c h material possessions b e c a m e p r i z e d less
a n d less for their durability a n d m o r e a n d m o r e for their fashionability.
Yet B r a u d e l (1974) goes one step further than M c K e n d r i c k et al. (1982)
in a r g u i n g that e x c h a n g e relations h a d developed in a sophisticated
m a n n e r even before industrialization, notably in the guise of the
seventeenth-century F r e n c h m a r k e t - fairs a n d carnivals being focal
points of consumption.
O n e of the m o s t interesting a c c o u n t s of the rise of a c o n s u m e r society
is Benson's (1994) chronicle of events in Britain between 1 8 8 0 a n d 1 9 8 0 .
Benson considers the material c h a n g e s w h i c h served to increase c o n -
s u m e r s ' capacity for c o n s u m p t i o n d u r i n g this period. T h o u g h there is
little a g r e e m e n t as to w h e n the ' c o n s u m e r revolution' o c c u r r e d
( M c K e n d r i c k et al. 1982), a p p a r e n t l y a n y w h e r e b e t w e e n the sixteenth
c e n t u r y a n d the 1980s, Benson (1994) sees this as a long-term d e v e l o p -
m e n t a n d in particular focuses on the increased d e m a n d p r o d u c e d b y a
rapidly e x p a n d i n g population b e t w e e n the early nineteenth a n d late
twentieth centuries. These c h a n g e s in d e m a n d w e r e a c c o m p a n i e d b y
c h a n g e s in supply in a n increasingly e x p a n d i n g m a r k e t p l a c e w h i c h
c a m e to direct its g o o d s to the attention of those c o n s u m e r s w h o s e
p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r w a s increasing m o s t rapidly (Benson, 1994).
Such d e v e l o p m e n t s c a n be closely related to the e m e r g e n c e of w h a t
m a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s , a n d not least m e m b e r s of the Frankfurt School,
refer to as a 'mass society', the concentration of the population in u r b a n
centres exposing u r b a n dwellers to an increasing plethora of c o n s u m e r
g o o d s (see H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o , 1973). The rise of a c o n s u m e r
society clearly c a m e into its o w n with the onset of industrialization. A s
p r o d u c t i o n for subsistence c a m e to be replaced by w a g e labour, p e o p l e
inevitably b e c a m e c o n s u m e r s as well as p r o d u c e r s . A s such, f r o m a
long-term historical point of view, there e m e r g e d evidence of a radically
different w a y of life in t e r m s of social structures, social values a n d
attitudes. Gradually, then, a n e w type of society developed: a society
built u p o n the thirst for novelty - novelty that the e c o n o m i c s y s t e m
b e c a m e m o r e than willing to p e r p e t u a t e .
A crucial d e v e l o p m e n t in the e m e r g e n c e of the c o n s u m e r society w a s
the g r o w t h of working-class p u r c h a s i n g p o w e r . The y e a r s after the
Second W o r l d W a r s a w the e m e r g e n c e of a m a s s m a r k e t b a s e d at least
to s o m e extent o n the principles of F o r d i s m . F o r d i s m refers to the ideas

a n d principles of the A m e r i c a n industrialist H e n r y F o r d , w h o is gener-
ally a c c r e d i t e d a s the pioneer of the m o d e r n m a s s - p r o d u c t i o n s y s t e m ,
notably in the guise of the c a r a s s e m b l y line. F o r d i s m w a s b a s e d on
principles of size, uniformity a n d predictability a n d on the notion that
to keep d e m a n d high w a g e s n e e d e d to b e kept u p , while g o v e r n m e n t
investment p r o v i d e d a n essential m e a n s of e n s u r i n g full e m p l o y m e n t
a n d prosperity. A s far a s the individual c o n s u m e r is c o n c e r n e d , w h a t
w a s crucial a b o u t F o r d i s t p r a c t i c e w a s that h e o r she w a s p r o v i d e d with
the surplus n e c e s s a r y for h i m or her to b e able to p u r c h a s e c o n s u m e r
goods. Indeed, H e n r y F o r d proffered the notion that w o r k e r s should b e
e n c o u r a g e d to b e c o n s u m e r s of the v e r y p r o d u c t s they p r o d u c e d .
In this e n v i r o n m e n t , while m a s s p r o d u c t i o n e n s u r e d , o n the one
h a n d , that s t a n d a r d i z e d , easily p r o d u c e d g o o d s c o u l d b e i n t r o d u c e d to
the m a r k e t at m i n i m u m cost, o n the other, the surpluses m a d e available
to the w o r k e r s offset a periodic d a n g e r , o n e that capitalism h a d u p to
n o w a l w a y s been forced to face: the effect of a s l u m p o r depression. A
w i d e v a r i e t y of large-scale industrial sectors, including clothes, furni-
ture a n d p r o c e s s e d food, w e r e subsequently t r a n s f o r m e d (see M u r r a y ,
1989). Gradually, l u x u r i o u s c o n s u m e r g o o d s b e c a m e e v e r y d a y items.
T h e Fordist e c o n o m y w a s d e p e n d e n t u p o n the fact that w o r k e r s h a d a
surplus of disposable i n c o m e w h i c h they c o u l d invest in the increasing
diversity of g o o d s that w e r e being m a d e available t o t h e m . This w a s
a crucial d e v e l o p m e n t . C o n s u m p t i o n c a m e to p l a y a n increasingly
i m p o r t a n t role in people's e v e r y d a y lives. People w e r e n o t only offered
w h a t they n e e d e d b u t also w h a t they desired, while simultaneously
'wants' actively b e c a m e 'needs'. F o r instance, w h e r e a s previously a v e r y
basic functional pair of spectacles m a y h a v e b e e n sufficient for the
partially sighted c o n s u m e r , in a c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e functional items
b e c a m e designer items in the sense that a p a i r of spectacles b e c a m e
a n o t h e r m e a n s b y w h i c h the individual could e x p r e s s his or h e r self-
identity. C o n s u m e r capitalism w a s able to exploit a situation w h e r e the
symbolic v a l u e of c o n s u m e r g o o d s w a s e n d o w e d w i t h a n increased
social significance. It is in this sense that the ideological i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m b e c a m e increasingly subtle in n a t u r e .
S o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s s a w these d e v e l o p m e n t s as inherently liberating
for the w o r k i n g classes in that the active n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n m e a n t
that the 'masses' b e c a m e i n c o r p o r a t e d in a society from w h i c h they w e r e
o n c e e x c l u d e d (see Bell, 1 9 7 6 ) . O n the other h a n d , it c o u l d equally b e
a r g u e d that c o n s u m e r s w e r e robbing themselves of individuality
i n a s m u c h as they w e r e willing to b u y s t a n d a r d i z e d undifferentiated
' m a s s ' p r o d u c t s ( M u r r a y , 1989). Either w a y , it c o u l d b e a r g u e d that the
i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m in m o d e r n societies a m o u n t e d to a qualitatively
n e w e x p e r i e n c e of society. In this context, C r o s s ( 1 9 9 3 ) considers v a r i o u s
sets of figures that reflect the e m e r g e n c e of a c o n s u m e r society. H e
identifies a n u n p r e c e d e n t e d d e g r e e of access to d u r a b l e g o o d s in the
8 CONSUMERISM
latter half of the twentieth century. Focusing in particular on the

A m e r i c a n e x a m p l e , C r o s s notes that disposable household i n c o m e in
the U S A rose from $ 1 5 , 1 1 0 in 1 9 4 0 to $ 2 6 , 3 1 3 in 1 9 7 0 a n d $ 2 8 , 6 0 7 in 1 9 7 9 ,
while between 1 9 3 5 and 1 9 7 0 h o m e ownership nearly tripled for white,
w a g e - e a r n i n g families and doubled for black families. The i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m w a s equally impressive in Britain, although t e m p e r e d
slightly, in the first instance, by the need to r e c o v e r from the Second
W o r l d W a r . Generally speaking, h o w e v e r , c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r e d to be
e m e r g i n g as a w a y of life on an u n p r e c e d e n t e d global scale.
A s far as sociology is c o n c e r n e d , c o n s u m p t i o n did not e m e r g e as a
serious subject of c o n c e r n until the second half of the twentieth century,
and m o s t dramatically during the 1980s a n d 1990s. Despite the general
tendency to see c o n s u m p t i o n as ahistorical, as Gabriel and L a n g (1995)
note, c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e increasingly c o m e to a c k n o w l e d g e that the
social significance of c o n s u m p t i o n began to e m e r g e far earlier. While I
a c c e p t the suggestion on the part of m a n y of the a u t h o r s cited a b o v e
that c o n s u m p t i o n has always been part of the experience of m o d e r n life,
I will a r g u e , during the c o u r s e of this book, that this experience has
increased during the c o u r s e of m o r e recent history, notably t o w a r d s the
end of the twentieth century. It is during this period that c o n s u m e r i s m
e m e r g e d on the d a y - t o - d a y level as w h a t might be described as a 'way
of life'. I therefore suggest that c o n s u m e r i s m did not b e c o m e a w a y of
life for the majority of the population of the developed w o r l d until the
aftermath of the Second W o r l d W a r . Those w o r k s that h a v e c h a r t e d
the long-term historical significance of c o n s u m p t i o n are convincing
i n a s m u c h as they illustrate the infiltration of c o n s u m e r lifestyles into
bourgeois realms (see M c K e n d r i c k et al., 1982; Williams, 1982). This
m u c h can be accepted. But m y a r g u m e n t is that it w a s not until m u c h
later that c o n s u m p t i o n b e c a m e a w a y of life for the majority of the
population and, in particular, the working classes. A l t h o u g h the long-
t e r m implications of a c o n s u m e r revolution w e r e being felt gradually by
an increasing percentage of the population of the W e s t e r n w o r l d , the
experiential impact of such a revolution w a s in fact variable. It w a s not
until the 1950s that the accessibility of c o n s u m e r g o o d s b e g a n to tran-
scend social classes and that the status-conferring qualities discussed
d e c a d e s earlier by Thorstein Veblen ( w h o I will consider in m o r e detail
in C h a p t e r 2) c a m e to h a v e a m o r e general social relevance. M o r e
specifically, I agree with Whiteley (1993), w h o sees the introduction of
the credit card in 1 9 5 0 as a particularly symbolic event. Interestingly, in
the U S A , as Whiteley notes, short-term c o n s u m e r credit rose from $8.4
billion in 1 9 4 5 to almost $ 4 5 billion in 1958. Of equal interest is the fact
that the p r o d u c t i o n of cars in the U S A rocketed from t w o million in
1945 to 4 0 million in 1 9 5 0 , 51 million in 1 9 5 5 a n d 6 2 million in 1960.
W i t h d e v e l o p m e n t s in the e c o n o m y , p o s t - w a r w o r k e r s c a m e to h a v e
access to resources that m e a n t that they could consider p u r c h a s i n g n e w
objects s u c h as television sets and cars, as well as providing for their
families' m o r e basic n e e d s (Bocock, 1993). A c c o m p a n i e d , indeed e n c o u r -

a g e d , b y the rise of advertising, a w h o l e n e w w o r l d of c o n s u m e r i s m w a s
on offer to the w o r k i n g majority, m o s t especially to g r o u p s of y o u n g
people w h o w e r e able to exploit this n e w situation as long as the
resources w e r e available to them. W h a t w a s e m e r g i n g w a s not m e r e l y a
c o n s u m e r society, but a c o n s u m e r culture. W h a t h a d e m e r g e d by 1 9 8 0
w a s a c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e in which, as L u n t a n d Livingstone (1992: 2 4 )
note, 'involvement with material culture is s u c h that m a s s c o n s u m p t i o n
infiltrates e v e r y d a y life not only at the levels of e c o n o m i c processes,
social activities a n d household structures, but also at the level of
meaningful psychological experience - affecting the construction of
identities, the formation of relationships, the framing of events.' W h a t
w e c a n identify d u r i n g this period is a p r o c e s s w h e r e b y the c o n s u m e r
society (a society p r e d i c a t e d on a m a r k e t e c o n o m y w h i c h h a d been in
existence for centuries) w a s s u p e r s e d e d b y the c o n s u m e r i s t society (an
a d v a n c e d state of c o n s u m e r society in w h i c h private affluence on a m a s s
scale e m e r g e d as the d o m i n a n t force in the m a r k e t p l a c e ) (Whiteley,
1993).
Bocock (1993) therefore suggests that it w a s after the 1 9 5 0 s that con-
s u m p t i o n sectors b e c a m e e v e r m o r e specific a n d focused. A s capitalism
developed alongside i m p r o v e d technology a n d m a n a g e m e n t practices,
usually discussed in the c o n t e x t of p o s t - F o r d i s m a n d flexible special-
ization (the e m e r g e n c e of a multi-skilled flexible w o r k f o r c e w h o w o r k
on small-batch p r o d u c t i o n runs w h i c h a r e readily a d a p t a b l e to the
w h i m s of the c o n s u m e r ) , there w a s a n a r g u m e n t for saying that fixed
status g r o u p s a n d social classes w e r e being u n d e r m i n e d as c o n s u m e r
lifestyles b e c a m e the o r d e r of the d a y (see Piore a n d Sabel, 1984;
Featherstone, 1991). Post-Fordist c o n s u m p t i o n w a s a p p a r e n t l y m o r e
volatile a n d diversified, as m a r k e t segmentation e m e r g e d to serve the
interests of the c o n s u m e r (see L a s h a n d U r r y , 1 9 9 4 ; L u r y , 1996). In this
n e w w o r l d , c o n s u m p t i o n n o longer a p p e a r e d to be d e t e r m i n e d by the
p r o d u c e r . O n the c o n t r a r y , the p r o d u c e r w a s increasingly subject to the
d e m a n d s a n d tastes of the c o n s u m e r . W h a t w a s e m e r g i n g w a s a shift
from h o m o g e n e i t y to heterogeneity, from principles of size, uniformity
a n d predictability to those of scope, diversity a n d flexibility.
In this context, the w o r k of M a r t y n L e e ( 1 9 9 3 ) , w h o talks about the
rebirth of c o n s u m e r culture, is of particular interest. Suggesting that
c o n s u m p t i o n represents the point at w h i c h e c o n o m i c p r a c t i c e a n d
cultural p r a c t i c e c o m b i n e , L e e charts the rise a n d fall of a m a s s c o n -
s u m p t i o n society in the p o s t - w a r y e a r s , followed b y the r e - a w a k e n i n g of
the c o n s u m e r society in w h i c h w e live today. In particular, h e identifies
the role p l a y e d in this p r o c e s s b y the e m e r g e n c e of a n e w diversified
c o m m o d i t y form. M o s t m a r k e d l y , it w a s d u r i n g the 1 9 8 0 s that the
aesthetics, design a n d style of c o n s u m p t i o n b e c a m e increasingly diverse,
as the m a r k e t p l a c e b e c a m e ever m o r e sophisticated with r e g a r d to w h a t
it k n e w a n d w h a t it w a n t e d to k n o w about its c o n s u m e r s (Lee, 1993).
10 CONSUMERISM
L e e therefore suggests that if there h a v e been a n y significant c h a n g e s to

the r e g i m e of a c c u m u l a t i o n a n d its m o d e of regulation then s u c h
c h a n g e s a r e revealed not so m u c h in the p r o d u c t i o n side of the equation,
b u t m o r e in t e r m s of the c h a n g i n g composition a n d design of the
symbolic c o m m o d i t y form in the late twentieth century. It is in this sense
that c o n s u m p t i o n c a m e to play a fundamentally formative social role in
m o d e r n societies, a n d that w e c a n begin to talk about c o n s u m e r i s m as a
w a y of life.
The politics of consumerism
T h e t r e n d s that h a v e been identified by a u t h o r s s u c h as L e e (1993) h a v e

been amplified in the past 15 y e a r s b y political ideologies a n d rhetoric
(both of w h i c h a r e often neglected by c o n t e m p o r a r y theorists) that h a v e
s e r v e d to transform the cultural as well as the political l a n d s c a p e (Hall
a n d Jacques, 1989). The relationship b e t w e e n c o n s u m p t i o n a n d identity
a n d its e m e r g e n c e as a topic of sociological debate is related to the w a y
in w h i c h the individualistic ethos of the N e w Right h a s c o m e to p e r v a d e
c o n s u m e r s ' experiences of e v e r y d a y life. It w o u l d not b e a n e x a g g e r a -
tion to suggest that c o n s u m e r i s m w a s p r o p o s e d b y the British a n d
A m e r i c a n g o v e r n m e n t s of the 1 9 8 0 s as a p r i m e focus of people's lives
a n d , in Britain in particular, that this p r o p o s a l w a s gratefully c o n s u m e d
b y sections of the population keen to take a d v a n t a g e of the o p p o r t u n i t y
to p u r c h a s e their o w n council h o u s e s a n d to take their a n n u a l holidays
abroad.
C o n s u m p t i o n has clearly been hijacked b y politicians of v a r i o u s
c r e e d s , parties a n d ideologies. T h e freedoms p r o v i d e d for c o n s u m e r s by
the m a r k e t p l a c e h a v e a l w a y s been a key a r e n a within w h i c h political
battles h a v e been fought, m o s t notably in the United States, b e c a u s e
s u c h freedoms a p p e a r to be intuitively positive in n a t u r e . In effect, as
K e a t et al. (1994) note, c o n s u m e r f r e e d o m has c o m e to be equated with
political freedom, as a p a r t of a long-term historical process. This
p r o c e s s culminated in the L a b o u r p a r t y being elected to p o w e r in
Britain in 1 9 9 7 on the basis of a manifesto w h i c h i n c o r p o r a t e d con-
sumerist policies traditionally associated with the C o n s e r v a t i v e party.
C o n s u m e r i s m h a s c o m e to be seen as essentially d e m o c r a t i c a n d has
been m a r k e t e d to the population as such, despite the inevitable question
m a r k s o v e r access to r e s o u r c e s a n d the extent to w h i c h c o n s u m p t i o n
c a n p r o v i d e all players with a level playing held. A s E w e n (1976) notes
in his book Captains of Consciousness, d e m o c r a c y does not m e r e l y flow
o u t of people's desires, b u t actively reflects their ability to participate in
a v a l u e structure. C o n s u m e r i s m offers a n a p p a r e n t l y d e m o c r a t i c v a l u e
structure w h i c h parties from both ends of the political s p e c t r u m h a v e
s o u g h t to exploit for their o w n political gain. T h u s , while superficially
a p p e a r i n g to w i t h d r a w state intervention, w h a t has h a p p e n e d a p p e a r s
to be that g o v e r n m e n t influence o v e r c o n s u m e r s ' e v e r y d a y life is

a r g u a b l y intensified at the c o r e t h r o u g h the transmission of a n e w m o d e
of ideology, n a m e l y c o n s u m e r i s m . T h e p r o b l e m h e r e is that politicians
h a v e found it v e r y h a r d to sustain a high-quality public sector w h i c h
i n c o r p o r a t e s a d e q u a t e w e l f a r e provision, in a s y s t e m in w h i c h
c o n s u m e r i s m is intended to p r o v i d e all the a n s w e r s . A s such, a t h e m e
that I will r e t u r n to t h r o u g h o u t this book centres on the potentially
divisive n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s t ideologies.
In Britain, the ideology of c o n s u m e r i s m proffers the 'rights' of the
individual c o n s u m e r a n d , as such, political citizenship is defined
t h r o u g h charters (for e x a m p l e , T h e Patient's C h a r t e r , T h e Citizen's
C h a r t e r ) rather than in t e r m s of active d o m e s t i c participation. It is in this
sense that the citizen as a c o n s u m e r is essentially passive. I will discuss
the ideological implications of c o n s u m e r i s m in m o r e detail in C h a p t e r 9.
In s u m m a r y , h o w e v e r , I a g r e e with B o c o c k (1993) w h o a r g u e s that,
while c o n s u m p t i o n m a y a p p e a r to b e r o o t e d in the satisfaction of n a t u r a l
a n d actual needs, in a sense it h a s e m e r g e d historically as a n increas-
ingly 'unnatural' social force: s h o p p i n g for c a r s o r roller blades is not
actually natural in a n y sense at all a n d is, indeed, potentially d a n g e r o u s
in so far as it actively a c c e n t u a t e s social divisions.
Consumerism as social, economic and cultural change
A t a c o m m o n - s e n s e level, w h a t a n d h o w people c o n s u m e a p p e a r s to b e
significant in the m a i n t e n a n c e of people's e v e r y d a y lives, a n d yet the
role c o n s u m e r i s m plays as an ideological beast r e m a i n s uncertain. If w e
accept that the s t u d y of c o n s u m e r i s m is potentially m o r e beneficial than
the s t u d y of c o n s u m p t i o n per se, then the following e c o n o m i c , social a n d
cultural factors enter the equation:
1 Social change M o d e r n society a p p e a r s to be c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y

e x c h a n g e rather t h a n subsistence as it w a s in the past. All sorts of
aspects of social life, s u c h as g e n d e r relationships, class relation-
ships a n d social relationships in general, a p p e a r therefore to b e
i m p i n g e d u p o n b y aspects of c o n s u m e r i s m , w h i c h is potentially as
divisive as it is liberating.
2 Economic change M o r e specifically, s p e n d i n g p o w e r h a s g r o w n in
recent d e c a d e s as people h a v e enjoyed access to increasing levels of
disposable i n c o m e . This has h a d significant political implications
w h i c h g o v e r n m e n t s h a v e been keen to exploit as they h a v e c o m e to
r e c o g n i z e the social benefits a n d appeal that c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s
to c o m m a n d .
3 Globalization T h e a b o v e c h a n g e s h a v e also been a c c o m p a n i e d b y a
m o v e t o w a r d s globalization, a p r o c e s s w h e r e b y the c o m m o n e c o n -
o m i c c u r r e n c y of c o n s u m e r i s m plays a key role m o s t evidently
12 CONSUMERISM
t h r o u g h the influence of multinational c o m p a n i e s s u c h as C o c a - C o l a

a n d Nike. In this context, there is considerable debate w h e t h e r
c o n s u m e r i s m e n c o u r a g e s global standardization or diversity a n d
thus w h e t h e r c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life is in itself desirable.
The above trends combine to e n s u r e that c o n s u m e r i s m is not only

significant at a social a n d e c o n o m i c level but also in the c o n t e x t of
cultural change. Yet, despite the a b o v e trends, little r e s e a r c h h a s been
c o n d u c t e d into the e v e r y d a y manifestations of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of
life. Discussions h a v e tended to be speculative in n a t u r e . It m i g h t
indeed be a r g u e d that sociology h a s h a d little tangible success in
c o m i n g to terms with the changing role of consumption. T h o u g h the
long-term historical c h a n g e s h a v e been discussed a n d analysed in
considerable depth (Benson, 1994; Lansley, 1994), particularly in Britain
in relation to the e m e r g e n c e of the N e w Right a n d the implications of its
policies in lionizing the attributes of c o n s u m e r i s m , little h a s been
achieved in analysing the effect of such social c h a n g e at the micro-level
(see Hall, 1988). The societal i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n c a n n o t be fully
realized without equal consideration of its micro-social expression. A s
such, this book will consider the b r o a d e r macro-issues t h r o u g h their
micro-expression. It will therefore use in-depth discussions of particular
realms of social life in which c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to be especially
influential as a m e a n s of d r a w i n g out of this material s o m e conception
of the ideological n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
Structure of the book
In o r d e r to illustrate the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m u p o n social life, I will

use a series of case studies w h i c h will in turn serve to highlight the
sociological significance of c o n s u m e r i s m . In C h a p t e r 2 , 1 will present an
o v e r v i e w of s o m e of the key theoretical a p p r o a c h e s to questions of
c o n s u m p t i o n a n d c o n s u m e r i s m . E x t e n d i n g this debate in C h a p t e r 3 , I
will consider a m o r e specific a n d often neglected a r g u m e n t w h i c h
focuses o n the extent to w h i c h the c o n s u m e r society is in fact a designer
society. H o w far does a c o n s u m e r society allow for the self-expression
of its citizens? H o w far, indeed, are the p a r a m e t e r s of c o n s u m p t i o n laid
d o w n in a carefully c o n s t r u c t e d designer society w h e r e w h a t is m o s t
i m p o r t a n t is the designer a n d his or her profit m a r g i n first a n d the
c o n s u m e r second? In C h a p t e r 4 , 1 will present m y first case s t u d y in the
form of a discussion of the n a t u r e of sites of consumption. This is an
i m p o r t a n t section b e c a u s e it a d d r e s s e s the geographical contexts within
w h i c h people c o n s u m e . W h a t is it about city life, for e x a m p l e , that
m a k e s it a m a g n e t for c o n s u m e r i s m ? A r e c o n t e m p o r a r y cities anything
m o r e than m e r e centres of c o n s u m p t i o n ? C h a p t e r 5 then considers
technology as an especially influential a n d arguably socially divisive
focus for the e v e r y d a y e x p r e s s i o n of c o n s u m e r i s m . W h a t c a n tech-

n o l o g y tell u s a b o u t the so-called d e m o c r a t i c n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m as
a w a y of life? C h a p t e r 6 discusses the role of fashion in a c o n s u m e r
culture. F a s h i o n is often a s s u m e d to b e the m o s t e x p r e s s i v e , c r e a t i v e
a n d , indeed, g r a p h i c a r e n a within w h i c h the benefits of c o n s u m e r i s m
a r e cosseted. Is this really the c a s e ? Similarly, C h a p t e r 7 g o e s o n to
consider h o w far the p r o d u c t i o n of p o p u l a r m u s i c h a s b e e n u n d e r m i n e d
b y c o m m e r c i a l v a l u e s a n d w h e t h e r c o n s u m e r s of p o p u l a r m u s i c a r e
c o n s u m i n g c r e a t i v e e x p r e s s i o n s of m u s i c a l talent o r a p r e - p a c k a g e d
p r o d u c t w h i c h g u a r a n t e e s c o m m e r c i a l success. A r e s u c h c o m m e r c i a l
values actually in the interests of the c o n s u m e r ? C h a p t e r 8 a d d r e s s e s a n
area of life that h a s a r g u a b l y b e c o m e infiltrated m o r e b y v a l u e s
associated w i t h c o n s u m e r i s m in r e c e n t y e a r s t h a n a n y other, n a m e l y
sport. Is the sporting spectacle a n y t h i n g m o r e t h a n a m o n e y - m a k i n g
exercise a n d w h a t role d o e s the s p e c t a t o r p l a y in the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n
of s p o r t ?
C h a p t e r s 5 to 8 a r e intended to illustrate the significance of c o n -
s u m e r i s m in the c o n d u c t of e v e r y d a y life. Within these c h a p t e r s I will
therefore discuss literature that w a s n o t necessarily originally intended
to contribute to the sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n , b u t w h i c h , n o n e the less,
p r o v i d e s a m e a n s of e x t e n d i n g the d e b a t e o n the role of c o n s u m e r i s m as
a w a y of life. T h e five a r e a s of life I h a v e c h o s e n a r e intended to
illustrate the d i v e r s e influence that c o n s u m e r i s m p l a y s in the c o n -
struction of social life. O t h e r a r e a s of social life, s u c h as e d u c a t i o n ,
health c a r e o r t r a n s p o r t , c o u l d equally h a v e been u s e d . I d o not intend
to present a c o m p r e h e n s i v e discussion of the w a y s in w h i c h c o n -
s u m e r i s m i m p a r t s influence u p o n o u r e v e r y d a y lives. Rather, I will
present a series of c a s e studies that s e r v e as pertinent illustrations of the
significance of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. In C h a p t e r 9 I will discuss
w h a t I identify a s the t w o m a j o r theoretical issues t h a t arise o u t of the
case studies I present: the relationship b e t w e e n c o n s u m e r i s m a n d
inequality a n d the ideological implications of c o n s u m e r i s m .
This book a i m s to discuss the sociological significance of c o n s u m e r i s m
in the c o n t e x t of a r e a s of life in w h i c h s t u d e n t s a n d a c a d e m i c s alike h a v e
direct experience. It r e p r e s e n t s a c o n s c i o u s effort to steer discussions of
c o n s u m e r i s m a w a y f r o m abstract c o n c e p t i o n s of the c o m m o d i t y f o r m
in o r d e r to assess the sociological actualities of the e x p e r i e n c e of
c o n s u m e r i s m . T h e e m p h a s i s h e r e , then, is o n c o n s u m e r i s m as lived
experience. By presenting a critical analysis of the active, e v e r y d a y w a y s
in w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m i m p a r t s influence o n o u r lives, the intention is to
perceive c o n s u m e r i s m as a n active a n d n e g o t i a t e d r e a l m of life. This will
be achieved partly t h r o u g h a n in-depth discussion of w h a t I see as key
questions o r debates affecting e a c h of the r e a l m s of life I discuss. This
book represents a n a t t e m p t to a d d r e s s the e x t e n t to w h i c h sociologists
c a n reasonably a r g u e that w e d o i n d e e d live in a w o r l d w h e r e c o n -
s u m e r i s m is a w a y of life. If this c a n be said to b e the c a s e , the ultimate
14 CONSUMERISM
question m u s t then c e n t r e on w h e t h e r or not c o n s u m e r i s m c a n p r o v i d e

us, as c o n s u m e r s , with w h a t w e actually want.
Recommended reading
John Benson (1994) The Rise of Consumer Society in Britain, 1880-1980. London:
Longman. A thorough introduction to the historical emergence of the
consumer society in Britain.
Robert Bocock (1993) Consumption. London: Routledge. A succinct discussion of
the significance of consumption in contemporary society which includes a
useful section on the emergence of modern consumption.
Yiannis Gabriel and Tim Lang (1995) The Unmanageable Consumer. London: Sage.
An exhaustive account of the various dimensions of consumption.
Martyn Lee (1993) Consumer Culture Reborn: The Cultural Politics of Consumption.
London: Routledge. An account of the relationship between economic and
cultural dimensions of consumption. Particularly useful as an introduction to
theoretical conceptions of the commodity.
Grant McCracken (1990) Culture and Consumption. Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press. Provides a detailed treatment of theoretical aspects of the
symbolic character of consumer goods.
2
CONSUMERISM IN CONTEXT
A l t h o u g h the intention of this book is to a v o i d a n o v e r l y theoretical

conception of c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d as s u c h to p e r c e i v e c o n s u m e r i s m as a
situated activity rather t h a n as a n abstract social p h e n o m e n o n , it is
necessary to p r o v i d e s o m e theoretical foundations f r o m w h i c h the
b r o a d e r issues I identified in C h a p t e r 1 c a n b e developed. F r o m this basis
it m i g h t be possible to begin to construct w h a t m i g h t b e described
tentatively as a 'sociology of c o n s u m e r i s m ' . In this c h a p t e r I will therefore
consider relevant a p p r o a c h e s to the following questions. What role does
consumption play in classical social theory? Which key figures are associated
with the more recent emergence of a sociology of consumption? What is the
relationship between consumption and postmodernism? A n d , finally, what
other approaches have furthered an understanding of the everyday significance of
consumption? I will c o n c l u d e b y highlighting the complexities involved in
c o m i n g to t e r m s with the social scientific significance of c o n s u m p t i o n .
Consumption in classical social theory
While historically the sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n h a s i n c o r p o r a t e d w h a t I

describe as ' m a c r o - s t r u c t u r a l ' issues, in recent times it h a s been m o r e
c o n c e r n e d with ' m a c r o - c u l t u r a l ' issues. In other w o r d s , the significance
of c o n s u m p t i o n h a s traditionally been d e v e l o p e d f r o m a structural point
of v i e w in t e r m s of the experience of w h o l e classes o r e v e n societies.
M o r e recently, sociologists h a v e m o v e d a w a y f r o m perceiving con-
s u m p t i o n as little m o r e than a b y - p r o d u c t of p r o d u c t i o n as p a r t of a
m o v e t o w a r d s u n d e r s t a n d i n g cultural aspects of c o n s u m p t i o n for their
o w n sake. It is in this c o n t e x t that I w a n t to consider the particular
contributions of four especially influential 'classical' theorists, e a c h of
w h o m h a s m a d e a m a r k e d contribution to the long-term d e v e l o p m e n t
of a sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e brief discussions that follow a r e not
intended to b e c o m p r e h e n s i v e theoretical a c c o u n t s , b u t should rather
p r o v i d e theoretical tasters w h i c h a r e m e a n t to e n c o u r a g e r e a d e r s to
p u r s u e their o w n a v e n u e s of thought.
16 CONSUMERISM
Karl Marx
A l t h o u g h it c o u l d b e a r g u e d that the t e n d e n c y has been to e x a g g e r a t e

the e x t e n t to w h i c h sociology has neglected c o n s u m p t i o n as a focus for
d e b a t e in its o w n right, it w o u l d be fair to suggest, as I a r g u e d in
C h a p t e r 1, that sociology has traditionally e m p h a s i z e d the role of
p r o d u c t i o n in the d e v e l o p m e n t of capitalism at the e x p e n s e of cultural
a s p e c t s of c o n s u m p t i o n (see Fine a n d L e o p o l d , 1993). T h e w o r k of Karl
M a r x (Capital, 1 8 6 7 ) w a s formative in this respect. M a r x ' s c o n c e p t i o n of
the c o m m o d i t y does, h o w e v e r , retain its role as a s p r i n g b o a r d for m a n y
theorists of c o n s u m p t i o n . Before I briefly consider the role of c o n -
s u m p t i o n in M a r x ' s w o r k , I should point o u t that his contribution is
u n d e r p i n n e d b y a n analysis of w h a t constitutes h u m a n n e e d s a n d h o w
those n e e d s a r e m e t , notably t h r o u g h the application of the p r o d u c t i o n
p r o c e s s (see L e e , 1 9 9 3 ) . A s L e e (1993) points out, M a r x therefore sees the
object of labour, that is the material artefact o r p r o d u c t , as h a v i n g a
crucial role in the c o n s t r u c t i o n of people's lives a n d , in turn, in their
sense of p e r s o n a l well-being. In this respect, M a r x ' s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of
the c o m m o d i t y is contextualized p u r e l y by the p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s . It
w a s the p r o d u c t i o n of c o m m o d i t i e s , rather than their c o n s u m p t i o n
u p o n w h i c h h e focused his attention. M a r x describes a c o m m o d i t y as a
p r o d u c t that h a s not b e e n p r o d u c e d for direct p e r s o n a l c o n s u m p t i o n on
the p a r t of the c o n s u m e r , b u t rather for the intention of selling it in the
m a r k e t p l a c e . It is in this sense that the c o m m o d i t y b e c o m e s significant
for its e x c h a n g e - v a l u e rather t h a n simply its use-value. T h e key point
h e r e , a s L e e (1993) notes in his discussion of M a r x , is that the v a l u e of a
c o m m o d i t y a p p e a r s to b e n a t u r a l o r objective w h e n , in fact, the actual
v a l u e of a g o o d b e a r s n o relation to its use-value. Rather, this v a l u e is
d e p e n d e n t u p o n the c o n c r e t e social relations of capitalist p r o d u c t i o n
w h i c h actively c a m o u f l a g e s the exploitative social a n d labour relations
that underlie the p r o c e s s as a whole.
W h a t is so fascinating a b o u t c o n s u m p t i o n for the sociologist is that
the p r o c e s s e s M a r x identifies, a n d in particular the formative role of the
c o m m o d i t y , a r e a p p a r e n t l y far m o r e salient n o w t h a n they w e r e w h e n
h e c o n d u c t e d his original w o r k d u r i n g the m i d to late nineteenth
c e n t u r y . W h e r e a s M a r x s a w the w o r k e r ' s relationship to the m e a n s of
p r o d u c t i o n a n d thus to the c o m m o d i t y as a key influence on that
p e r s o n ' s life, the a c t u a l reception a n d c o n s u m p t i o n of that c o m m o d i t y
h a s b e c o m e p r o p o r t i o n a l l y m o r e influential. M a r x discusses the p r o c e s s
of 'commodification' w h e r e b y all aspects of social life b e c o m e subject to
the l a w s of the m a r k e t p l a c e . A s well as g o o d s a n d services, people a n d
relationships a r e r e d u c e d to a m o n e t a r y v a l u e in a n increasingly
alienating capitalist w o r l d . P e r h a p s in the late twentieth c e n t u r y this
c o n s u m e r society h a s r e a c h e d its zenith. It m i g h t well b e a r g u e d that
M a r x ' s vision of the d e m i s e of capitalism w a s misplaced. Indeed, w h a t
u n d e r m i n e s M a r x ' s limited c o n c e p t i o n of the c o m m o d i t y , a b o v e all, is
CONSUMERISM IN CONTEXT 17
the fact that capitalism w e n t on, u n d e t e r r e d , to d e v e l o p e v e r m o r e

subtle m e a n s of c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n a n d regeneration until the latter half
of the twentieth c e n t u r y , at w h i c h point c o n s u m e r capitalism e m e r g e d
a p p a r e n t l y all powerful. In this sense, there m i g h t be e v i d e n c e to
s u g g e s t that M a r x u n d e r e s t i m a t e d not only the versatility of capitalism,
but also the e v e r y d a y i m p a c t of the c o m m o d i t y a n d of c o n s u m p t i o n , to
the extent that c o n s u m e r i s m actually b e c a m e a w a y of life.
Despite o r p e r h a p s b e c a u s e of these reservations, M a r x left the
sociologist with a n invaluable, albeit historically specific, legacy in
t e r m s of a n analysis of the role of c o n s u m p t i o n in the d e v e l o p m e n t of
capitalism. M a r x ' s u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the alienation of the w o r k e r
t h r o u g h the e x t r a c t i o n of a surplus-value represents a key to u n d e r -
standing the w a y s in w h i c h w o r k e r s a r e 'forced' to b e c o m e c o n s u m e r s
by buying the p r o d u c t s they o r their fellow w o r k e r s h a v e m a d e . B y
earning w a g e s o r salaries, a n d b y being obliged to b e c o m e embroiled in
c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e ( t h o u g h far m o r e so t h a n M a r x c o u l d h a v e possibly
envisaged), the w h e e l s of capitalism effectively c a m e to be oiled b y the
w o r k e r s themselves. M a r x w a s therefore the first theorist to t o u c h u p o n
the inherent c o n t r a d i c t i o n s of the ' c o n s u m i n g p a r a d o x ' . In this context,
the sociologist of c o n s u m p t i o n o w e s a debt to M a r x for a d d r e s s i n g
questions that w o u l d later p r o v i d e a significant, t h o u g h incomplete,
basis for a sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n in its o w n right.
Max Weber
Other theorists offer valuable contributions not only to a n u n d e r -

standing of the i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n u p o n the societies in w h i c h they
lived, but also as a m e a n s of furthering a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the con-
t e m p o r a r y role of c o n s u m e r i s m . In s o m e respects the w o r k of W e b e r
(1920) serves this function. O f particular interest is W e b e r ' s discussion of
the role of C a l v i n i s m in e n c o u r a g i n g h a r d - w o r k i n g , pious attitudes
w h i c h , in turn, e n c o u r a g e d w o r k e r s not to c o n s u m e the s u r p l u s they h a d
at their disposal. F r o m this point of v i e w , capitalism e m e r g e d precisely
b e c a u s e of a w o r k ethic that e n c o u r a g e d re-investment rather t h a n
c o n s u m p t i o n . This w o r k ethic c o u l d , h o w e v e r , b e said to p r o v i d e a
s t r o n g material basis from w h i c h a c o n s u m e r ethic c o u l d e m e r g e in its
o w n right. W e b e r s a w capitalism as being c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y 'the p u r s u i t
of profit b y m e a n s of continuing rational capitalistic enterprise: that is . . .
the c o n s t a n t r e n e w a l of profit, o r "profitability"' ( W e b e r , 1 9 7 8 : 3 3 3 ) .
W h a t is interesting h e r e , as L e e (1993) notes, is that the prioritization of
the n e e d to a c c u m u l a t e capital c a m e to h a v e significant social as well as
e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s . A l t h o u g h W e b e r ' s w o r k is c e n t r e d o n the
a r g u m e n t that the Industrial Revolution constituted a m a s s i v e w o r l d -
w i d e u p h e a v a l in the w a y s in w h i c h m a n u f a c t u r e d g o o d s w e r e p r o -
d u c e d , the implications of this p r o c e s s as far as c o n s u m p t i o n is
c o n c e r n e d w e r e not necessarily followed t h r o u g h to the full b y W e b e r
18 CONSUMERISM
(see C a m p b e l l , 1987). In effect, as a p r o d u c t of his time m u c h like M a r x ,

W e b e r did not, a n d u n d e r s t a n d a b l y so, realize the long-term significance
of the revolution in c o n s u m p t i o n a n d its relationship to that of
p r o d u c t i o n (Campbell, 1987: 8 ) . A l t h o u g h W e b e r identified the u n d e r -
lying social conditions w h i c h w o u l d m a k e this revolution possible, this
w a s not the key focus of his analysis. H a v i n g said that, the m o r e recent
w o r k of Colin C a m p b e l l (1987) p r o v i d e s a n interesting slant o n s o m e of
the insights p r o v i d e d by W e b e r t h r o u g h an extension of W e b e r i a n
c o n c e p t i o n s of the social significance of consumption.
C a m p b e l l (1987) points out that, t h o u g h W e b e r s a w c o n s u m p t i o n as
u n p r o b l e m a t i c , his discussion of the essentially irrational n a t u r e of the
'spirit of capitalism' a n d the thirst for m o r e a n d m o r e m o n e y , w h i c h
w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y a n actual a v o i d a n c e of the s p o n t a n e o u s enjoyment
of life, p r o v i d e d a forerunner of c o n t e m p o r a r y desires for pleasurable
a n d gratifying forms of c o n s u m p t i o n . T h u s , C a m p b e l l describes the
e m e r g e n c e of the R o m a n t i c ethic in the late eighteenth a n d early nine-
teenth centuries which, t h o u g h fostering puritanical values of reinvest-
m e n t a n d piety, included a propensity t o w a r d s an emotionalist w a y of
life in w h i c h people g r a d u a l l y b e c a m e m o r e a w a r e of their o w n pleas-
ures. T h o u g h C a m p b e l l tends to e x a g g e r a t e the role of the R o m a n t i c
m o v e m e n t in e n c o u r a g i n g the e m e r g e n c e of m o d e r n forms of h e d o n i s m ,
h e d o e s p r o v i d e a n intriguing historical a c c o u n t of the e m e r g e n c e of
c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of c o n s u m p t i o n , as well as an illuminating critique
of W e b e r . A s B o c o c k (1993) notes, C a m p b e l l (1987) identifies a shift
t o w a r d s a n increasingly symbolic role for c o n s u m p t i o n in a w o r l d
w h e r e c o n s u m p t i o n is equated with desirous d a y - d r e a m i n g . C a m p b e l l
(1987: 8 9 - 9 0 ) therefore a r g u e s that
the spirit of modern consumerism is anything but materialistic. The idea that
contemporary consumers have an insatiable desire to acquire objects rep-
resents a serious misunderstanding of the mechanism which impels people to
want goods. Their basic motivation is the desire to experience in reality the
pleasurable dramas which they have already enjoyed in imagination, and
each 'new' product is seen as offering a possibility of realizing this ambition.
Campbell's w o r k represents an illuminating a t t e m p t to e x t e n d W e b e r i a n

c o n c e p t i o n s of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d as s u c h serves to highlight h o w the
symbolic v a l u e of c o n s u m p t i o n c a m e to play a p r i m a r y role in the w a y s
in w h i c h people c o n s u m e in the late twentieth century.
Thorstein Veblen
O n e of the m o s t significant classical contributions to a sociological

u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c o n s u m p t i o n , bearing in m i n d the centrality given to
the question of c o n s u m p t i o n in his analysis, is that of Thorstein Veblen,
w h o s a w c o n s u m e r g o o d s as m a r k e r s of social prestige a n d status. In
his analysis of the A m e r i c a n nouveaux riches of the late nineteenth
century, Veblen (1899) described a 'new leisure class' intent o n m i m i c k -

ing the lifestyles of the u p p e r classes in E u r o p e . Veblen (1899) a r g u e d
that higher social g r o u p i n g s continually u p d a t e d their c o n s u m p t i o n
habits in o r d e r to stay o n e step a h e a d of the nouveaux riches. A s such,
c o n s u m p t i o n w a s significant largely for its status-conferring qualities, in
that w h a t w a s e m e r g i n g w a s a hierarchically o r g a n i z e d social s t r u c t u r e
based u p o n the prestigious c o n s u m p t i o n patterns of the rich a n d in
particular of the g e n t l e m a n of leisure w h o ,
In order to avoid stultification . . . must . . . cultivate his tastes, for it now

becomes incumbent upon him to discriminate with some nicety between the
noble and the ignoble in consumable goods . . . Closely related to the
requirement that the gentleman must consume freely and of the right kind of
goods, there is the requirement that he must know how to consume them in a
seemly manner. (Veblen, 1994 edn: 47; orig. published 1899)
Veblen therefore identifies a n elaborate s y s t e m of r a n k a n d g r a d e s ,

the m a r k e r s of c o n s u m p t i o n expressing a person's place in the social
hierarchies of the leisure classes. A r g u a b l y , the p r o c e s s e s of emulation
w h i c h w e r e signposted in Veblen's w o r k h a v e e m e r g e d as a g r o w i n g
influence u p o n the e v e r y d a y construction of social life, t h o u g h they a r e
arguably less class specific t h a n h e envisaged at the time. In c o n t e m -
p o r a r y c o n s u m e r society, the d e g r e e s of d e m a r c a t i o n a n d the role that
c o n s u m p t i o n plays in the w a y s in w h i c h p e o p l e associate with e a c h
other h a v e b e c o m e highly sophisticated. In addition, they a p p e a r to
h a v e simultaneously b e c o m e taken for g r a n t e d as the 'natural' w a y of
things - as a w a y of life.
Veblen's w o r k r e m a i n e d in the sociological wilderness until it
regained p o p u l a r i t y with the realization, notably d u r i n g the 1 9 8 0 s , that
c o n s u m p t i o n w a s w o r t h considering for its o w n sake. After all, only
recently h a v e serious efforts been m a d e to r e d r e s s the b a l a n c e in a n
attempt to u n d e r s t a n d c o n s u m p t i o n per se. Veblen is m o s t m e m o r a b l e ,
p e r h a p s , for being the first sociologist to recognize the social signifi-
c a n c e of c o n s u m p t i o n in its o w n right.
Georg Simmel
G e o r g Simmel is a n o t h e r theorist w h o r e c o g n i z e d the increasing signifi-

c a n c e of c o n s u m p t i o n to the construction of m o d e r n social life. Indeed,
writing at the t u r n of the c e n t u r y , Simmel (1907) sees m o n e y a n d , m o r e
specifically, e x c h a n g e as being central to the e x p e r i e n c e of m o d e r n i t y .
This is interesting in the sense that it raises the possibility that c o n -
s u m p t i o n is m o r e t h a n of m e r e incidental interest a n d m i g h t actually
h a v e s o m e i n s t r u m e n t a l role in structuring people's overall e x p e r i e n c e
of m o d e r n i t y . Identifying the metropolis as the seat of the m a t u r e
m o n e y e c o n o m y , S i m m e l a r g u e s that the a n o n y m i t y of relations in the
20 CONSUMERISM
metropolis is determined by the need for a n o n y m o u s m a r k e t relation-

ships. The e m e r g e n c e of the city, a r g u e s Simmel, has significant impli-
cations for the c o n d u c t of social life, a n d h e identifies c o n s u m p t i o n as
h a v i n g an increasingly significant role to play in this process. A s the
metropolis developed, it b e g a n to satisfy the social and psychological
n e e d s of its inhabitants; hence the role of c o n s u m p t i o n . A l m o s t a
c e n t u r y later, the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r culture within late capitalism, not
least in the form of city life, is so profound that this a r g u m e n t has
b e c o m e imbued with m o r e significance than even Simmel could h a v e
envisaged.
Interestingly, Simmel (1957) also discusses in s o m e detail the role of
fashion as a social form of class d e m a r c a t i o n , juxtaposing the feeling of
individuality with the security of c o m m o n a l i t y with others (see C h a p t e r
6). In an increasingly c o m m e r c i a l society, w h e r e the p a c e of life b e c o m e s
m o r e and m o r e intense, Simmel a r g u e s that fashion p r o v i d e s the only
a p p a r e n t m e a n s of recovering oneself, of stabilizing the assault u p o n the
senses which is characteristic of m o d e r n life. In fact, from this p e r s p e c -
tive the w h o l e history of society is seen to be a c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n
a d h e r e n c e a n d absorption in a social g r o u p and the need for indi-
viduation and distinction from the m e m b e r s of such g r o u p s . A s such,
c o n s u m p t i o n provides the c o n s u m e r with a sort of buffer z o n e b e t w e e n
h i m o r herself a n d the e v e r y d a y tensions characteristic of modernity. In
m a n y respects, Simmel foresaw the formative role that c o n s u m e r i s m
plays in the construction of e v e r y d a y life in the late twentieth century.
A n e m e r g i n g s o c i o l o g y of c o n s u m p t i o n
Despite the contributions of a u t h o r s such as Veblen a n d Simmel, an

actual sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n did not begin to e m e r g e in its o w n
right (and it continues to d o so) until the 1 9 8 0 s w h e n sociologists b e g a n
to take m o r e notice of the legacies p r o v i d e d by s o m e of the classical
theorists discussed above. In this section, I will consider s o m e of the
m o r e valuable of these recent contributions to debates o v e r c o n s u m p -
tion a n d c o n s u m e r i s m .
Peter Saunders
A s far as the e m e r g e n c e of the m o v e t o w a r d s an a c a d e m i c considera-

tion of c o n s u m p t i o n in its o w n right is c o n c e r n e d , the w o r k of Peter
S a u n d e r s (1981), w h o calls for the prioritization of a c o n s u m p t i o n -
oriented p a r a d i g m , provides sociologists of c o n s u m p t i o n with a par-
ticularly i m p o r t a n t b e n c h m a r k . S a u n d e r s a r g u e s that class (or the
relationship to the m e a n s of p r o d u c t i o n ) is n o longer a fundamental
d e t e r m i n a n t of c o n t e m p o r a r y life experience. W h a t is m o r e i m p o r t a n t in
this respect are differences in access to c o n s u m p t i o n . A s s u c h , f r o m his

free-market liberal perspective, S a u n d e r s focuses on the i m p a c t of
privatized c o n s u m p t i o n , a r g u i n g that the fundamental division in con-
t e m p o r a r y societies is b e t w e e n those w h o h a v e the available r e s o u r c e s
to play an active role in the free m a r k e t a n d those w h o s e lives a r e
d e p e n d e n t u p o n the welfare state. A s far as S a u n d e r s is c o n c e r n e d ,
then, o w n e r - o c c u p a t i o n is particularly significant in so far as w e n o
longer derive o u r satisfaction from w o r k in c o n t e m p o r a r y society but
m o r e so from c o n s u m i n g g o o d s a n d services. In this respect, the
ownership of housing p r o v i d e s 'An expression of p e r s o n a l identity a n d
a s o u r c e of ontological security' (Saunders, 1984: 2 0 3 ) .
Saunders's contribution h a s been criticized o n several counts. H e
s o m e w h a t overenthusiastically endorses the opportunities p r o v i d e d by
the m a r k e t p l a c e , while simultaneously p o r t r a y i n g the state as incom-
petent. H e also presents a n a r r o w conception of c o n s u m p t i o n w h i c h is
limited by his representation of privatized a n d collective c o n s u m p t i o n
(see W a r d e , 1990a). Despite these reservations, S a u n d e r s (1981) should
be c o m m e n d e d for highlighting the significance of c o n s u m p t i o n in the
sociological 'enterprise' b y p r o v o k i n g considerable sociological debate
a r o u n d the question of c o n s u m p t i o n .
Pierre Bourdieu
Pierre B o u r d i e u , one of the m o s t p r o m i n e n t sociologists of the late

twentieth c e n t u r y , is also one of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t c o m m e n t a t o r s o n
questions of c o n s u m p t i o n in the c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d . B o u r d i e u , w h o s e
w o r k has s o m e t h i n g in c o m m o n with that of Veblen i n a s m u c h as h e
a d d r e s s e s questions of social c o m p a r i s o n t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n , h a s h a d
a formative role in highlighting the social significance of c o n s u m p t i o n .
Seeing c o n s u m p t i o n a s a m e a n s of establishing, as o p p o s e d to m e r e l y
expressing, variations b e t w e e n social g r o u p s , B o u r d i e u (1984) a r g u e s
that h u m a n beings a r e m o t i v a t e d b y the n e e d to r e p r o d u c e a collective
pattern of preferences b a s e d on class d e m a r c a t i o n . W h a t B o u r d i e u
describes as 'cultural capital' is crucial in this respect, in that different
classes a r e educationally qualified to take a d v a n t a g e of different aspects
of symbolic capital. T h e d o m i n a n t classes therefore d e m o n s t r a t e their
superiority t h r o u g h access to high culture a n d high c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e
implication h e r e , then, is that c o n s u m p t i o n a m o u n t s to a set of cultural
resources that u n d e r p i n s c o n s u m e r s ' e v e r y d a y lives.
Of c o u r s e , access to these r e s o u r c e s d e p e n d s u p o n a c c e s s to e c o n o m i c
resources. But the i m p o r t a n t issue h e r e is that the social a n d cultural
norm is for the individual to aspire to them. In this c o n t e x t , Bocock's
(1993) discussion of B o u r d i e u is a useful o n e in that h e highlights the
fact that c o n s u m p t i o n is not to be analysed as the satisfaction of a
biologically r o o t e d set of needs. Rather, c o n s u m p t i o n , as B o u r d i e u (1984)
points out, actively involves signs, symbols, ideas a n d v a l u e s w h i c h a r e
22 CONSUMERISM
u s e d as a m e a n s of m a r k i n g off one social g r o u p from another. W h a t is

especially impressive about Bourdieu's a p p r o a c h is that it w a s based
u p o n findings which e m a n a t e d from situated empirical r e s e a r c h that
looked at patterns of c o n s u m p t i o n in F r a n c e in the 1960s a n d 1970s.
Equally significantly, B o u r d i e u did not see c o n s u m e r s ' c o n s u m p t i o n
habits as being the m e r e p r o d u c t of social structures, b u t rather as an
interaction between the individual a n d society. In this context, B o u r d i e u
d e v e l o p e d the c o n c e p t of 'habitus', the e v e r y d a y k n o w l e d g e or cultural
capital that reflects the routine experience of a p p r o p r i a t e b e h a v i o u r in
particular cultures a n d subcultures. 'Habitus' plays a pivotal role in the
construction of lifestyles w h i c h
are thus the systematic products of habitus, which, perceived in their mutual
relations through the schemes of the habitus, become sign systems that are
socially qualified (as 'distinguished', 'vulgar' etc.). The dialectic of conditions
and habitus is the basis of an alchemy which transforms the distribution of
capital, the balance-sheet of a power relation, into a system of perceived
differences, distinctive properties, that is, a distribution of symbolic capital,
legitimate capital, whose objective truth is misrecognized. (Bourdieu, 1984:
172)
T h e habitus, which can therefore be defined as a group-distinctive

f r a m e w o r k of social cognition a n d interpretation, is r e p r o d u c e d between
generations and thereby generates the s c h e m e s by w h i c h cultural objects
a r e classified and differentiated (see W a t e r s , 1994). B o u r d i e u a r g u e s that
class differences are inscribed in individuals as distinctions in taste. In
effect, an individual's social experience is s t r u c t u r e d b y w h a t the social
g r o u p sees as being the legitimate w a y to d o so a c c o r d i n g to the correct
classifications of taste. W h e t h e r class r e m a i n s a fundamental influence
o n the d a y - t o - d a y construction of c o n s u m e r lifestyles is debatable: it
c o u l d be a r g u e d that c o n s u m p t i o n is currently so ubiquitous as to
f r a g m e n t the v e r y stabilities that w e r e formerly associated with class
formations. The significance of Bourdieu's a t t e m p t to a d d r e s s the situ-
a t e d actualities of c o n s u m e r experience cannot, h o w e v e r , be u n d e r -
estimated.
Consumption as a negotiated realm
Equally significant in this r e g a r d a r e a variety of other a p p r o a c h e s to

questions of c o n s u m p t i o n , g r a d u a l l y e m e r g i n g d u r i n g the 1980s a n d
early 1990s, w h i c h b e g a n to see c o n s u m p t i o n as a negotiated r e a l m in
w h i c h c o n s u m e r s , a n d often y o u n g people, could e x p r e s s their resist-
a n c e to d o m i n a n t o r d e r s (for e x a m p l e , d e C e r t e a u , 1984; Fiske, 1989;
P. Willis, 1990). P a u l Willis's (1990) w o r k is particularly significant in
discussing h o w y o u n g people use the symbolic r e s o u r c e s p r o v i d e d b y
the cultural industries as a m e a n s of creatively fashioning y o u t h
experience, identity a n d expression. T h o u g h Willis c o u l d b e criticized

for e x a g g e r a t i n g the freedoms that y o u n g people h a v e in the c o n t e x t of
c o n s u m p t i o n (Miles, 1 9 9 5 ) , his w o r k represents one of the first a t t e m p t s
actually to a d d r e s s the experiential n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n :
People bring living identities to commerce and the consumption of cultural

commodities as well as being formed there. They bring experiences, feelings,
social position and social memberships to their encounter with commerce.
Hence they bring a necessary creative symbolic pressure, not only to make
sense of cultural commodities, but partly through them also to make sense of
contradiction and structure as they experience them in school, college,
production, neighbourhood, and as members of certain genders, races, classes
and ages. (P. Willis, 1990: 21)
Such debates h a v e been further e x t e n d e d in the i m p o r t a n t w o r k s of

authors s u c h as Miller ( 1 9 8 7 ) , Otnes (1988) a n d M c C r a c k e n ( 1 9 9 0 ) , all of
w h o m h a v e helped to m o v e c o n s u m p t i o n u p the sociological a g e n d a . In
this respect, it is certainly fair to say that since Saunders's (1981) call for a
consumption-oriented p a r a d i g m , sociological a p p r o a c h e s to c o n s u m p -
tion h a v e actually m o v e d m o r e t o w a r d s a d d r e s s i n g the symbolic role of
c o n s u m p t i o n . A special edition of the journal Sociology w a s subsequently
influential in e x t e n d i n g the recognition that c o n s u m p t i o n is a n i m p o r t a n t
sociological topic in its o w n right (see W a r d e , 1990b; C a m p b e l l , 1995). A s
such, c o n s u m p t i o n rapidly b e c a m e associated with b r o a d e r discussions
concerning p o s t m o d e r n i t y w h i c h firmly established c o n s u m p t i o n as a
p r i m a r y focus for theoretical debate.
Consumption and postmodernism
The increasingly formative role of c o n s u m p t i o n in social life h a s

gradually c o m e to b e a c k n o w l e d g e d by social theorists, a n d as s u c h the
sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n h a s increasingly been diverted d o w n w h a t
m i g h t be described as a ' p o s t m o d e r n ' route. T h o u g h there is consider-
able debate a n d discussion as to precisely w h a t ' p o s t m o d e r n i s m ' is all
about a n d w h a t actually constitutes p o s t m o d e r n i t y , c o n s u m p t i o n is
generally p e r c e i v e d to h a v e an i m p o r t a n t role in the e m e r g e n c e of a
p o s t m o d e r n culture. Generally speaking, p o s t m o d e r n c o n c e p t i o n s of
c o n s u m p t i o n a r e associated with a recognition that c o n s u m p t i o n is
m o r e significant for its sign-value or symbolic qualities t h a n for its use-
value. T h e t e n d e n c y a m o n g these a p p r o a c h e s h a s therefore been to
focus on the symbolic p r o c e s s e s characteristic of c o n s u m p t i o n rather
than on the situated social e x p e r i e n c e a n d ideological function of con-
s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. This trend is particularly well discussed b y
the following authors: L y o n (1994) a n d F e a t h e r s t o n e ( 1 9 9 1 ) , w h o p r o -
vide useful o v e r v i e w s , as well as Baudrillard (1988) a n d J a m e s o n ( 1 9 8 4 ) ,
24 CONSUMERISM
both of w h o m consider c o n s u m p t i o n to play a key role in their c o n c e p -

tions of postmodernity.
David Lyon
L y o n (1994) directly a d d r e s s e s the relationship between p o s t m o d e r n i s m

a n d c o n s u m p t i o n a n d goes as far as to a r g u e that in the c o n t e m p o r a r y
creation of the n e w c o n s u m e r lies 'a crucial clue for u n d e r s t a n d i n g
p o s t m o d e r n i t y a n d p o s t m o d e r n i s m ' ( L y o n , 1994: 5 5 ) . F r o m this point of
v i e w c o n s u m p t i o n is seen to be the 'linchpin' of a n e w cultural c o d e in a
w o r l d w h e r e the 'metanarratives' of m o d e r n i t y h a v e collapsed a n d , as
such, c a n n o longer offer a n s w e r s about the n a t u r e of a w o r l d in which
p r o g r e s s is n o longer possible. In this world, c o n s u m p t i o n is so
ubiquitous that even m e a n i n g itself is seen to e v a p o r a t e ( L y o n 1994: 5 6 ) .
Reality, in effect, is seen to implode in a p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d in the sense
that distinctions between high- a n d l o w b r o w culture b e c o m e obscured
as history, for instance, b e c o m e s heritage a n d the m u s e u m a 'hands-on'
multi-media c o n s u m e r experience ( L y o n , 1994). 'Once established, such
a culture of consumption is quite indiscriminating a n d everything
b e c o m e s a c o n s u m e r item, including meaning, truth a n d knowledge'
(Sampson, 1994: 3 7 ) .
T h e divisions between high a n d low culture b e c o m e increasingly
blurred in a p o s t m o d e r n culture w h e r e choice a p p e a r s to reign s u p r e m e ,
but w h e r e hesitation, anxiety a n d d o u b t s e e m to be the price to p a y for
s u c h freedom. A s such, L y o n a r g u e s that c o n s u m p t i o n provides a m e a n s
of oiling the wheels of symbolic distinctiveness to the extent that 'If
p o s t m o d e r n i t y m e a n s anything, it m e a n s the c o n s u m e r society' ( L y o n ,
1994: 6 6 - 8 ) .
Mike Featherstone
Doing m o r e to establish this fact than p e r h a p s a n y other contribution to

the debate is Mike Featherstone's (1991) work, Consumer Culture and
Postmodernism, which represents one of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t efforts
directly to contextualize the question of c o n s u m p t i o n within debates
c o n c e r n i n g p o s t m o d e r n i s m . F e a t h e r s t o n e notes that the identity-
conferring n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n is not something that is m e r e l y
restricted t o the y o u n g a n d the rich, b u t potentially affects the lives of
e v e r y b o d y i n a s m u c h as the p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d e n c o u r a g e s us to believe
that anything is possible. W e c a n be w h o e v e r w e w a n t , as long as w e
a r e p r e p a r e d to c o n s u m e . F e a t h e r s t o n e t h e r e f o r e d i s c u s s e s the
aestheticization of e v e r y d a y life: the process w h e r e b y s t a n d a r d s of
'good style', 'good taste' a n d 'good design' h a v e c o m e to invade e v e r y
aspect of o u r e v e r y d a y life (see Featherstone, 1991: 6 8 - 7 2 ) .
A s far as the relationship between c o n s u m p t i o n a n d p o s t m o d e r n i s m
is c o n c e r n e d , Featherstone looks at the transformation of reality into
i m a g e s a n d the fragmentation of time, but, m o r e particularly, at the w a y
in w h i c h a r t a n d aesthetic experiences b e c o m e w h a t h e describes as 'the

m a s t e r p a r a d i g m s for k n o w l e d g e , e x p e r i e n c e a n d sense of life-meaning'
(1991: 1 2 4 ) . In this context, Featherstone a r g u e s that artistic cultural
m a r k e t s a r e g r o w i n g a n d , as a result, so a r e a u d i e n c e s w i t h 'post-
m o d e r n sensibilities' (Featherstone, 1 9 9 1 : 1 2 5 ) . Featherstone's o w n social
position m a y well lead h i m , h o w e v e r , to e x a g g e r a t e the role of 'cultural
intermediaries' w h o s e role it is to p r o m o t e a n artistic lifestyle b y
breaking d o w n the exclusivity of intellectual k n o w l e d g e a n d thus the
boundaries b e t w e e n high a n d p o p u l a r culture. Indeed, in this respect,
m a n y contributors to the debate o v e r p o s t m o d e r n i s m a p p e a r to be
d e p e n d e n t u p o n their o w n v e r y specific experiences of a middle-class
social w o r l d w h i c h is b o u n d to r e p r o d u c e s o m e of the p a t t e r n s of
c o n s u m p t i o n they describe, b u t w h i c h is ultimately m o r e likely to be the
exception as o p p o s e d to the rule. W h a t is of m o r e g e n e r a l interest is
the suggestion, n o t that middle-class artistic v a l u e s a r e b e c o m i n g m o r e
i m p o r t a n t to a large p e r c e n t a g e of the population, w h i c h they u n d o u b t -
edly a r e e v e n if to a limited extent, but that the p r o d u c t i o n of s u c h
culture is increasingly subject to a p r o c e s s of commodification.
C o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life incorporates social p r o c e s s e s w h i c h a r e
far b e y o n d the direct control of specific social g r o u p s . Indeed, there
could be s o m e basis to the a r g u m e n t that, far f r o m symbolic specialists
b e c o m i n g increasingly prevalent in a p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d , c o n s u m p t i o n
p r o v i d e s everybody w i t h a sense of control. T h e essence of c o n s u m e r i s m
therefore lies in the feeling that as c o n s u m e r s w e a r e all gaining s o m e
semblance of authority o v e r the e v e r y d a y c o n s t r u c t i o n of o u r lives
through c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e extent to w h i c h this control is genuine is a
m a t t e r for further debate. All that n e e d b e said at this stage is that
Featherstone is correct w h e n h e points o u t that a n y definitive u n d e r -
standing of the role p l a y e d b y c o n s u m p t i o n in the e m e r g e n c e of a so-
called p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d m u s t be b a s e d o n careful sociological analyses
of real-world p h e n o m e n a .
Jean Baudrillard
O n e of the m o s t w e l l - k n o w n a n d e x t r e m e a p p r o a c h e s to the influence of

a m a s s - m e d i a t e d c o n s u m e r culture is that of Jean Baudrillard, the 'high
priest' of p o s t m o d e r n i s m . Baudrillard (1988: 2 9 ) describes the role of
c o n s u m e r i s m in c o n t e m p o r a r y society as constituting 'a f u n d a m e n t a l
m u t a t i o n in the ecology of the h u m a n species'. In this sense, ' C o n s u m e r
society is . . . the society for the apprenticeship of c o n s u m p t i o n , for the
social indoctrination of c o n s u m p t i o n . In other w o r d s , this is a n e w a n d
specific m o d e of socialization related to the rise of n e w p r o d u c t i v e
forces a n d the monopolistic r e s t r u c t u r a t i o n of a high o u t p u t e c o n o m i c
s y s t e m ' (Baudrillard, 1988: 4 9 ) .
Baudrillard ( 1 9 8 8 ) points o u t that the idea that h u m a n beings h a v e
certain 'needs' w h i c h h a v e to b e satisfied t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n is a
26 CONSUMERISM
m y t h inasmuch as h u m a n beings a r e never actually satisfied a n d thus

such 'needs' are never actually fulfilled. In this sense, Baudrillard a r g u e s
that the c o n s u m e r g o o d takes on the value of a sign. Discussing the
e x a m p l e of the washing m a c h i n e , Baudrillard a r g u e s that c o n s u m e r
objects are no longer actually tied to a function or a defined need, but
rather respond to w h a t he describes as a 'logic of desire' (1988: 4 4 ) .
C o n s u m e r objects exist in a 'world of general hysteria' w h e r e g o o d s
b e c o m e interchangeable (1988: 4 5 ) . They all signify the potential to fulfil
h u m a n desire, but can never actually d o so. W h a t therefore e m e r g e s is a
constant fluidity of differential desires a n d meanings.
O n this basis, Baudrillard m a n a g e s to develop an interesting con-
ception of h o w it is that c o n s u m p t i o n actually has nothing to d o with
pleasure, in that pleasure b e c o m e s constrained and institutionalized as a
d u t y on the part of the individual citizen or c o n s u m e r . In this sense, as
C h a n e y (1996) points out, the essence of Baudrillard's a r g u m e n t is that
the signifiers of e c o n o m i c value (i.e. c u r r e n c y ) h a v e b e c o m e entirely
d i v o r c e d from any necessary relationship with the signifieds of real
value. In other w o r d s , m o n e y b e c o m e s rootless in a social s y s t e m char-
acterized by simulation and hyper-reality. W h a t is therefore c r e a t e d is
an 'aesthetic' hallucination of reality (Baudrillard, 1993). C o n s u m p t i o n
b e c o m e s important in so far as it provides a m e a n s of expressing
dream-like representations. The m a s s m e d i a have, as far as Baudrillard
is c o n c e r n e d , a fundamental role in extending such representations.
C o n s u m p t i o n therefore serves as the m o s t influential arena within
which this world of superficiality is perpetuated.
Frederic Jameson
Allied to the failure directly to a d d r e s s the experiential n a t u r e of the

c o n s u m i n g experience, p o s t m o d e r n a p p r o a c h e s to c o n s u m p t i o n h a v e
also failed to consider the role that c o n s u m p t i o n plays as an interface
between individual experience and b r o a d e r social forces a n d , m o r e
specifically, as an arena within which individuals experience the cul-
tural implications of capitalism. In this respect, c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e
prioritized c o n s u m p t i o n over and above c o n s u m e r i s m as I defined it in
C h a p t e r 1. P o s t m o d e r n conceptions of c o n s u m p t i o n are, in effect,
limited by their d e p e n d e n c e u p o n an abstract theoretical d i s c o u r s e that
contributes little to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the actualities of e v e r y d a y life
and even less to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the role c o n s u m e r i s m plays in
generating people's experiences of w h a t actively constitutes m o d e r n i t y
or postmodernity. The actual experiential i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m tends
to be lost amidst fanciful discussions of c o n s u m p t i o n as fragmentation
(as in Baudrillard, 1988) which themselves tend to misrepresent the
ideological nature of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
One author w h o has gone s o m e w a y t o w a r d s addressing this ques-
tion is Frederic J a m e s o n (1984) in his seminal essay, ' P o s t m o d e r n i s m , or
the cultural logic of late capitalism'. A r g u i n g that late capitalism

a m o u n t s to w h a t is in fact a purer form of capitalism than h a s p r e -
viously been e x p e r i e n c e d , J a m e s o n p r o p o s e s that 'every position o n
p o s t m o d e r n i s m in c u l t u r e - w h e t h e r apologia or stigmatization - is also
at one a n d the s a m e time, a n d necessarily, a n implicitly or explicitly
political stance on the n a t u r e of multinational capitalism t o d a y '
( J a m e s o n , 1984: 5 5 ) . This is a key point, a n d one that is all too often
forgotten by the majority of p o s t m o d e r n i s t s w h o tend to exist on
abstract theoretical foundations while paying scant r e g a r d for political
realities. In c o n t r a s t , J a m e s o n p r e s e n t s w h a t h e describes as a
'periodizing hypothesis' (1984: 5 5 ) , a key element of w h i c h he sees as
being the fact that
aesthetic production today has become integrated into commodity production

generally: the frantic economic urgency of producing fresh waves of ever
more novel-seeming goods from clothing to airplanes, at ever great rates of
turnover, now assigns an increasing essential structural function and position
to aesthetic innovation and experimentation. (Jameson, 1984: 56)
J a m e s o n therefore a r g u e s that there is a fundamental relationship

between the positioning of p o s t m o d e r n i s m in the e c o n o m i c s y s t e m a n d
its i m p a c t u p o n the sphere of culture in c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r
society. T h e key to his analysis therefore lies in the a r g u m e n t that it is
misleading to suggest that c o n t e m p o r a r y society is about nothing m o r e
than cultural difference, r a n d o m n e s s a n d fragmentation, a n d that such
characteristics a m o u n t to s o m e form of a n e w systemic cultural n o r m .
F r o m his M a r x i s t point of view, J a m e s o n therefore a r g u e s that the
p r o d u c t i o n of culture has been s u b s u m e d into c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n in
general a n d in this sense p o s t m o d e r n i s m is seen to equate with l a t e /
m u l t i n a t i o n a l / c o n s u m e r capitalism (see Featherstone, 1991: 5 2 - 9 ) . T h e
relationship between so-called p o s t m o d e r n forms of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d
the structures of c o n s u m e r capitalism will continue to be a key c o n c e r n
t h r o u g h o u t this book.
H a v i n g c o n s i d e r e d s o m e of the major contributors to p o s t m o d e r n
debates about the i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n , the overall point should be
m a d e that, w h e t h e r or not y o u a g r e e with the substance of the post-
m o d e r n perspective, s u c h a p p r o a c h e s h a v e h a d a n i m p o r t a n t role in
ensuring that c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e c o m e to a c k n o w l e d g e the formative
social role that c o n s u m p t i o n plays in the m a k e - u p of c o n t e m p o r a r y
societies. Indeed, this d e v e l o p m e n t is largely a result, as Fine a n d
L e o p o l d (1993) point out, of theoretical c o n c e r n with the 'post' rather
than the past. In particular, b r o a d debates o v e r p o s t m o d e r n i t y (and to a
lesser extent p o s t - F o r d i s m ) h a v e highlighted the potential diversities
available to c o n s u m e r s , the consequence being that c o n s u m p t i o n h a s
e m e r g e d as an increasingly a u t o n o m o u s focus for debate. P o s t m o d e r n
analyses of the c o n t e m p o r a r y life experience focus b y their v e r y n a t u r e
28 CONSUMERISM
on the qualities a n d experience of m a s s - m e d i a t e d c o n s u m e r culture.

W o r k s u c h as that of J a m e s o n (1984) a n d U r r y (1990), w h o s e r e a s o n e d ,
contextualized analyses of p o s t m o d e r n debates a r e m o r e effective t h a n
most, can be c o m m e n d e d for helping to establish c o n s u m p t i o n as a
sociological priority. A t the v e r y least, they h a v e served to raise the
question w h e t h e r or not c o n s u m e r c o n d u c t has m o v e d 'into the position
of, simultaneously, the cognitive a n d m o r a l focus of life, the integrative
b o n d of the society, a n d the focus of systematic m a n a g e m e n t ' ( B a u m a n ,
1992: 4 9 ) . A key question here, then, centres on h o w far choice,
especially c o n s u m e r choice, b e c o m e s the foundation of a n e w c o n c e p t of
f r e e d o m in c o n t e m p o r a r y society to the extent that the f r e e d o m of the
individual is actively a n d primarily constituted in his or her role as a
consumer.
Despite the a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t that debates over p o s t m o d e r n i t y h a v e
developed o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c o n s u m p t i o n in so far as ' P r o d u c t
i m a g e , style a n d design take o v e r from m o d e r n m e t a n a r r a t i v e s of con-
ferring m e a n i n g ' (Lyon, 1994: 6 1 ) , the irony is that the actual c o n s t r u c -
tion of that m e a n i n g has not been a d d r e s s e d directly. In effect, the
sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n has suffered t h r o u g h a p o s t m o d e r n e m p h a s i s
o n 'macro-cultural' issues. T h o u g h p o s t m o d e r n i s t s h a v e prioritized the
cultural, they h a v e only d o n e so, by a n d large, from a n o v e r a r c h i n g
conception of w h a t constitutes culture, without consideration of the
actual e v e r y d a y experiences in w h i c h culture is actively constructed. In
this sense,
Postmodernist criticism should not be confined to textual analysis alone, or

the critique of forms of representation alone, but should be an inquiry into the
ways forms of representation structure everyday life. To forget everyday life
and the users of culture is to neglect the formative aspects of culture itself.
(Gottdiener, 1995: 31)
The value of a sociology of c o n s u m e r i s m lies in addressing the rela-

tionship between the structures of e v e r y d a y life a n d the w a y s in w h i c h
the culture of c o n s u m p t i o n impinge u p o n the c o n d u c t of that life, both
experientially and ideologically.
Cross-disciplinary approaches to consumption
So far I h a v e focused on a p p r o a c h e s to c o n s u m p t i o n b r o a d l y associated

with aspects of social theory. I will n o w b r o a d e n the discussion a little
further. The general tone of this c h a p t e r has tended to suggest that
c u r r e n t conceptions of c o n s u m p t i o n are insufficient, particularly in
t e r m s of w h a t they can say about c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. In this
respect a b r o a d e r , cross-disciplinary conception of c o n s u m e r i s m m a y
well be of use.
Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood
T h e first a p p r o a c h I w a n t to consider briefly in this c o n t e x t is that of

Douglas a n d I s h e r w o o d (1996) w h o s e anthropological a p p r o a c h to the
e c o n o m i c n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n is highly influential. Douglas a n d
I s h e r w o o d a r e i m p o r t a n t in s o far as they recognize that c o n s u m p t i o n is
cultural as well as e c o n o m i c a n d that the use of c o n s u m e r g o o d s is
a l w a y s f r a m e d b y a cultural c o m p o n e n t . Douglas a n d I s h e r w o o d a r g u e
that c o n s u m p t i o n should b e p e r c e i v e d in this c o n t e x t as a m o d e of
communication:
The theory of consumption has to be a theory of culture and a theory of social

life. To cut culture free from organization is to float off into a sea of
relativism. If the organization works well enough, it can endow objects with
value, being fit for consumption means an object being fit to circulate as a
marker for particular sets of social roles. (Douglas and Isherwood, 1996: xxii-
xxiii)
Douglas a n d I s h e r w o o d therefore refer to c o n s u m e r g o o d s as an

information s y s t e m a n d as s u c h famously a r g u e that ' C o n s u m p t i o n is
the v e r y a r e n a in w h i c h culture is fought o v e r a n d licked into s h a p e '
(1996: 3 7 ) . In effect, c o n s u m p t i o n acts as a non-verbal m e d i u m for
h u m a n creativity. In this context, the t w o a u t h o r s point out that, con-
trary to s o m e of the o v e r - r o m a n t i c i z e d visions of the past, social
interaction actually i m p r o v e s with affluence. C o n s u m p t i o n p r o v i d e s
d e g r e e s of f r e e d o m to the rich w h i c h a r e simply not available to the
poor. M o r e importantly, w h a t is crucial about the a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n is
the m e a n i n g that is actually invested in it. W h e n a p e r s o n p u r c h a s e s a
particular b a r of c h o c o l a t e h e o r she is not simply b u y i n g sustenance,
but a r a n g e of symbolic m e a n i n g s expressing m e m b e r s h i p of a social
world. In this sense, c o n s u m e r g o o d s actively articulate existing social
divisions a n d structures. But w h a t is especially interesting about
Douglas a n d Isherwood's w o r k , as L e e (1993) notes, is that it p r o v i d e s
a n antidote to the s t r u c t u r e - d o w n m o d e l p r e s e n t e d b y a u t h o r s such as
Baudrillard. F r o m this point of view, c o n s u m e r s a r e not seen to be the
m e r e p r o d u c t s of structural forces s u c h as advertising a n d the m e d i a .
C o n s u m e r s a r e a l w a y s subject to certain pre-established patterns of
c o n s u m p t i o n a n d social convention, but symbolic g o o d s are p u r p o s e -
fully m a n a g e d b y c o n s u m e r s within the cultural rules a n d c o d e s laid
d o w n for a n d b y them.
Helga Dittmar
A further a p p r o a c h to c o n s u m p t i o n that h a s s o u g h t to c o m e to t e r m s
with the m e a n i n g s invested b y c o n s u m e r s in c o n s u m e r g o o d s is that of
the social psychologist, H e l g a Dittmar. Dittmar (1992) discusses the role
of subjective social reality; that is, the p r o c e s s b y w h i c h the objective
30 CONSUMERISM
w o r l d (which the individual experiences outside h i m or herself along-

side his or her symbolic social reality a n d which, in turn, incorporates
forms of symbolic expression such as language, non-verbal behaviour
a n d material objects) is internalized in the form of an individual's
a w a r e n e s s and understanding. F r o m this point of view, individuals a r e
seen to integrate both objective a n d symbolic aspects of material objects
in constructing their o w n representations a n d thereby r e g a r d s u c h
objects as symbols of identity w h i c h in turn are negotiated in the
context of social interaction. In this context, Dittmar (1992) calls for a
diversified a p p r o a c h to the link between identity a n d possessions. F r o m
her social constructionist perspective, Dittmar concludes that posses-
sions transcend their instrumental a n d utilitarian functions, e n c o m -
passing symbolic meanings within social g r o u p s or societies, so that
material objects are used as a m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i n g w h o s o m e o n e is
(or w o u l d like to be) both to others a n d oneself. In this sense, Dittmar
a r g u e s that possessions act as material symbols of identity, counter-
acting the sense of fragmentation which I discussed above in the c o n t e x t
of p o s t m o d e r n i s m a n d s i m u l t a n e o u s l y p r o v i d i n g s o m e sense of
historical continuity.
W h a t Dittmar (1992) refers to as the 'materialism-idealism p a r a d o x '
is particularly important here. This relates to the c o m m o n l y a c c e p t e d
idea that e v e r y individual has a unique personality independent of
material circumstances, alongside the p a r a d o x i c a l notion that material
possessions are central regulators, not only of large-scale social p r o -
cesses, but also of interpersonal relations a n d impressions. In a so-called
p o s t m o d e r n world, an individual m a y lose his or her subjectivity
a m i d s t a plethora of lifestyle choices a n d yet the society in w h i c h h e or
she lives puts considerable e m p h a s i s on the uniqueness of e a c h a n d
e v e r y person.
Peter hunt and Sonia Livingstone
Similar issues are a d d r e s s e d by L u n t a n d Livingstone (1992) w h o

present an equally illuminating analysis of the relationship b e t w e e n
m a s s c o n s u m p t i o n a n d the construction of identity. Their w o r k is
unusual, a n d admirably so, in so far as it d e p e n d s v e r y m u c h u p o n
empirical data with w h i c h they a t t e m p t to chart the a b o v e relationship.
A s such, the emphasis here is on c o n s u m p t i o n as everyday experience.
L u n t a n d Livingstone therefore call u p o n triangulated r e s e a r c h m e t h o d s
in a n a t t e m p t to elicit people's experiences of m o n e y a n d possessions
a n d h o w this might i m p a r t influence on the construction of their
identities. F r o m this basis a vision of a sophisticated c o n s u m e r , w h o s e
involvement in material culture p r o v i d e s a m e a n s of actively locating
h i m or herself in a c h a n g i n g social o r d e r , is d r a w n . L u n t a n d
Livingstone (1992) point out that the c o n s u m i n g experience is one of
contradictions w h e r e people s e e m to believe that the c o n t e m p o r a r y
w o r l d is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a n exciting proliferation of c o n s u m e r g o o d s ,
while simultaneously h a r b o u r i n g a sense of loss for the w a y life u s e d to
be, as well as a n e e d for s o m e semblance of continuity in their lives.
L u n t a n d Livingstone ask h o w far it is possible for c o n s u m e r s to
establish a n identity within the freedoms that c o n s u m p t i o n provides.
T h e y a r g u e that the transitory n a t u r e of social life, notably in the c o n t e x t
of c o n s u m p t i o n , m a k e s the construction of identity a particularly
problematic enterprise.
Yiannis Gabriel and Tim Lang
The final a p p r o a c h to c o n s u m p t i o n I w a n t to m e n t i o n is that of Gabriel

a n d L a n g (1995) w h o discuss the characteristic diversities of life as a
c o n s u m e r . The t w o a u t h o r s m a n a g e to highlight v e r y effectively the
p a r a d o x e s that c h a r a c t e r i z e the c o n s u m i n g experience:
The consumer has become a god-like figure, before whom markets and
politicians alike bow. Everywhere it seems, the consumer is triumphant . . .
And yet the consumer is also seen as a weak and malleable creature, easily
manipulated, dependent, passive and foolish. Immersed in illusions, addicted
to joyless pursuits of ever-increasing living standards, the consumer, far from
being a god, is a pawn, in games played in invisible boardrooms. (Gabriel
and Lang, 1995: 1)
Gabriel a n d L a n g (1995) use the t e r m 'the u n m a n a g e a b l e c o n s u m e r '

to highlight the c o m p l e x , f r a g m e n t e d a n d volatile n a t u r e of the con-
s u m i n g experience. T h e t w o a u t h o r s g o o n to a r g u e that in the future
such a n e x p e r i e n c e will b e c o m e increasingly s p a s m o d i c , c o n t r a d i c t o r y
a n d insecure. In this sense, they a r g u e , it is just n o t possible to a n s w e r
the simple question, ' w h a t is the c o n s u m e r ? ' C o n s u m p t i o n a n d con-
s u m e r i s m h a v e b e c o m e hotly contested terrains - terrains w h i c h h a v e
been i n v a d e d b y a diversity of disciplines all of w h i c h h a v e tried to
i m p o s e their conceptions of w h a t it is to c o n s u m e .
The point h e r e is that c o n s u m e r i s m is, indeed, a highly p a r a d o x i c a l
a n d c o n t r a d i c t o r y p h e n o m e n o n . In o r d e r to g o s o m e w a y t o w a r d s
u n d e r s t a n d i n g w h y this is so, I will n o w c o n c l u d e this c h a p t e r b y
briefly discussing a key issue w h i c h lies at the h e a r t of this debate as a
whole, n a m e l y the relationship b e t w e e n c o n s u m e r i s m , s t r u c t u r e , a g e n c y
a n d ideology. This issue p r o v i d e s the c o n t e x t within w h i c h the
r e m a i n d e r of this b o o k should be considered.
Conclusion
T h e s t r u c t u r e a n d a g e n c y debate h a s e m e r g e d as a key c o n c e r n of the

social sciences in recent y e a r s (see L a y d e r , 1994; W a t e r s , 1994). Dis-
cussing, in particular, the influence of the ' m a c r o - m i c r o ' issue on
32 CONSUMERISM
c o n t e m p o r a r y sociological thought, L a y d e r (1994) points out that the

structure and a g e n c y dualism, a n d the debate that s u r r o u n d s it,
highlight the fact that people a r e 'agents' in the social world; that they
are actively able to d o things w h i c h affect the e v e r y d a y social
relationships in which they are e m b e d d e d . Society then, is inseparable
from its h u m a n c o m p o n e n t s b e c a u s e the v e r y existence of that society
d e p e n d s u p o n h u m a n activities a n d , as such, w h a t society is at a n y
given time depends u p o n those activities. On the other h a n d , indi-
viduals are not immutable as social agents because existence as social
beings is also affected by the experience of the society people live in and
by their efforts to transform that society (Archer, 1995). The suggestion
here is that, at least potentially, c o n s u m p t i o n is a significant cultural
r e s o u r c e in this process.
A s I suggested in C h a p t e r 1, recent d e c a d e s h a v e seen the e m e r g e n c e
of a historical sea-change w h e r e b y people h a v e increasingly c o m e to
identify a sense of p o w e r a n d freedom located in aspects of life outside
of work. In this sense, Hall (1988) a r g u e s that the ideological i m p a c t of a
c o n s u m e r culture can be traced back, at least in the short term, to the
c o n s u m e r b o o m of the 1950s from which time the i m m e d i a t e lives of
m a n y working-class families w e r e transformed. T h e n e w opportunities
that c o n s u m p t i o n a p p e a r e d to offer helped to m o u l d n e w habits,
patterns a n d models of e v e r y d a y life, significantly altering people's
aspirations and expectations as to h o w they felt they should lead their
e v e r y d a y lives. W h a t w a s e m e r g i n g w a s a m o d e of life that w a s v e r y
m u c h less constrained, thereby implanting itself in the m i n d s of
o r d i n a r y people as an essentially e x p a n s i v e a n d liberating social system,
both personally a n d in t e r m s of the d e v e l o p m e n t of society as a w h o l e
(Hail, 1988).
The p a r a d o x of c o n s u m e r i s m is that it offers a vision of personal
freedom through e c o n o m i c m e a n s - the o p p o r t u n i t y for individuals to
take a d v a n t a g e of their o w n m e a n s for e x t r a v a g a n t display - a n d yet
maintains a d o m i n a n t o r d e r that potentially constrains personal liberty.
Developing this point, B a u m a n notes h o w c o n s u m e r c o n d u c t steadily
m o v e s into the simultaneous position of the cognitive a n d m o r a l focus
of life, a m o u n t i n g to w h a t is, in effect, the integrative b o n d of society:
' C o n s u m e r freedom has m o v e d in - first p e r h a p s as a squatter, but
m o r e a n d m o r e as a legitimate resident. It n o w takes o v e r the crucial
role of the link which fastens together the lifeworlds of the individual
agents a n d the purposeful rationality of the s y s t e m ' (1988: 8 0 7 ) .
A r g u i n g that there might at least be s o m e truth in this proposition,
the question I will be considering t h r o u g h o u t this book is c o n c e r n e d
with the actual consequences of c o n s u m p t i o n as a significant force in
the construction of c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of social life. In effect, w h a t I
a m suggesting here is that an a g e n d a for a sociology of c o n s u m e r i s m
should be focused u p o n the e v e r y d a y expressions of c o n s u m e r i s m a n d
h o w those expressions reflect the relationship b e t w e e n s t r u c t u r e a n d
agency. I will a r g u e that this is a n i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t , largely

b e c a u s e the sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n h a s b e c o m e p r e o c c u p i e d with
w h a t a m o u n t to u n b a l a n c e d , overgeneralized a n d u n c o n t e x t u a l i z e d
discussions of the c o n s u m p t i o n question a n d m o r e recently the culture
of c o n s u m p t i o n . In effect, c o m m e n t a t o r s in the field h a v e failed to
contextualize the situated e v e r y d a y manifestations of c o n s u m e r i s m as a
w a y of life.
T h e p r o b l e m s e e m s to lie in a n a p p a r e n t t e m p t a t i o n o n the p a r t of
sociologists of c o n s u m p t i o n to a d o p t a structural conception of the
i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n or, at the other e n d of the s p e c t r u m , a liberal
e c o n o m i c choice a p p r o a c h that tends to see c o n s u m p t i o n as a free
expression of people's w a n t s o r as a n explosion of creative indi-
vidualism. In effect, as Miller ( 1 9 9 5 ) suggests, this a m o u n t s to a division
b e t w e e n those w h o see c o n s u m p t i o n as bad a n d those w h o see it as good;
thus, b e t w e e n theorists s u c h as H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o (1973), w h o
feel that in a m a s s society c o n s u m e r s a r e c o m p e l l e d to b u y a n d use its
p r o d u c t s despite seeing t h r o u g h t h e m , a n d those a t the other e n d of the
s p e c t r u m w h o see c o n s u m p t i o n as freedom-inducing a n d liberating. A s
such, S w i n g e w o o d (1977) disputes H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o ' s (1973)
claim that capitalist culture h a s d e g e n e r a t e d into 'barbaric m e a n -
inglessness'; preferring to a r g u e that the capitalist e c o n o m y h a s actually
achieved u n p r e c e d e n t e d pinnacles of cultural richness O n a scale
unparalleled in h u m a n history' ( S w i n g e w o o d , 1977: ix). F r o m this point
of view, the m a r k e t is seen to offer infinite f r e e d o m s , o n e unleashed
freedom leading o n to a n o t h e r (see K i n g d o m , 1992). C o n s u m p t i o n is
therefore celebrated as a s o u r c e of p e r p e t u a l creativity a n d e m p o w e r -
ment. This is a n a p p r o a c h s y n o n y m o u s with the political right, both in
Britain a n d the U S A d u r i n g the 1 9 8 0 s a n d into the 1990s. P e r h a p s o n e of
the m o s t distinctive thinkers on this issue w a s Milton F r i e d m a n , w h o
s a w choice as an e n d in its o w n right: ' W h e n y o u vote daily in the
s u p e r m a r k e t , y o u get precisely w h a t y o u v o t e d for, a n d so does
e v e r y o n e else. T h e ballot b o x p r o d u c e s conformity w i t h o u t unanimity;
the m a r k e t p l a c e , u n a n i m i t y w i t h o u t conformity' ( F r i e d m a n a n d Fried-
m a n , 1980: 6 5 - 6 ) .
A s I s u g g e s t e d a b o v e , there is n o straightforward a n s w e r to the
d i l e m m a as to w h i c h of these t w o e x t r e m e a p p r o a c h e s is 'correct'.
C o n s u m e r i s m is far m o r e c o m p l i c a t e d a n d far less clear c u t than either
of these positions allows. But given the fact that sociologists a r e
increasingly c o m i n g to a c c e p t that c o n s u m p t i o n h a s s o m e sort of
significant influence o n the m a i n t e n a n c e of o u r life e x p e r i e n c e in the
late twentieth-century d e v e l o p e d w o r l d , it is a g r e a t s h a m e that v e r y
limited p r o g r e s s s e e m s to h a v e been m a d e in pinpointing exactly h o w
c o n s u m p t i o n serves to constrain, or indeed enable, o u r e v e r y d a y lives.
Gabriel a n d L a n g (1995) a r g u e , as I h a v e elsewhere (Miles, 1 9 9 5 , 1996),
that s u c h p r o b l e m s a r e characteristic of a failure to m a r r y varieties of
c o n c e p t u a l a n d disciplinary a p p r o a c h e s to questions of c o n s u m p t i o n .
34 CONSUMERISM
There a r e n o straightforward m e a n s of analysing the p r o s a n d cons of

a c o n s u m e r lifestyle. The c o n s u m i n g experience is in itself essentially
abstract in the sense that it is simply not possible to m a p the e x a c t
relationship between c o n s u m p t i o n as a fulfilling individual experience
a n d c o n s u m e r i s m as an ideological p h e n o m e n o n . All w e c a n d o is o u r
u t m o s t in attempting to u n d e r s t a n d the actual experience of con-
s u m e r i s m in situated settings, for it is in these settings that w e a r e m o s t
likely to c o m e to t e r m s with the m e a n i n g s c o n s u m e r s e n d o w in their
experience of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. Only then c a n the
p a r a d o x e s characterizing c o n s u m e r i s m in the late twentieth-century
developed w o r l d be fully understood. This book c a n n o t in itself achieve
such a goal, but it c a n a t t e m p t to discuss critically at least s o m e aspects
of e v e r y d a y life in w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to play a key role.
In this chapter I h a v e presented brief, thumb-nail sketches of s o m e of
the major a p p r o a c h e s to questions of consumption. In bringing this
chapter to a close I w a n t to suggest that the key to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of
the sociological significance of c o n s u m e r i s m lies in a c o n c e r t e d effort to
bridge the g a p between e c o n o m i c , cultural a n d psychological aspects of
c o n s u m e r i s m . Such an ambition is only attainable if c o n s u m e r capital-
ism is considered in context as lived experience. After extending this
debate in C h a p t e r 3 t h r o u g h a discussion of the role of design in
c o n s u m e r culture, in the following five c h a p t e r s I intend to a d d r e s s the
social i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m in five thematic spheres of social life:
s p a c e a n d place; technology; fashion; p o p u l a r music; a n d sport. F r o m
this basis, I h o p e to analyse the sociological implications of c o n s u m e r -
ism as a m e a n s by w h i c h social life is constructed, considering the key
role played by ideological dimensions of c o n s u m e r i s m as I d o so.
Recommended reading
Robert Bocock (1993) Consumption. London: Routledge. A useful summary of

historical and theoretical aspects of consumption.
Pierre Bourdieu (1984) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. One of the key contributions to the
emerging debates concerning the sociological significance of consumption.
Colin Campbell (1987) The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism.
Oxford: Blackwell. This usefully marries an analysis of the role of
consumption in the emergence of the Romantic movement with Weberian
theory.
Helga Dittmar (1992) The Social Psychology of Material Possessions: To Have is to Be.
Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. An insightful analysis of the social
psychological impact of consumer goods.
Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood (1979) The World of Goods: Towards an
Anthropology of Consumption. London: Allen Lane. The classic anthropological
assessment of consumption.
Mike Featherstone (1991) Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London: Sage. An
important contribution that helped to prioritize the key role played by

consumerism in a so-called postmodern world.
A comprehensive compendium which does well to illustrate the diversities
characteristic of consumer experience.
Frederic Jameson (1984) 'Postmodernism, or the cultural logic of late capitalism',
New Left Review, 146: 5 3 - 9 3 . A key essay that calls for a consideration of
postmodernism in its socio-economic context.
Martyn Lee (1993) Consumer Culture Reborn: The Cultural Politics of Consumption.
London: Routledge. A particularly useful economistic analysis of what
constitutes a commodity.
Peter Lunt and Sonia Livingstone (1992) Mass Consumption and Personal Identity.
Buckingham: Open University Press. Valuable for its attempt to consider the
consumption/identity relationship through empirical lenses.
David Lyon (1994) Postmodernity. Buckingham: Open University Press. Includes
a particularly useful chapter on the relationship between consumption and
postmodernity.
Karl Marx (1990) Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Vol. 1. 2nd edn, trans.
Ben Fowkes. Harmondsworth: Penguin. A classical work (originally
published 1867) which identifies the sociological and ideological significance
of the commodity.
Peter Saunders (1981) Social Theory and the Urban Question. London: Hutchinson.
This brought consumption well and truly into the sociological arena in the
context of urban sociology.
Georg Simmel (1957) 'Fashion', in American Journal of Sociology, 62: 541-8. A
useful insight into how consumption and, in particular, fashion mediates
social life (originally published 1904).
Thorstein Veblen (1994) The Theory of the Leisure Class. London: Constable. One
of the first authors to highlight the way in which consumption is used as a
social marker (originally published 1899).
3
DESIGN FOR LIFE OR CONSUMPTION

DESIGNED?
The key theoretical issue arising out of C h a p t e r s 1 a n d 2 centres on

w h e t h e r a c o n s u m e r culture e n c o u r a g e s individual freedom a n d
expression or whether it actually serves painstakingly to c o n s t r u c t the
p a r a m e t e r s within which people c o n s u m e . In effect, d o w e as c o n -
s u m e r s design our o w n lifestyles or a r e those lifestyles designed for us?
A s a m e a n s of bringing this question into m o r e direct focus, I will
concentrate in this chapter on the role of design in c o n t e m p o r a r y society.
I h a v e chosen to focus specifically on the question of design b e c a u s e
in m a n y w a y s design a p p e a r s to be symbolic of the i m p a c t of con-
s u m e r i s m on c o n t e m p o r a r y society a n d , as such, highlights debates
concerning the substance or superficiality of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of
life.
Although on the surface the n a t u r e of design m a y a p p e a r to be
relatively inconsequential, it m i g h t well be said to play a formative role
in the history of capitalism and, in turn, in the social expression of
capitalist practices. In this context, the unfortunate t e n d e n c y to limit
design to a purely artistic activity has ' m a d e it s e e m trivial a n d
relegated it to the status of a m e r e cultural a p p e n d i x ' (Forty, 1986: 6 ) .
The suggestion here is that design does indeed play a key role in
maintaining c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life a n d that, by considering the
i m p a c t of design in s o m e detail, it m a y begin to be possible to c o m e to
terms with the complexities inherent in any sociological analysis of the
d a y - t o - d a y nature of c o n s u m e r culture.
Design, like c o n s u m p t i o n , is ubiquitous. E v e r y w h e r e w e turn as
c o n s u m e r s , the i m p a c t of design is evident: from the design of a
g r a n d i o s e set at a p a r t y political conference or convention to the design
of 'corporate' university logos. Is this a c a s e of style o v e r substance?
H a s o u r society got so carried a w a y with c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life
that the actual substance that constitutes that life - an effective political
a g e n d a for improving our e v e r y d a y lives, p e r h a p s , or a university
c u r r i c u l u m that provides us with a stimulating a n d t h o u g h t - p r o v o k i n g
DESIGN FOR LIFE OR CONSUMPTION DESIGNED? 37
e d u c a t i o n - has b e c o m e immaterial? Does the i m m e d i a c y of g o o d

design o v e r r i d e the substance of m o d e r n or p o s t m o d e r n life? C a n w e ,
i n d e e d , a c c e p t S p a r k e ' s ( 1 9 8 6 : x i x ) j u d g e m e n t t h a t ' d e s i g n is
characterized b y a d u a l alliance with both m a s s p r o d u c t i o n a n d m a s s
c o n s u m p t i o n a n d that these p h e n o m e n a h a v e d e t e r m i n e d nearly all its
manifestations'.
O n e line of t h o u g h t is that the obsession with style a n d design w a s a
1980s p h e n o m e n o n a n d that, in the caring, sharing nineties, labels,
lifestyle accessories a n d design-led p r o d u c t s a n d services h a v e b e c o m e
a thing of the p a s t (see Inglehart, 1990). In effect, w e h a v e c o m e to live
in a post-materialist a g e w h e r e the superficiality of d e s i g n for design's
sake a n d , indeed, c o n s u m p t i o n for c o n s u m p t i o n ' s sake has been
e x p o s e d for the c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e social trend it a l w a y s w a s .
In the a b o v e context, I will begin this c h a p t e r b y considering how
design emerged historically. I will then discuss t w o specific a r e a s of
design: the Sony Walkman a n d Levi jeans. I will then ask whether there is
any such thing as 'green design . Debates c o n c e r n i n g the greening of
design should be able to tell us something a b o u t the role of c o n s u m e r -
ism in c o n t e m p o r a r y society. I will then m o v e on to consider w h e t h e r or
not design is merely an expression of postmodernism. Finally, I will c o m e to
an overall conclusion about the role of design in the e v e r y d a y
construction of a c o n s u m e r society, using this as a s p r i n g b o a r d from
w h i c h I c a n i n t r o d u c e the series of case studies that I present
t h r o u g h o u t the r e m a i n d e r of the book.
The emergence of design
The historical e m e r g e n c e of design is discussed particularly effectively

by Sparke (1986) a n d Whiteley ( 1 9 9 3 ) , both of w h o m note that, while
early d e v e l o p m e n t s in industrial p r o d u c t i o n w e r e m o r e c o n c e r n e d with
utility than design, d u r i n g the twentieth c e n t u r y d e s i g n g r a d u a l l y c a m e
to play a m o r e f u n d a m e n t a l role in the desirability a n d saleability of a
p r o d u c t . In particular, as Sparke (1986) suggests, the e c o n o m i c d e m a n d s
of industrial capitalism d e p e n d e d u p o n the c o n s t a n t c o n s u m p t i o n of
g o o d s a n d it is in this context that design c a m e into its o w n , p r o v i d i n g
the variation that w a s so essential to the d e v e l o p m e n t of a capitalist
e c o n o m y . In this context, far from being static o v e r the p a s t century, the
m e a n i n g of 'design' h a s shifted along with the evolution of c o n s u m e r
culture as a whole.
Sparke (1986) suggests that it w a s d u r i n g the latter y e a r s of the
nineteenth c e n t u r y w h e n the u s e of electricity b e c a m e m o r e w i d e s p r e a d
in Britain, thereby underlining increased m e c h a n i z a t i o n , that the variety
of a r e a s of c o n s u m p t i o n available to the c o n s u m e r b e c a m e e x t e n d e d .
Such d e v e l o p m e n t s o c c u r r e d alongside the social c h a n g e s that necessi-
tated them: 'For these n e w c o n s u m e r s a p p e a r a n c e a n d life-style w e r e
38 CONSUMERISM
b e c o m i n g increasingly i m p o r t a n t a n d this pointed the w a y to p r o d u c t s

becoming a m e a n s of offering them style and social status which, in
turn, called for increased p r o d u c t elaboration' (Sparke, 1986: 12). The
second half of the nineteenth century w a s therefore a b o o m period in
the history of consumption, and design b e c a m e a legitimate m e a n s of
sustaining a n d e x p a n d i n g m a r k e t s . W h e r e a s in the e a r l y d a y s
c o n s u m e r s in general w e r e u n e d u c a t e d about questions of style a n d
taste, a n d production w a s able to concentrate on speed a n d o n saving
costs, the meanings invested in c o n s u m p t i o n gradually c h a n g e d until,
by the turn of the twentieth century, status symbolism b e g a n to h a v e a
m o r e influential role in the construction of middle- a n d working-class
lifestyles.
A s noted in C h a p t e r 1, industrialists such as H e n r y F o r d p r o m o t e d a
s t a n d a r d i z e d aesthetic w h e r e b y m a s s taste could be e d u c a t e d to a c c e p t
m a s s - p r o d u c e d p r o d u c t s such as the F o r d Model Τ (see Sparke, 1986:
10). In this context, Whiteley (1993) a r g u e s that the late 1920s, m o s t
notably in the U S A , represented a turning point in the e m e r g e n c e of
design. It w a s at this time that the industrial strategy of aiming for
g r a d u a l a n d constant i m p r o v e m e n t t o w a r d s technical perfection g a v e
w a y to a m o r e t h o r o u g h g o i n g a n d a r g u a b l y cynical policy a i m e d at
continual stylistic c h a n g e in o r d e r to stimulate sales a n d profits. In this
respect, the A m e r i c a n c a r industry of the 1920s a n d 1 9 3 0 s played a key
role, as m a n u f a c t u r e r s s a w the e c o n o m i c benefits of giving their p r o -
ducts 'eye appeal' or 'added value' (see Whiteley, 1993; 13). Whiteley
describes this as a process of ' c o n s u m e r engineering'. By streamlining
the cars they p r o d u c e d , m a n u f a c t u r e r s w e r e matching c o n s u m e r s to
p r o d u c t s , rather than p r o d u c t s to c o n s u m e r s . A s such, the c a r industry
w a s the first to realize the profits that could be m a d e in p r o m o t i n g
short-term, three-year p r o d u c t cycles within which major style c h a n g e s
could be introduced, thereby perpetuating a mentality on the p a r t of
c o n s u m e r s that they should be looking to b u y a n e w c a r triennially
(Whiteley, 1993).
The point here is that, as far as the evolution of c o n s u m e r capitalism
is c o n c e r n e d , style w a s simply not e n o u g h on its own. It h a d to g o h a n d
in h a n d with profit, hence the need for c o m p u l s o r y obsolescence.
C o m p u l s o r y obsolescence is the foundation-stone of the m o d e r n design
industry a n d involves the intentional design of p r o d u c t s for s h o r t - t e r m
use. In other w o r d s , designers e n s u r e a constant d e m a n d for n e w
p r o d u c t s by intentionally designing p r o d u c t s with limited life-spans.
This temporality is most noticeably enforced t h r o u g h the design of
intensively designed fashion g o o d s which almost inevitably lose their
appeal to c o n s u m e r s within t w o o r three years. The intriguing p a r t of
this equation is that the p o w e r in this relationship, at least from one
point of view, is still with the c o n s u m e r in the sense that if h e or she n o
longer desires a p r o d u c t he or she will not b u y it. T h r o u g h c o m p u l s o r y
obsolescence, h o w e v e r , the designer m a k e s the act of p u r c h a s e m o r e of
a probability than a possibility. In this e n v i r o n m e n t , W h i t e l e y quotes

H a r l e y J. Earl (1959: 7 9 ) w h o a r g u e d that O u r job is to hasten obso-
lescence. In 1 9 3 4 the a v e r a g e c a r o w n e r s h i p s p a n w a s five years; n o w it
is t w o years. W h e n it is one year, w e will h a v e a perfect score.' Design,
then, w a s e m e r g i n g as an industry intent o n stimulating d e m a n d ,
regardless of the n e e d o n the p a r t of the c o n s u m e r , a n d yet it m a i n -
tained a s e m b l a n c e of d e m o c r a c y in the sense that, if o n e c o n s u m e r
t r a d e d in his or h e r c a r for the latest m o d e l , the old m o d e l could b e
passed o n d o w n the chain to those c o n s u m e r s w i t h less disposable
income.
By the 1950s, the U S A w a s well a h e a d of E u r o p e in e m b r a c i n g a
design-led c o n s u m e r culture. This state of affairs w a s reiterated b y a
process of A m e r i c a n i z a t i o n or 'Coca-colanization', w h e r e b y A m e r i c a n
p r o d u c t s a n d c o n s u m e r - b a s e d lifestyles w e r e held u p as the aspirational
ideal, notably t h r o u g h the i m a g e s p o r t r a y e d b y H o l l y w o o d (Sparke,
1986). Britain w a s u n d e r g o i n g considerable social c h a n g e at this time -
social c h a n g e that w a s e x a c e r b a t e d b y the s u d d e n a b u n d a n c e of
c o n s u m e r g o o d s that the U S A h a d e x p e r i e n c e d a b o u t 3 0 y e a r s earlier. A
thriving e c o n o m y a n d the fact that c o n s u m e r s h a d m o r e disposable
i n c o m e e n c o u r a g e d the d e v e l o p m e n t of a n increasingly eclectic m a r k e t -
place. T h e 1960s, symbolized b y the e m e r g e n c e of the Habitat lifestyles
stores in Britain, s a w a proliferation of this 'mass culture' o n both sides
of the Atlantic, notably as a result of the e x p a n s i o n of the m a s s m e d i a
(see Whiteley, 1993: 18). A s such, Sparke (1986) a r g u e s that design w a s
well a n d truly a p p r o p r i a t e d as o n e of c o n s u m e r society's major
c o m m u n i c a t i v e forces. In effect, then, design w a s a business strategy in
w h a t a m o u n t e d to a self-conscious a t t e m p t to give c o n s u m e r g o o d s
a d d e d value.
It w a s in this sort of socio-economic climate that c o n s u m e r i s m b e c a m e
a w a y of life. C o n s u m e r g o o d s b e c a m e fashionable a n d d e s i g n h a d a
fundamental role to p l a y in this process. I a m not a r g u i n g h e r e that
design alone h a d a formative role in structuring the n a t u r e of e v e r y d a y
life, b u t that design both reflected a n d reinforced the climate of the
times. This fits in w i t h Featherstone's (1991) description of the aesthetic-
ization of e v e r y d a y life w h i c h I discussed in C h a p t e r 2. Design h a d a n
i m p o r t a n t role in ensuring that s u c h social c h a n g e w a s possible. The
v a l u e of a c o n s u m e r a n d design-oriented life w a s r a p i d l y being dis-
s e m i n a t e d t h r o u g h o u t society (see Barthel, 1989). In this context, Barthel
quotes F o r t y (1986: 6 ) w h o a r g u e s that ' F a r from being a neutral,
inoffensive artistic activity, design, b y its v e r y n a t u r e , h a s m u c h m o r e
e n d u r i n g effects than the e p h e m e r a l p r o d u c t s of the m e d i a b e c a u s e it
c a n cast ideas about w h o w e are a n d h o w w e should b e h a v e into
p e r m a n e n t a n d tangible forms.' In this respect, design h a s a n especially
i m p o r t a n t role in the visualization of class positions a n d status. Style,
a n d h e n c e the m e a n i n g s people invested in design, b e c a m e a social
v a l u e in its o w n right. In effect, style itself b e c a m e a c o m m o d i t y , a n e w
40 CONSUMERISM
w a y of selling old p r o d u c t s . C o n s u m e r s c a m e to b u y p r o d u c t s not

necessarily for w h a t they did but for w h a t they said about t h e m as
c o n s u m e r s . The role of design is therefore not to m e e t h u m a n n e e d s but
to create a n d stimulate those needs in increasingly diverse w a y s . In
o r d e r to illustrate this point I w a n t v e r y briefly to consider the design of
t w o particular types of c o n s u m e r goods: the Sony W a l k m a n , as
discussed by d u G a y et al. (1997), a n d Levi jeans, as represented in the
w o r k of Fiske (1989).
The Sony Walkman
Paul d u G a y et al. (1997) present an illuminating analysis of all aspects

of the Sony W a l k m a n ' s p r o d u c t i o n a n d consumption. T h e y a r g u e that
the W a l k m a n is closely allied to the culture of late m o d e r n i t y t h r o u g h
the n a t u r e of its design. The W a l k m a n is designed to be w o r n as a
lightweight a p p e n d a g e to the h u m a n b o d y t h r o u g h w h i c h a n individual
c a n express aspects of his or her self-image. Describing it as a n 'exten-
sion of the skin', d u G a y et al. g o o n to a r g u e that the Sony W a l k m a n is
also designed for mobility, as a required piece of e q u i p m e n t for the
m o d e r n 'self-sufficient u r b a n v o y a g e r ' ( d u G a y et al., 1997: 2 3 ) . Such
mobility is also apparently symbolic of the social mobility of m o d e r n
life in general a n d the w a y in w h i c h individual choice a n d flexibility h a s
b e c o m e increasingly a p p a r e n t in the e v e r y d a y experience of m o d e r n
societies.
In this context, Sony presents itself as a design-led c o r p o r a t i o n a n d
particular efforts a r e m a d e to e n c o u r a g e c o n s u m e r s to identify with its
p r o d u c t s . This is reflected in the w a y in w h i c h the Sony W a l k m a n has
constantly reinvented itself since its first incarnation in 1 9 7 9 . Paul d u
G a y et al. (1997: 66; original emphasis) point out that the W a l k m a n h a d
far b r o a d e r appeal than the c o m p a n y originally thought:
Gradually, as Walkman sales increased worldwide it was not simply

representations of the Walkman that began to change but the very look' and
'feel' of the product itself. In other words, Sony shifted from registering the
increasing diversity of consumer use through changes in its advertising and
marketing materials alone to inscribing those changes onto the 'body' of the
Walkman itself, through changes in its design. Instead of a single Walkman
model sold worldwide, Sony began to customize the product, targeting
different sorts of Walkman at different consumer markets or niches. Or to put
it another way, Sony began to lifestyle the Walkman.
In other w o r d s , Sony c a m e to realize the benefits to b e gained from

tailoring a n d designing the W a l k m a n a c c o r d i n g to the lifestyle specifi-
cations of a specific m a r k e t segment. In fact, the W a l k m a n is currently
available in o v e r seven h u n d r e d versions w o r l d w i d e ( d u G a y et al.,

1997). M o r e specifically, d u G a y et al. g o on to discuss the ' M y First
Sony' r a n g e , a p r i m a r y intention of w h i c h w a s to build b r a n d loyalty
a m o n g y o u n g c o n s u m e r s . T h e m a r k e t i n g of this r a n g e w a s focused on
middle-class p a r e n t s . In this context, d u G a y et al. a r g u e that the actual
design of the ' M y First Sony' r a n g e p l a y e d a crucial role. Interestingly,
they g o as far a s to maintain, a n d this is a key point, that s u c h design
operates o n the c u s p of p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n . T h u s , this p a r -
ticular type of W a l k m a n h a d to be m a d e durable e n o u g h to suit the
needs of y o u n g children while allowing t h e m to establish their o w n
identities o r looks t h r o u g h the p r o d u c t . A s well as p r o d u c i n g a n
effective p r o d u c t , Sony also observed the b e h a v i o u r of p a r e n t s a n d
children at first h a n d in o r d e r to finalize decisions a b o u t p r o d u c t
construction, p a c k a g i n g a n d visual presentation. In effect, 'through the
d e p l o y m e n t of their particular "symbolic" expertise, designers m a d e a
series of p r o d u c t s achieve a new register of meaning' (du G a y et al., 1997:
69; original e m p h a s i s ) . T h e issue at stake here, then, centres o n h o w far
such m e a n i n g is c r e a t e d b y the c o n s u m e r a n d h o w far it is the con-
struction of the p r o d u c e r w h o , in effect, a p p e a r s actively t o g o about
convincing the c o n s u m e r that h e or she constructs s u c h m e a n i n g h i m or
herself.
Jeans and the 'designer fallacy'
In o r d e r t o d e v e l o p this point, I w a n t briefly to consider jeans a s a n o t h e r

e x a m p l e of a designed a n d often designer, item, particularly with
reference to the w o r k of Fiske (1989). During a n informal exercise
u n d e r t a k e n with students, Fiske asked w h a t m e a n i n g s p e o p l e h a d for
their jeans a n d m a n y p e o p l e a r g u e d that their jeans g a v e t h e m the
'freedom to be myself' (Fiske, 1989: 2 ) . Fiske points out that the p a r a d o x
h e r e is that the desire to b e oneself e n c o u r a g e s c o n s u m e r s t o p u r c h a s e
a n d w e a r the s a m e p r o d u c t as e v e r y b o d y else. In this context, p o p u l a r
culture a p p e a r s to b e inherently c o n t r a d i c t o r y in the sense that it
e x p r e s s e s aspects of d o m i n a t i o n (for e x a m p l e , of c o n s u m e r i s m ) a n d
resistance (for e x a m p l e , b y using the w a r e s of c o n s u m e r i s m s u c h as
jeans in a resistant fashion, i.e. r i p p e d jeans). Fiske ( 1 9 8 9 ) a r g u e s that
jeans a r e semiotically rich a n d therefore p r o v i d e a rich s o u r c e of
potential m e a n i n g s . T h e point h e r e is that it is not necessarily the actual
design of the jeans themselves, but the perception of that d e s i g n that is
important. M a n u f a c t u r e r s c a n therefore b e said to exploit the feeling on
the p a r t of c o n s u m e r s that their particular design of jeans serves their
o w n n e e d s w h e n in fact one pair of jeans is v e r y m u c h like a n y other.
M a r k e t e r s a p p e a r to target specific social g r o u p s in o r d e r to c r e a t e
niches in the m a r k e t , thereby m a x i m i z i n g their profits. B y creating a
society d e p e n d e n t u p o n the exploitation of undifferentiated design -
42 CONSUMERISM
design w h i c h is l a u d e d as individualistic w h e n it is patently not -

c o n s u m e r capitalism is able to r e p r o d u c e itself.
Fiske considers a particular a d v e r t i s e m e n t for Levi 5 0 1 s w h i c h
p o r t r a y s three y o u n g people in a r u n - d o w n city street w h o a r e sharing
the hard-living lives they h a v e been b o r n into. His a r g u m e n t is that the
a d v e r t i s e m e n t simultaneously expresses an underlying c u r r e n t of living
t h r o u g h this h a r d life and succeeding as an individual, despite all the
o d d s . In other w o r d s , this a d v e r t i s e m e n t reinforces the ideologies of
meritocratic capitalism; the idea that w h a t e v e r y o u r station in life, the
opportunities p r o v i d e d by capitalism, a n d in particular by c o n s u m e r
capitalism, m e a n that anything is possible (Fiske, 1 9 8 9 ; 5 - 6 ) . W h a t is
crucial here, then, is that the design of the jeans, as well as the
advertising that sells the jeans, b e c o m e a vehicle for the m a x i m i z a t i o n of
profit a n d the perpetuation of the c o n s u m e r i s t ideal.
Jeans are no longer, if they ever were, a generic denim garment. Like all
commodities, they are given brand names that compete among each other for
specific segments of the market. Manufacturers try to identify social
differences and then to construct equivalent differences in the product so
that social differentiation and product differentiation become mapped onto
each other. (Fiske, 1989: 6)
In other w o r d s , c o n s u m e r capitalism actively creates the illusion that

there a r e differentiations in design b e t w e e n p r o d u c t s . T h e differences in
design between alternative types of jeans, b e t w e e n m a k e s of jeans a n d
types of jeans m a d e by a single m a n u f a c t u r e r , a r e often quite m i n o r in
n a t u r e a n d a r e arguably m o r e the p r o d u c t of advertising a n d m a r k e t i n g
t h a n design itself.
In this sense, the cultural value of designer clothing is vastly e x a g -
gerated b y c o n s u m e r s w h o r e a d m e a n i n g s off s u c h g o o d s a c c o r d i n g to
their interpretation of the d o m i n a n t m o d e of cultural capital. In this
context, I c o n d u c t e d s o m e r e s e a r c h into the relationship b e t w e e n y o u t h
c o n s u m p t i o n a n d the construction of identity (Miles, 1 9 9 5 , 1996). The
results gleaned from a ' C o n s u m e r Meanings Questionnaire', c o m p l e t e d
b y a p p r o x i m a t e l y three h u n d r e d y o u n g people, illustrated the sig-
nificance that designer labels p l a y e d in y o u n g people's lives. Several of
m y r e s p o n d e n t s identified V e r s a c e suits as a c o n s u m e r g o o d w h i c h
g a v e t h e m particular pleasure. The question w h e t h e r o r not y o u n g
people c o u l d actually afford to b u y a design-intensive suit costing
h u n d r e d s of p o u n d s a n d w h e t h e r their p a r e n t s w o u l d indeed sanction
s u c h a p u r c h a s e is an interesting one. T h e possibility that these
particular a n s w e r s w e r e fabricated c a n n o t be dismissed. But w h a t is
i m p o r t a n t h e r e is the fact that a culture h a s e m e r g e d w h e r e designer
labels c a n c o m m a n d a significant d e g r e e of cultural capital w h i c h
y o u n g people themselves are keen to t a p into in o r d e r t o establish their
identities in c o m m u n a l settings, regardless of their ability to p u r c h a s e .
W h a t is also interesting here, a n d s o m e t h i n g I discuss further in

C h a p t e r 6 in the c o n t e x t of fashion, is that, as Sparke ( 1 9 8 6 ) a r g u e s ,
designer labels offer the c o n s u m e r nothing m o r e t h a n run-of-the-mill
b r a n d s with fancy n a m e s . C o n s u m e r i s m is s a f e g u a r d e d b y w h a t I
describe as a 'designer fallacy'. C o n s u m e r s a r e e n c o u r a g e d to b e c o m e
m e m b e r s of a c o n s u m e r society by p u r c h a s i n g g o o d s p r i m a r i l y
t h r o u g h the attraction of superficial differentiations in design. L e v i 5 0 1 s
are essentially the s a m e as a n y other pair of jeans that a r e m a d e
available o n the m a r k e t p l a c e . C o n s u m e r s c o n v i n c e t h e m s e l v e s that 5 0 1 s
are better d e s i g n e d a n d of a higher quality t h a n their c o m p e t i t o r s
w h e n w h a t in fact s e p a r a t e s t h e m from the c o m p e t i t o r s is m e r e l y the
a d d e d - v a l u e a p p e a l of Levi's a s a lifestyle p r o d u c t . W h a t this m e a n s as
far as design is c o n c e r n e d is that:
Every product, to be successful, must incorporate the ideas that make it

marketable, and the particular task of design is to bring about the conjunction
between such ideas and the available means of production. The result of this
process is that manufactured goods embody innumerable myths about the
world, myths which in time come to seem as real as the products in which
they are embedded. (Forty, 1986: 9)
T h e intention of design a n d aspects of the p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s associ-

ated with design, s u c h as advertising, is therefore to alter the w a y in
w h i c h c o n s u m e r s see c o m m o d i t i e s . It is in this r e s p e c t that design h a s
increasingly c o m e to be p e r c e i v e d negatively in so far as it is often
a c c u s e d of being responsible for the v a s t excesses of c o n s u m e r i s m ,
notably d u r i n g the 1980s. In this sense, design 'has c o m e to i m p l y
spurious value, cynical manipulation, the justification of inflated p r i c e
t h r o u g h a false impression of status a n d exclusivity' ( C o n r a n , 1996: 17).
C o n r a n goes o n to defend design, a r g u i n g that questions of m a r k e t i n g
a n d styling often get confused with design w h i c h is, in fact, a m o r e
fundamental p r o c e s s . Design, a r g u e s C o n r a n , brings w i t h it choice a n d
with choice c o m e s freedom. F r o m this point of v i e w , design is a
d e m o c r a t i c p r o c e s s , a p r o c e s s that far from pulling the w o o l o v e r the
eyes of a gullible public actually allows c o n s u m e r s to v o t e w i t h their
wallets. T h u s , it c a n be a r g u e d that:
Design can offer something beyond the chink of coins in the till or the rising
curve of a sales graph. As well as promoting turnover, good design can be a
progressive force, creating a momentum of confidence and a 'feel good' factor
which bolsters a society's - or a company's - image of itself. (Conran, 1996:
21)
This point raises a n interesting question: c a n the p o w e r of design b e

actively h a r n e s s e d to p r o m o t e the e m e r g e n c e of a n e w t y p e of society?
By considering this question in the c o n t e x t of d e b a t e s o v e r 'green
44 CONSUMERISM
design' I h o p e to construct a critical basis for addressing the role that

c o n s u m e r i s m plays as a w a y of life in c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r societies.
Is there s u c h a thing as 'green d e s i g n ' ?
The debate as to whether design c a n be harnessed for the benefit of the

planet as a whole provides an interesting angle on the relationship
between c o n s u m e r i s m and design. In this respect, the w o r k of t w o
authors, P a p a n e k (1995) and Whiteley (1993), are of particular interest.
P a p a n e k a r g u e s that design needs to b e c o m e m o r e environmentally a n d
socially progressive a n d that c o n s u m e r s ' attitudes and lifestyles need to
be radically altered if the r a v a g e s of c o n s u m e r i s m are to be contained.
H e therefore points out that the continued progression of the world's
population, and thus of production, c o n s u m p t i o n a n d waste, c a m o u -
flages the fact that one-quarter of h u m a n i t y experiences the benefits of
c o n s u m e r i s m at the e x p e n s e of the remaining three-quarters. A s such,
'unless w e learn to cut back dramatically a n d at once, a n d d e m o n s t r a t e
by example that the industrialized w o r l d c a n find frugal w a y s out of the
c o n s u m e r dilemma, all will be lost' (Papanek, 1995: 185).
In this context, P a p a n e k a r g u e s that design needs to take on a m o r e
h u m a n e face as part of a concerted c o m m i t m e n t to a d e e p spiritual
c o n c e r n for the planet, the e n v i r o n m e n t a n d its people. A s such, in the
late twentieth century, designers find themselves w o r k i n g in increas-
ingly p a r a d o x i c a l situations. While the intention of design has tradi-
tionally been to stimulate d e m a n d t h r o u g h obsolescence a n d fashion,
n o w a d a y s designers are finding themselves u n d e r m o r e p r e s s u r e to
design things that will last a n d yet can also be recycled a n d reused.
W h a t P a p a n e k wants to e m e r g e , then, is a n e w aesthetic w h e r e con-
s u m e r s a r e m o r e knowledgeable about the things they c o n s u m e a n d
w h e r e they can use that knowledge in o r d e r to m a k e repairs w h e n
necessary, while also reducing waste.
Similarly, Whiteley (1993) a r g u e s that the role of design in c o n t e m -
p o r a r y society is essential in r e p r o d u c i n g a socio-economic system that
a s s u m e s limitless g r o w t h and a continual state of desire. In this sense,
Whiteley a r g u e s that it is disingenuous to talk about 'consumer-led'
design i n a s m u c h as it is marketing and not c o n s u m e r s that are the
driving force behind design and, in this respect, 'The choice that
consumer-led design offers m a y be attractive, but it is often phoney'
(Whiteley, 1993; 3 7 ) . Whiteley goes on to a r g u e that the w o r d 'green'
has often been used by designers as little m o r e than a marketing ploy
a n d that, though the needs of the 'green c o n s u m e r ' a p p e a r e d to h a v e an
increasingly high profile during the 1980s, this blip represents little
m o r e than the t e m p o r a r y exploitation of yet another c o n s u m e r niche. In
a n y real sense, the 'green c o n s u m e r ' is a c o n s u m e r first a n d green
second. The B o d y Shop, which p r o d u c e s environmentally and ethically
green cosmetics, is a g o o d e x a m p l e of a c o m p a n y that p u r p o r t s to b e

green. H o w e v e r , the B o d y Shop m u s t inevitably o p e r a t e as p a r t of the
cosmetics i n d u s t r y as a w h o l e a n d thus m u s t , at least to a certain extent,
prioritize financial profits before ecological c o n c e r n s . A cynic m i g h t
a r g u e that e v e n c o m p a n i e s with credentials as g r e e n a s the B o d y Shop
h a v e d o n e nothing m o r e than discover a n d exploit p r e v i o u s l y u n d e r -
explored opportunities in the m a r k e t p l a c e (see Whiteley, 1993: 5 9 ) .
Whiteley's a r g u m e n t is that the w o r l d of c o n s u m e r i s m w e live in
e n c o u r a g e s the c o n s u m p t i o n of u n n e c e s s a r y p r o d u c t s w h i c h w a s t e
h u m a n a n d m a t e r i a l r e s o u r c e s 'as well as contributing to a materialistic
a n d competitive ethic that increases p e r s o n a l a n x i e t y a n d stress' (1993:
60). It is in this sense that the notion of ' p r o g r e s s ' plays a p a r a m o u n t
role in the m a i n t e n a n c e of a c o n s u m e r society. A v a s t plethora of
overdesigned p r o d u c t s a r e offered to the c o n s u m e r w h o is p e r s u a d e d
that he or she n e e d s to b u y into n e w technology in o r d e r n o t to b e left
behind in a w o r l d of passive c o n s u m p t i o n w h e r e p r o a c t i v e respect for
the e n v i r o n m e n t is a long-lost goal (see C h a p t e r 5 ) . I n d e e d ,
the problem is that we can all be seduced by [design! modifications that make
a task slightly simpler and easier, but which thereby perpetuate the system of
consumerism. There is no single or definite answer to the question 'Do I need
this product or service?' because people - Greens included - have differing
values, expectations and visions of material and non-material standards. It is,
however, a question which needs to be continually asked. (Whiteley, 1993: 62)
The diversity of h u m a n beings a n d their opinions a b o u t the w o r l d a r e

a r g u a b l y exploited in the sense that c o n s u m e r i s m is p r e s e n t e d to t h e m
as the only legitimate w a y of life. A n y m o v e m e n t against that w a y of life
is m e r e l y s u b s u m e d within the capitalist s y s t e m as yet a n o t h e r m a r k e t
niche.
In this context, W h i t e l e y a r g u e s that, a l t h o u g h the designer m u s t
a s s u m e m o r e responsibility for w h a t h e o r she designs, this is not
a l w a y s possible w h e n designers h a v e to c o n t e n d with directive clients.
T h o u g h the e m e r g e n c e of a g r e e n aesthetic h a s b e e n held b a c k s o m e -
w h a t b y the p r o p a g a t i o n of g r e e n values b y all c o r n e r s of the m a r k e t -
place, Whiteley a r g u e s that there is n o r e a s o n that the lip-service w h i c h
is generally paid to g r e e n issues in the r e a l m of c o n s u m p t i o n should not
itself b e t r a n s f o r m e d into a w a y of life o r at least a n aesthetic, p a r t l y
t h r o u g h the influence of design a n d designers. In this respect, h e sees
p a c k a g i n g as a n a s p e c t of d e s i g n that d e m a n d s u r g e n t action. Ulti-
mately, a r g u e s Whiteley, marketing-led d e s i g n is shallow a n d irrespon-
sible. T h e p r o b l e m is that socially useful d e s i g n is n o t a m e n a b l e to
the imperatives of capitalism in that, as W h i t e l e y notes, it is often the
m a n u f a c t u r e r a n d not the c o n s u m e r (despite a n y illusions to the c o n -
trary) that h a s the real p o w e r in the m a r k e t p l a c e . M e a n w h i l e , the
pivotal role of designers as a focus for social c h a n g e is u n d e r m i n e d by
46 CONSUMERISM
the fact that they are equally vulnerable to c o m m e r c i a l r e w a r d as the

rest of us. Designers o p e r a t e in a w o r l d w h e r e the creation of wealth is a
p r i m e motivation. A s such, Whiteley (1993: 159) suggests that design
p r o v i d e s a snapshot of a society's priorities a n d values: 'If w e are to
distance ourselves from o u r condition in o r d e r to u n d e r s t a n d society's
values, w e need critically to e x a m i n e the relationship b e t w e e n design
a n d society. W e h a v e to r e m i n d ourselves that a cultural condition is
n o t natural, b u t socially, politically a n d economically constructed.' H e r e
Whiteley seems to be describing c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. His
i m a g e of c o n s u m e r society is o n e w h e r e h u m a n needs a r e constantly
created a n d w h e r e h u m a n desires are constantly stimulated. Thus, the
m a r k e t w h i c h is regenerated by the design profession p r o v i d e s a con-
stant s t r e a m of n e w or at least apparently n e w goods, thereby per-
petuating c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. F r o m this point of view, it
could well be a r g u e d that there is nothing m o r e to c o n s u m e r i s m than
the rapid c o n s u m p t i o n of surface i m a g e r y w h i c h is in fact p e r p e t u a t e d
b y symbolic differentiations in design.
D e s i g n as a n e x p r e s s i o n o f p o s t m o d e r n i s m
T h e above a r g u m e n t is closely related to the issues I raised in C h a p t e r 2

relating to debates about p o s t m o d e r n i s m . Postmodernists s u c h as
Baudrillard (1988) discuss the e m e r g e n c e of an increasingly eclectic
society in w h i c h w e c o n s u m e surfaces a n d not substance. T h u s , it m i g h t
b e a r g u e d that the c o n s u m e r is subject to s u c h a vast a r r a y of i m a g e r y -
i m a g e r y that is p e r p e t u a t e d b y the design industry - that reality itself
b e c o m e s unsettled so that eventually m e a n i n g itself e v a p o r a t e s . In this
c o n t e x t , B a u d r i l l a r d ' s ( 1 9 8 8 ) a n a l y s i s of h y p e r - r e a l i t y is w o r t h
considering in m o r e depth. Baudrillard a r g u e s that for too long cultural
dimensions of social relations h a v e been neglected a n d that the roots of
repression, w h i c h w e r e in fact m i s r e a d b y M a r x , actually lie in the
oppressive n a t u r e of the play of c o m m o d i t i e s as signs (see L e e , 1 9 9 3 ) . In
effect, then, the g o o d s p u r c h a s e d by c o n s u m e r s a r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d by
their 'hyper-reality', that is, the r e a l m of signs i n c o r p o r a t e d in those
g o o d s w h i c h are entirely unrelated to actual needs. W h a t is m o r e
i m p o r t a n t in a c o n s u m e r culture is the symbolic v a l u e of a c o n s u m e r
g o o d . It is therefore in the interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism to p r o m o t e
the symbolic value of g o o d s a n d h e n c e the p r i m a r y role of design. In
this Baudrillardian w o r l d of superficialities a n d surfaces the individual
is left to exist without a n y sense of the social to fall b a c k on. Social
classes a n d social g r o u p s b e c o m e irrelevant in a w o r l d w h e r e s p e c t a c u -
lar combinations of i m a g e r y b e c o m e m o r e i m p o r t a n t than reality itself.
A s L e e (1993) notes, Baudrillard sees the logic of sign-value as the g r e a t
final t r i u m p h of capitalism in its a t t e m p t to i m p o s e a cultural o r d e r
compatible with the d e m a n d s of large-scale c o m m o d i t y production.
Objects are categories of objects which quite tyrannically induce categories of

persons. They undertake the policing of social meanings, and the significations
they engender are controlled. Their proliferation, simultaneously arbitrary
and coherent, is the best vehicle for a social order, equally arbitrary and
coherent, to materialize itself effectively under the sign of affluence.
(Baudrillard, 1988: 16-17; emphasis added)
This is a n interesting a r g u m e n t a n d , t h o u g h Baudrillard c a n u n d o u b t -

edly b e c r i t i c i z e d for u n d e r e s t i m a t i n g the c r e a t i v e abilities of
c o n s u m e r s , w h a t h e d o e s d o is highlight h o w design m i g h t fit in to
an ideological m o d e l of c o n s u m e r i s m . There is a n a r g u m e n t for
suggesting that since the early 1980s, a n d possibly before, it is not
the actual n a t u r e of material g o o d s b u t the signs evident in s u c h g o o d s
that h a v e s e r v e d to a c c e n t u a t e o u r e x p e r i e n c e of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y
of life.
In o r d e r truly to u n d e r s t a n d the significance of design in a c o n s u m e r
society, it really n e e d s to b e considered in a b r o a d e r e c o n o m i c a n d
ideological context. T h e key point arising out of the a b o v e discussion is
that design a p p e a r s to p l a y a fundamental role in the active construction
of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. In this respect, a particularly useful
a p p r o a c h is that of L a s h a n d U r r y (1994) w h o a r g u e that the aesthetic
qualities of c o n s u m e r g o o d s h a v e c o m e to be prioritized in the
p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s , thereby giving the design c o m p o n e n t a n increas-
ingly i m p o r t a n t role in determining the v a l u e of g o o d s . But w h a t is
equally significant in this r e g a r d is the fact that the actual labour
process, the h u m a n investment in the p r o d u c t i o n of g o o d s , h a s simul-
taneously c o m e to p l a y a n increasingly m i n o r role in a d d i n g value to a
good. T h u s , multi-national c o m p a n i e s s p e n d millions of p o u n d s or
dollars o n r e s e a r c h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t ( R & D ) in o r d e r to e n s u r e that their
c o n s u m e r aesthetics a r e perfected a n d that design gives c o n s u m e r s
w h a t they w a n t or at least w h a t designers thinks they should w a n t . It
should not necessarily b e a s s u m e d , h o w e v e r , that this is a n entirely
negative p r o c e s s . L a s h a n d U r r y (1994) a r g u e that the individual
c o n s u m e r c a n b e c o m e a n a g e n t of aestheticization in so far as h e or she
is consulted b y m a n u f a c t u r e r s t h r o u g h the p r o c e s s of b r a n d i n g , for
instance. L a s h a n d U r r y therefore suggest that far f r o m being the
controlled d u p e of structural forces there is at least s o m e potential for
the individual to b e reflexive in the c o n t e x t of the aestheticization of
e v e r y d a y life. Ultimately, w e m a y live in a w o r l d s a t u r a t e d b y the
c o m m e r c i a l a n d design-led m a n i p u l a t i o n of i m a g e s w h i c h a r e intended
to t a p a n d create desires, b u t it should not b e a s s u m e d that individuals
c a n n o t b e a w a r e a n d critical of the s u r r o u n d i n g s in w h i c h this o c c u r s .
L a s h a n d U r r y ( 1 9 9 4 ) g o o n to a r g u e that the c u l t u r e industries, s u c h
as advertising, film, publishing, m u s i c a n d television, h a v e traditionally
been innovative a n d design-intensive a n d that w h a t is h a p p e n i n g t o d a y
is not that cultural p r o d u c t i o n is b e c o m i n g m o r e like c o m m o d i t y
48 CONSUMERISM
p r o d u c t i o n in the m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry, but rather that o r d i n a r y

m a n u f a c t u r i n g industry is b e c o m i n g m o r e and m o r e like the p r o d u c t i o n
of culture. In effect, the culture industries h a v e p r o v i d e d a template
from w h i c h an increasingly design-led industrial base h a s e m e r g e d .
P r o d u c t i o n has in this sense b e c o m e m o r e cultural in nature.
L a s h a n d U r r y therefore identify a de-differentiation of culture a n d
e c o n o m y w h e r e b y cultural industry firms are b e c o m i n g m o r e like
business services. N o w a d a y s all aspects of capitalism a p p e a r to be
e m p h a s i z i n g sign-value ( L a s h a n d U r r y , 1994). The c o m p u t i n g industry
is a n ideal e x a m p l e of this p r o c e s s in that it is currently not m e r e l y
c o n c e r n e d with p r o d u c i n g the best version of the latest technology, but
also of reacting to innovations in design, as well as to the symbolic
m e a n i n g s applied by c o n s u m e r s themselves. In this respect, it is w o r t h
considering the m a s s i v e h y p e that s u r r o u n d e d the release of Microsoft's
operating system, W i n d o w s 9 5 . W h a t a p p e a r e d to be i m p o r t a n t about
this launch w a s the image of W i n d o w s 9 5 , rather than the technological
innovations w h i c h it incorporated. T h e P C operating system's symbol-
led launch a p p e a r e d to tap into an i m a g e of cutting-edge technology b u t
w i t h o u t any real effort to explain the n a t u r e of that technology; instead,
it preferred to exploit a n abstract i m a g e of the m y s t e r i o u s w o r l d of
c o m p u t i n g w h i c h w o u l d allow c o n s u m e r s access to a n y aspect of the
w o r l d of i m a g e r y they pleased (see C h a p t e r 5 ) . In this context, w h a t
L a s h a n d U r r y describe is v e r y m u c h an ideological process.
[In] modern societies cultural domination has been effected through the
already emptied out abstract ideologies of liberalism, equality, progress,
science and so on. Domination in post-modern capitalism is effected through
a symbolic violence that has been even further emptied out, even further de-
territorialized, whose minimal foundations have been swept aside. (Lash and
Urry, 1994: 15-16)
In particular, while m o d e r n ideologies a r e transmitted t h r o u g h

abstract ideas to d o with equality of opportunity a n d socialism, in the
p o s t m o d e r n w o r l d the m e d i a c o m e to play a f u n d a m e n t a l ideological
role. T h e m e d i a h a v e control of a w o r l d a p p a r e n t l y d e v o i d of m e a n i n g
a n d a r e m o r e c o n c e r n e d with m a x i m i z i n g viewers, r e a d e r s a n d profits
than in r e p r o d u c i n g the interests of the d o m i n a n t class. T h e m e d i a , in
effect, marginalize the social t h r o u g h prioritizing spectacle a n d thus
u n d e r m i n e the significance of social problems in general, the problem
being that p o s t m o d e r n i s m a p p e a r s to p r o v i d e n o alternative outlet for
the m a s s e s (Lash a n d U r r y , 1994: 1 6 - 1 7 ) . Their only outlet s e e m s to be
the r e a l m of c o n s u m e r i s m w h i c h continues to be p e r p e t u a t e d b y the
superficial differentiations w h i c h a r e i m p o s e d t h r o u g h design. H o w -
ever, I w o u l d a d d to L a s h a n d U r r y ' s c o m m e n t s b y pointing out that the
m a x i m i z a t i o n of profit is m o r e often than not actually in the interests of
the d o m i n a n t p o w e r g r o u p s .
Conclusion
This book is essentially c o n c e r n e d with the ideological c o n s t r u c t i o n of

c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. W h i l e the success of d e s i g n is, in itself,
fundamental to the success of p r o d u c t s , it is also crucial to the r e p r o -
duction of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
T h e critical point to be m a d e a b o u t design is that it t r a n s c e n d s the
e c o n o m i c a n d the cultural. Colin C a m p b e l l (1987: 3 7 ) a r g u e s that
m o d e r n society is, in effect, c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y w h a t h e describes as a n
'apparently endless pursuit of w a n t s ' . F r o m this point of view, the
c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r c a n n e v e r actually b e satisfied in that a s soon
as one w a n t is satisfied c o n s u m e r capitalism s i m p l y c r e a t e s another.
The point I a m m a k i n g h e r e is that d e s i g n plays a f u n d a m e n t a l role in
this process. T h e c o n s u m e r is constantly seeking n o v e l rather them
familiar p r o d u c t s r e g a r d l e s s of their use-value. T h e r e is, indeed, a l w a y s
a feeling o n the p a r t of c o n s u m e r s that a n o v e l g o o d will p r o v i d e t h e m
with a n e x p e r i e n c e they h a v e n e v e r h a d before. Design activates this
process.
There is, h o w e v e r , a further point to b e m a d e a b o u t design. T h o u g h
L a s h a n d U r r y (1994) talk about the potentially liberating role of design,
there could be a strong a r g u m e n t for suggesting that the v a l u e s inherent
in well-designed g o o d s a r e actually socially divisive a n d that d e s i g n is
actually symbolic of the socially divisive n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n in
general. T h e p r o m o t i o n of desire a n d c o n s u m e r i s m a s a w a y of life
divides societies b e t w e e n the 'haves' a n d the 'have-nots', so m u c h so
that the 'have-nots' a r e c o m p e l l e d to a d o p t c o n s u m e r i s m a s a w a y of life
t h r o u g h the black hole that is c o n s u m e r credit (see Ritzer, 1 9 9 5 ) .
C o n s u m e r i s m therefore creates desires that individuals c a n n o t fulfil
without h a v i n g to deal w i t h s o m e often dire e c o n o m i c c o n s e q u e n c e s .
Meanwhile, for those p e o p l e w h o a r e unable to p a r t a k e in the w o r l d of
o p p o r t u n i t y that c o n s u m e r i s m offers there is a l w a y s the u n s a v o u r y
p r o s p e c t of a c o n s t a n t state of longing a n d low self-esteem a s a direct
result of this i m m e d i a t e lack of resources. S u c h individuals a r e n e v e r
able to live u p to the expectations that the c o n s u m i n g w o r l d p e r p e t u a t e s
t h r o u g h the m e d i a .
This point a b o u t the socially divisive n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m is a n
interesting o n e in so far a s it highlights the d o u b l e - e d g e d n a t u r e of
c o n s u m e r i s m . Design is n o t a l w a y s liberating, c r e a t i v e or artistic. It is
often oppressive, c o n f o r m i n g a n d dictatorial. Dorfles (1979: 11) asks
h o w far the p r o d u c t s of design a r e actually i m p o s e d u p o n the public,
'which a c c e p t s t h e m b e c a u s e it h a s n o alternative to "enduring" t h e m ' .
H e goes o n to s u g g e s t that c o n t e m p o r a r y society is essentially consti-
tuted in a n artificial e n v i r o n m e n t s u r r o u n d e d b y artificial objects a n d
artificial 'nature'. W h a t is called for in this c o n t e x t a r e n e w s y s t e m s
• o f design that p r o v i d e the c o n s u m e r w i t h 'polyvalent' objects or
s y s t e m s that c a n actually be modified b y the c o n s u m e r a t his o r h e r will.
50 CONSUMERISM
Design should in effect b e c o m e m o r e of a negotiation between the

designer and the c o n s u m e r . The p r o b l e m currently, as far as Dorfles
(1979: 12) is concerned, is that:
Just as uncontrolled economic expansion can lead to a loss of equilibrium in

our ecological system, so an incessant supply of graphic, cinematic, televisual
and musical images, unanswered by an equivalent response on the part of the
consumer, may lead to a sterilisation of the imaginative quality of the
individual . . . Even the most prestigious object of 'good design' may become
unsatisfactory if it does not permit the user to develop his [s/c] own
imagination.
In effect, Dorfles a r g u e s that through design m a n y c o n s u m e r objects

h a v e lost their m e a n i n g i n a s m u c h as they are essentially a n o n y m o u s
a n d unauthentic. W h a t design needs to d o , then, is to instrumentalize
choice, to o p p o s e the influence of advertising and activate s o m e sense of
a u t o n o m o u s c o n s u m p t i o n in the m i n d s of c o n s u m e r s . In this sense,
'there is a pressing need to restore to the c o n s u m e r the possibility of
exercising his [sic] o w n choice and of enhancing his o w n preferential
c a p a c i t y , in rebellion a g a i n s t the f r a m e w o r k of p r e - e s t a b l i s h e d
conformisnV (Dorfles, 1979: 13).
Dorfles's concerns about the n a t u r e of a design-led society m a y be
e x t r e m e , but there does seem to be evidence to suggest that design has
an i m p o r t a n t role to play in maintaining a society of c o n s u m e r i s t c o n -
formity. W h e t h e r design is powerful a n d free e n o u g h of the ideologies
of c o n s u m e r i s m to re-invent itself in the w a y s in w h i c h Dorfles suggests
is another question. In the final analysis, it w o u l d be fair to see that
Dorfles's ambitions a r e currently even further from being fulfilled than
w h e n he published them nearly 2 0 y e a r s ago. The beauty of design
c o u l d therefore be said to e m a n a t e from the fact that it convinces the
c o n s u m e r that he or she c a n h a v e control o v e r w h a t he or she c o n s u m e s
w h e n he or she simply cannot. In this respect, at least, life in a so-called
p o s t m o d e r n world is inevitably hollow.
I w a n t to end this chapter by suggesting that the role of design in
c o n s u m e r capitalism a p p e a r s to be to a c c e n t u a t e the idea that the
t e m p o r a l experience of c o n s u m e r i s m is a legitimate w a y of life. Design
is a progressive force only i n a s m u c h as it ensures the p e r p e t u a t i o n of
c o n s u m e r i s t lifestyles. But, ultimately, the m o s t significant m y t h
p e d d l e d within the c o n s u m e r society s e e m s to be that presented by
authors such as Whiteley (1993) and P a p a n e k (1995) r e g a r d i n g the
salvational impact that design m a y h a v e u p o n o u r society in the future.
This a p p e a r s to be a forlorn hope. The p r o g r e s s offered b y design is a
false one. C o n s u m e r g o o d s m a y be superficially i m p r o v e d t h r o u g h the
efforts of designers but, far from p r o m o t i n g the p r o g r e s s of an
ecologically a w a r e a n d ethical h u m a n i t y , design is likely to continue to
p r o m o t e c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life, as c o n s u m e r s continue to be
seduced b y the constant t u r n o v e r of c o n s u m e r goods. Design is indeed

socially, politically a n d economically c o n s t r u c t e d a n d it is c o n s t r u c t e d
in such a fashion that the cultural condition that is p e r p e t u a t e d is
perceived to be a n a t u r a l one. In the r e m a i n d e r of this book I will
consider a cross-section of aspects of c o n t e m p o r a r y life in w h i c h
c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to h a v e established a significant hold. O n this
basis, I c a n consider the p r o s a n d cons of a w o r l d in w h i c h c o n s u m e r -
ism is apparently a w a y of life. T o this end, I will begin in C h a p t e r 4 by
considering the sites within w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m is manifested.
Recommended reading
Jean Baudrillard (1988) 'Consumer society', in Mark Poster (ed.), Selected

Writings. Cambridge: Polity Press. One of the most significant and original
attempts to contextualize consumption within the postmodern debate.
Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall, Linda Jones, Hugh Mackay and Keith Negus (1997)
Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. London: Sage. A
stimulating and detailed discussion of the Sony Walkman and its relationship
to the cultural construction of everyday life.
John Fiske (1989) Understanding Popular Culture. London: Unwin Hyman. Two
particularly useful chapters on 'Commodities and culture' and 'The jeaning of
America'.
Scott Lash and John Urry (1994) Economies of Signs and Space. London: Sage.
Argues that today's economies are increasingly economies of signs in which
design plays an important role.
Victor Papanek (1995) The Green Imperative: Ecology and Ethics in Design and
Architecture. London: Thames and Hudson. An analysis of how design might
be harnessed in order to lead the way towards a greener planet.
Nigel Whiteley (1993) Design for Society. London: Reaktion Books. Discusses the
role of design within consumer society and looks at how design might
develop in order to become more humane and less consumerist in nature.
4
CONSUMING SPACE, CONSUMING

PLACE
H a v i n g already outlined s o m e of the m a i n theoretical a n d contextual

debates concerning the potential social i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m , in this
chapter I w a n t to begin to m a p this i m p a c t further b y considering in
s o m e detail the role that sites of c o n s u m p t i o n play in the construction of
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. T o this end, I will begin by outlining h o w
c o n s u m p t i o n affects our lived environment, considering in turn the
sociological implications of the experiential n a t u r e of sites of c o n s u m p -
tion. I intend to d o so, first of all, by briefly asking, w h a t a r e the spatial
dimensions of consumerism? I will then m o v e on to discuss the impact of
retail development on the lived environment, before looking, m o r e speci-
fically, at the role of the shopping mall in a culture of consumerism. I will
then consider the significance of Disney as a site of consumption. This
should help to develop s o m e conception of ' p o s t m o d e r n ' expressions of
both tourism and consumption.
A s noted in C h a p t e r 1, c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to be b e c o m i n g increas-
ingly global in its influence. H o w e v e r , it w o u l d also be true to say that
the geographical i m p a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n is primarily an urban one. A s
such, one particular issue that will arise t h r o u g h o u t this c h a p t e r centres
u p o n the role that c o n s u m p t i o n plays in the construction of urban life in
e v e r y d a y contexts. C o n s u m e r i s m m a y often h a v e an invisible p a r t to
play in a city's life t h r o u g h the influence of m o n e y m a r k e t s , stocks,
shares and so on (for e x a m p l e , the City of L o n d o n ) . This chapter,
h o w e v e r , will be m o r e c o n c e r n e d with h o w c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to
affect the actual physical character of the cities people inhabit. The city of
Glasgow, Scotland, for instance, is currently p r o m o t e d with the by-line
'Glasgow's Miles Better'. But is it? Equally, is it a p p r o p r i a t e to describe
another city, P l y m o u t h , in w h i c h I live, as being s y n o n y m o u s with 'the
Spirit of Discovery'? Do these slogans a m o u n t to anything m o r e than a
determined effort to further the c o n s u m e r ethic in the context of tourism?
Is there, indeed, anything m o r e to o u r physical environments than the
o u t w a r d expression of ideologies of c o n s u m e r i s m ? A r e , in fact, the only
CONSUMING SPACE, CONSUMING PLACE 53
smiles in G l a s g o w o n the faces of those retailers w h o a r e riding high a n d

low u p o n the u p s a n d d o w n s of the retail market; the only spirit in
P l y m o u t h a c o n s u m p t i o n - b a s e d entrepreneurial one? H o w far h a v e o u r
city centres b e c o m e n o m o r e than m e r e sites of c o n s u m p t i o n ? In o r d e r to
a d d r e s s this question, I w a n t to begin b y discussing s o m e of the spatial
dimensions of c o n s u m e r i s m .
T h e spatial dimensions of consumerism
There should be n o d o u b t that c o n s u m e r i s m , notably in the p o s t - w a r

years, has c o m e to h a v e a significant i m p a c t u p o n the n a t u r e of the
physical e n v i r o n m e n t t h r o u g h o u t the developed w o r l d . A u t h o r s such as
K n o x (1991) g o a s far as to suggest that the w h o l e of the c o n t e m p o r a r y
l a n d s c a p e is being g e a r e d t o w a r d s c o n s u m p t i o n , as a direct result of the
e m e r g e n c e of a n increasingly flexible form of p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h is itself
m o r e a n d m o r e d e p e n d e n t u p o n the d e m a n d s of c o n s u m e r s .
Mediated by a new, more intense and flexible development industry, the

result is a consumer landscape based around the aesthetic values of historic
preservation and postmodern architecture, which is gradually overwriting the
older urban landscapes and, at the edge of cities, is able to forge its own
distinctive landscape forms. (Jackson and Thrift, 1995: 207)
In this respect, it could be a r g u e d that the u r b a n l a n d s c a p e of the

m o d e r n w o r l d a m o u n t s to a spatial reaction to the n e w p r o d u c t i v e
forces of the m o d e r n a g e (Lee, 1993). T h u s , H a r v e y (1995) talks about
the era of the 'Keynesian city' w h o s e character w a s s h a p e d a r o u n d the
n e w forces of c o n s u m p t i o n a n d by the n e e d to establish c o m m o d i t y
c o n s u m p t i o n as a ' w a y of life', as a necessity rather t h a n a l u x u r y . In
this context, C h a n e y (1990) goes as far as to a r g u e that c o n t e m p o r a r y
culture h a s , in fact, been deterritorialized. T h a t is, w i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t
of metropolitan-based m a s s c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t net-
w o r k s w h i c h disseminate the w a r e s of c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e , w h a t has
e m e r g e d is a cultural h o m o g e n e i t y that overlays the diversity of places
a n d spaces. In this context, C h a n e y focuses, in particular, o n the sub-
u r b a n e x p r e s s i o n of c o n s u m e r i s m a n d sees the s u b u r b a n h o m e as a
privileged site for the creative display of a c o n s u m e r lifestyle. In effect,
C h a n e y sees suburbia as a c o n s u m p t i o n - b a s e d locale largely con-
structed t h r o u g h t r a n s p o r t links. A s p a r t of a c o n s u m e r culture the
suburbs a r e seen to e m e r g e as e x p o r t e r s a n d i m p o r t e r s of w o r k e r s a n d
services to a n d from the city centre, the c a r being a n especially
i m p o r t a n t piece of symbolic display. F r o m this point of v i e w , c o n s u m e r
culture h a s focused o n the c a r as an icon of s u b u r b a n c o n s u m e r
lifestyles a n d as a result c a r s a n d r o a d s p r o v i d e a f r a m e w o r k within
w h i c h c o n t e m p o r a r y lifestyles a r e e n a c t e d . P r i v a t i z e d e x p e r i e n c e
54 CONSUMERISM
b e c o m e s the o r d e r of the d a y in a c o n s u m e r society a n d in this sense

c o n s u m e r lifestyles h a v e fundamentally altered our e v e r y d a y experi-
e n c e of city life.
M a n y g e o g r a p h e r s prefer to e m p h a s i z e gentrification w h e n they
discuss the u r b a n i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m (see Jackson a n d Thrift, 1995).
In this context, B e a u r e g a r d (1986) considers the a d v e n t of a n e w u r b a n
lifestyle generated by 'urban pioneers', w h o risk all to turn r u n - d o w n
parts of the city into sophisticated a n d attractive centres of u r b a n living
to the extent that 'Urban culture is n o w a c o m m o d i h e d form, leagues
r e m o v e d from the sense of "community" which it w a s o n c e m e a n t to
c o n v e y ' ( B e a u r e g a r d , 1986: 3 6 ) . In the s a m e vein a n d from a m o r e
sociological viewpoint, Featherstone (1991) discusses the i m p a c t of
culture industries, such as publishing, b r o a d c a s t i n g a n d t o u r i s m , o n city
life. Featherstone focuses on h o w the cultural dispositions of those
e m p l o y e d in such industries, the n e w m i d d l e class, help to d e v e l o p n e w
sites of cultural c o n s u m p t i o n . This g r o u p is seen to be particularly
sensitive to the question of style a n d aesthetics a n d subsequently s t a m p
this p r e o c c u p a t i o n u p o n the character of city life. All this is suitably
s u m m e d u p by Jaeger (1986: 8 6 - 7 ) , w h o a r g u e s that:
Today the inner urban 'scene' has become an important stage for promoting
fashion and new urban life-style. The elaboration of consumption techniques
is increasingly centred in the private residential and cultural domains, rather
than in the public or occupational spheres. Thus the redevelopment
necessitated by urban conservation involves the reworking and recycling of
consumption objects at an accelerating rate.
Sharon Zukin (1988) considers s o m e of these t h e m e s in d e p t h as p a r t

of h e r detailed study of the influence of capital investment in the S o H o
district of N e w Y o r k during the 1960s a n d 1970s. A s such, she identifies
the transformation of the real estate m a r k e t in S o H o d u r i n g this period
as reflecting the repositioning of cultural p r o d u c e r s in c o n t e m p o r a r y
society. Zukin a r g u e s that big cities represent i m p o r t a n t foci for cultural
p r o d u c t i o n and innovation. This reflects David H a r v e y ' s (1988: x i - x i i )
contention in the introduction to Zukin's w o r k that:
Big cities have long been important arenas of cultural reproduction, forcing-
houses of cultural innovation, centres of fashion and the creation of 'taste'. In
a world in which large cities have lost many of their traditional manu-
facturing functions but in which the imperialism of shifting tastes and
fashions appears ever more important, it may well be that this traditional role
of large cities can become part of a vital strategy for urban survival.
L a r g e l y an A m e r i c a n p h e n o m e n o n , 'loft living' c a m e of a g e in the

early 1970s, reflecting the e m e r g e n c e of an increasingly design a n d
style-intensive culture as well as a transition from a p r o d u c t i o n - b a s e d
u r b a n culture to one c e n t r e d on cultural a n d artistic p r o d u c t i o n . T h e
decline of small businesses, w h i c h previously o c c u p i e d loft s p a c e , a n d

the subsequent e x p a n s i o n to industrial plants b y those c o m p a n i e s that
did survive, s a w v a c a n c i e s e m e r g e w h i c h w e r e later largely taken u p b y
artists. G r a d u a l l y , other middle-class o c c u p i e r s t a p p e d into the c r e a t i v e
potential of w h a t w a s a distinctive n e w housing m a r k e t . Starting, in
Zukin's eyes, as a trend, loft living g r a d u a l l y b e c a m e a m o v e m e n t a n d
finally c r e a t e d a niche m a r k e t as the recycling of n e w buildings
c a p t u r e d the feeling of the times as p a r t of the d e v e l o p m e n t of a so-
called 'post-industrial' city w h e r e c o n s u m p t i o n plays a key role in
developing a focus for the e c o n o m i c d e v e l o p m e n t of cityscapes.
Zukin therefore sees the d e v e l o p m e n t of loft living as being v e r y
m u c h tied in with p r o c e s s e s of gentrifkation w h e r e b y a middle-class
population m o v e s into the c e n t r e of the city, c a u s i n g m a r k e t prices a n d
tax assessments to rise a n d thereby driving out other residents in the
area w h o c a n n o t afford to stay. In effect, the rise of loft living c a n be
seen to be s y n o n y m o u s w i t h the increasing role of c o n s u m p t i o n in city
life as n e w gentrified m a r k e t s a r e seen to e m e r g e . Middle-class c o n -
s u m p t i o n is therefore p r o m o t e d , a r g u a b l y at the e x p e n s e of w o r k i n g -
class m a n u f a c t u r e . Loft living a m o u n t s to w h a t , in effect, is a c o n s u m e r
s h o w c a s e . Such d e v e l o p m e n t s a r e seen to reflect the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n
of cultural c h a n g e a n d , as such, loft living reflects the cultural u n d e r -
pinnings of c o n s u m e r i s m .
S o m e of the cultural a n d social c h a n g e s Zukin describes a r e discussed
by O ' C o n n o r a n d W y n n e (1993) in their discussion of M a n c h e s t e r as a
p o s t m o d e r n city. T h e y a r g u e that culture h a s b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e
commodified as a result of w h i c h social identities h a v e b e c o m e increas-
ingly f r a g m e n t e d , notably in the c o n t e x t of the 'bricolage' of c o n s u m e r
goods. In this respect, cities s u c h as L e e d s in Y o r k s h i r e h a v e a t t e m p t e d
to exploit the heritage of their city t h r o u g h v a r i o u s c o n s u m e r - l e d tourist
initiatives including the opening of the Tetley B r e w e r y W h a r f .
T h e Scottish city of G l a s g o w m i g h t equally b e described as a classic
illustration of h o w cities, a n d in particular local authorities, actively
e n d e a v o u r to alter their overall e c o n o m i c a n d cultural focus f r o m a
p r o d u c t i o n - o r i e n t e d base to one increasingly d e p e n d e n t u p o n c o n s u m e r
lifestyles. In 1 9 9 0 G l a s g o w b e c a m e 'The E u r o p e a n City of C u l t u r e ' ,
h a v i n g hosted a n International G a r d e n Festival in 1 9 8 8 , as well a s , m o r e
recently, the Festival of Design in 1 9 9 6 . G l a s g o w h a s also b e e n a w a r d e d
the title of 'The City of A r c h i t e c t u r e 1 9 9 9 ' a n d is h o p i n g to attract
considerably m o r e investment to the city as a result. All these
c o n s u m e r - l e d initiatives a r e intended to p r o m o t e G l a s g o w a s a c e n t r e of
t o u r i s m a n d c o n s u m p t i o n . Meanwhile, d e p r i v e d p a r t s of the city h a v e
been r e d e v e l o p e d in a similar fashion. T h e Gorbals a r e a of G l a s g o w ,
o n c e notorious as a r u n - d o w n s l u m a r e a of the city, still h a s its
p r o b l e m s , b u t is n o w a d a y s equally r e n o w n e d for its 'Citizens' Theatre'.
In addition, d u r i n g the 1 9 8 0 s a n a r c h e t y p a l 'Zukinesque' a r e a of
G l a s g o w city c e n t r e , the M e r c h a n t City, h a s been d e v e l o p e d w i t h its
56 CONSUMERISM
p r i m e focus being the Italian Centre, a n e w d e v e l o p m e n t for the loca-

tion of businesses as well as designer shops, cafés a n d restaurants
(Booth a n d Boyle, 1993).
The Glasgow e x a m p l e illustrates h o w gentrification c a n alter the
focus of a city and arguably transform that city's i m a g e a p p a r e n t l y for
the c o m m o n good. Retail gentrification tends to e n c o u r a g e a m o r e
diverse and specialized retailing e n v i r o n m e n t than is typical of the
uniform experience that tends to characterize m o s t city centres. H o w -
ever, there might also be an a r g u m e n t for suggesting that such
gentrification is in fact not only rare but divisive. In this context, sites of
c o n s u m p t i o n such as the Italian C e n t r e in Glasgow might be seen to
reassert b r o a d e r social divisions by providing middle-class, designer
shopping enclaves that merely serve to highlight w h a t m o s t c o n s u m e r s
simply cannot afford. A s such, loft living might be seen to be an e x t r e m e
illustration of a process of gentrification w h i c h has limited r e w a r d s for
the majority of the population.
S o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s might therefore a r g u e that c o n s u m e r i s m is
inherently divisive; that the a d v a n t a g e s of a c o n s u m e r culture will
a l w a y s be outweighed by the d i s a d v a n t a g e s because in the end c o n -
s u m e r i s m c a n never benefit c o n s u m e r s in a n equitable fashion. In this
respect, c o n s u m e r i s m will a l w a y s h a v e negative implications for the
e v e r y d a y experience of our towns a n d cities. The key point to m a k e
here is that the parts of those towns a n d cities that are l a u d e d as h a v e n s
of c o n s u m e r i s m are m o r e accessible to s o m e sectors of the population
than to others. Perhaps this represents a crucial c o m p o n e n t of w h a t
actually constitutes the spatial dimensions of c o n s u m e r i s m . P e r h a p s w e
c a n shed s o m e further light on this debate through a brief discussion of
the d e v e l o p m e n t a n d n a t u r e of retail provision in c o n t e m p o r a r y
c o n s u m e r societies.
Retail p r o v i s i o n a n d the lived e n v i r o n m e n t
In their book Retailing, O'Brien a n d Harris (1991) outline the consider-

able a m o u n t of retail d e v e l o p m e n t that has o c c u r r e d in Britain since the
1950s a n d suggest that on the whole these developments h a v e d o n e
little to i m p r o v e the appeal of urban environments. Developing this
point, the following quotation from G a r d n e r a n d S h e p p a r d (1989: 126)
s u m s u p m a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s ' feelings about the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r -
ism u p o n city life:
Bleak, windswept, grey concrete wastelands, discarded litter blowing along

the gutters, threatening groups of bomber-jacketed youths lounging in shop
doorways, down alleys, or rampaging spray-can-in-hand across graffiti
splattered walls. Boarded-up shops, an abandoned supermarket trolley, a dog
meandering across an anonymous, brutal urban landscape . . . Instantly

recognisable, the images are an immediate visual shorthand for all that's
wrong with our cities.
Such i m a g e s a r e seen to be a direct result of the i n v e s t m e n t decisions

of retailers a n d planners, decisions w h i c h a r e actively d e t e r m i n i n g o u r
e v e r y d a y experience of city life. In Britain, this d e v e l o p m e n t has been
reinforced as the l o n g - t e r m A m e r i c a n trend t o w a r d s establishing retail
centres out of t o w n h a s , until recently, been e x t e n d e d , creating a
situation w h e r e the 'haves' drive to the purpose-built out-of-town
shopping centres, while the 'have-nots' a r e forced to live a n d s h o p in
w h a t G a r d n e r a n d S h e p p a r d (1989) describe as little m o r e than a w a r -
zone.
T h e evolution of o u r cities as centres of c o n s u m p t i o n m i r r o r s the
historical e m e r g e n c e of a c o n s u m e r ethic. In this respect, d e v e l o p m e n t s
in the United States h a v e h a d a n influential role, the first shopping
centre being built in Baltimore as early as 1 9 0 7 ( S i m m o n s , 1992). Indeed,
the early d e v e l o p m e n t of shopping centres w a s m o r e r a p i d in the
United States t h a n in E u r o p e (the first edge-of-town s h o p p i n g centre
w a s built in the suburbs of K a n s a s City in 1 9 2 3 ) , the g r o w t h of c a r
o w n e r s h i p a n d the e x p a n s i o n of the suburbs h a v i n g a n especially
i m p o r t a n t influence o n the d e v e l o p m e n t of edge-of-town centres, as
O'Brien a n d H a r r i s ( 1 9 9 1 ) note. T h e fact that the public sector has h a d
virtually n o role to p l a y in determining the n a t u r e of retail d e v e l o p m e n t
in the U n i t e d States h a s , indeed, helped to e n s u r e the o m n i p r e s e n c e of a
c o n s u m e r ethic.
A s far as retail d e v e l o p m e n t is c o n c e r n e d , since the 1 9 7 0 s Britain c a n
be seen to h a v e m i r r o r e d the A m e r i c a n e x a m p l e in m a n y respects, not
least in the form of a major decentralization of retail facilities w h i c h has
s e r v e d to alter the c h a r a c t e r of Britain's city centres radically. In
particular, the d e v e l o p m e n t of edge-of-town retailing centres really took
off in Britain d u r i n g the 1970s, reaching a p e a k in the 1980s, largely
t h r o u g h the influence of free-market C o n s e r v a t i v e ideologies a n d , m o r e
particularly, t h r o u g h the availability of p r i m e sites in E n t e r p r i s e Z o n e s
w h i c h offered g o v e r n m e n t i n d u c e m e n t s for businesses to d e v e l o p in
these areas. W h a t e m e r g e d in the 1980s, then, w a s a n e w shopping
culture symbolized in Britain by m a s s i v e regional s h o p p i n g centres
s u c h as Sheffield's M e a d o w Hall, Gateshead's M e t r o C e n t r e , a n d M e r r y
Hill in D u d l e y w h i c h e c h o e d their N o r t h A m e r i c a n c o u n t e r p a r t s ,
a r g u a b l y creating architectural blights o n the l a n d s c a p e as they did so.
B u t the key issue h e r e r e m a i n s the b r o a d e r effect of retail d e v e l o p -
m e n t u p o n the n a t u r e of city life. In this context, H i n d e ( 1 9 9 4 ) considers
the plight of D u d l e y t o w n centre w h i c h declined r a p i d l y with the
opening of the M e r r y Hill centre. Major chain stores s u c h as M a r k s &
Spencer, C & A , a n d British H o m e Stores m o v e d o u t of D u d l e y t o w n
centre to be r e p l a c e d b y a r a g - b a g collection of discount stores, charity
58 CONSUMERISM
shops a n d struggling family businesses. H i n d e (1994) estimates that the

n u m b e r of e m p t y shops in Dudley rose by 5 0 per cent between 1 9 8 7 a n d
1994. The M e r r y Hill centre w a s subsequently dubbed ' M e r r y Hell' by
locals as a testament to its negative i m p a c t on the city centre. Cities
a p p e a r to h a v e b e c o m e so d e p e n d e n t u p o n a successful retail profile to
survive that w h e n that profile deteriorates there is a distinct d a n g e r that
the v e r y heart of the city centre goes with it.
A u t h o r s such as T h o m a s a n d Bromley (1993) a r g u e that the d i s a d v a n -
tages of developing regional shopping centres, h y p e r m a r k e t s a n d
retail w a r e h o u s e s on the e d g e of our cities are e x a g g e r a t e d . T h e y point
out that traditional centres a r e often redeveloped for the c o m m o n g o o d
in the face of fierce competition. F o r instance, they quote the e x a m p l e
of N e w c a s t l e u p o n Tyne, w h e r e m o n e y w a s invested in the city centre
in the form of the refurbishment of a major shopping centre (Eldon
Square) in face of the competition presented by the M e t r o C e n t r e , a
d e v e l o p m e n t on the outskirts of the city. N e w c a s t l e city centre con-
tinues to be relatively p r o s p e r o u s . Other positive reactive benefits of
developing retail outlets on the outskirts of a city m i g h t include the
i m p r o v e m e n t of transport links to the centre, the introduction of p e d e s -
trianization or the implementation of a m o r e coordinated process of
town-centre m a n a g e m e n t . Meanwhile, out-of-centre d e v e l o p m e n t s offer
one m a i n a d v a n t a g e to city centres in so far as they actively reduce
congestion in city centres ( T h o m a s a n d Bromley, 1993).
T h o m a s a n d Bromley (1993) g o on to discuss the international
i m p a c t of regional out-of-town shopping centres. They a r g u e that it is
impossible to m a k e d i r e c t c o m p a r i s o n s b e t w e e n the A m e r i c a n
experience a n d that in Britain. They point out, in particular, that
decentralization in A m e r i c a n cities o w e d m o r e to lower s u b u r b a n
residential densities, higher levels of car ownership a n d the ethnically
diverse n a t u r e of the inner city which a p p a r e n t l y acted as a disincentive
to affluent suburban c o n s u m e r s . O n e thing for certain is that, in Britain
at least, the trend t o w a r d s out-of-town shopping centres is on the w a n e ,
reflecting a ground-swell of political opinion that e m e r g e d in response
to the perceived environmental effects of such d e v e l o p m e n t s , notably
t h r o u g h c a r pollution a n d u r b a n blight. Meanwhile, the increased status
of a p p r o v e d local plans in the planning system, as G u y (1994) notes, h a s
tended to restrict the potential for further out-of-town development.
Indeed, m o r e recently, c o m m e n t a t o r s , including H i n d e (1995), h a v e
a r g u e d that major retailers a r e being increasingly attracted back to city
centres in Britain as a result of g o v e r n m e n t a l planning policies w h i c h
h a v e sought to e n c o u r a g e this trend. Indeed, H i n d e (1995) quotes the
s u r v e y o r s , Hillier Parker, w h o estimate that the n u m b e r of stores in
Britain's high streets actually rose by 5 per cent between 1 9 9 3 a n d 1 9 9 5 .
Such developments apparently reflect the e m e r g e n c e of an increasingly
discerning c o n s u m e r determined to be given the o p p o r t u n i t y to
investigate the benefits of specialist shops with high-quality p r o d u c e
a n d a personal service. There m a y well be a trend e m e r g i n g to this end,

but the fact is that Britain, like the U S A , has gone far e n o u g h d o w n the
out-of-town shopping centre route as to leave an indelible effect u p o n
the urban fabric.
Consuming the shopping mall
H a v i n g briefly discussed the b r o a d implications of retail development,

at this juncture I w a n t to g o on to consider, m o r e specifically, the actual
nature of the shopping mall and w h a t it says about the i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m on o u r experience of e v e r y d a y life. Clearly, as Friedberg
(1993) suggests, the shopping mall is symbolic of the global dissemi-
nation of late capitalist economies, but w h a t m e a n i n g s a r e e n g e n d e r e d
in malls by those people w h o visit t h e m ? A g o o d place to start in this
respect might be A m e r i c a ' s largest mall, the Mall of A m e r i c a , in
Bloomington, Minneapolis, w h i c h c o v e r s a surface area of 4.2 million
square feet a n d is quite literally a temple of c o n s u m e r i s m w h i c h self-
consciously e x t e n d s the shopping experience into the r e a l m s of enter-
tainment. The Mall of A m e r i c a offers the c o n s u m e r d o z e n s of bars and
restaurants, 14 cinema screens and its v e r y o w n funfair - a lifestyle
experience w h e r e c o n s u m e r s c a n get m a r r i e d , h a n g out a n d feel safe
doing it.
The shoppers, moving from lift to walkway to shop to food court, like drones
in a climate-controlled, glass-walled ant farm, are oblivious participants in a
lifestyle revolution . . . Today, the spectacle that is the Mall of America is part
circus, part city and 100 per cent all-American consumer madness. (Corrigan,
1994: 40)
The problem here is that, far from being a m e r e m o n u m e n t to the

freedom of c o n s u m e r choice a n d to the m a r k e t e c o n o m y , the Mall of
A m e r i c a could be seen to be actively constructing a n i m a g e of w h a t life
'should' be all about, n a m e l y c o n s u m e r i s m , regardless of the less
s a v o u r y connotations of a consumerist lifestyle. The mall e n d o w s con-
s u m e r i s m with almost religious-like qualities. It actively camouflages
the inequalities that underlie it. T h o u g h , in Britain at least, it is past its
peak as far as future urban plans are c o n c e r n e d , on a global scale the
shopping mall is m o r e socially influential than ever before. C o n s u m e r -
ism has b r o u g h t with it a whole n e w m e n u of social c o n d u c t - social
c o n d u c t , m o s t crucially, that is controlled by developers a n d retailers
rather than the c o n s u m e r s themselves. The shopping mall a p p e a r s to
p r o v i d e all the i m m e d i a t e gratifications of c o n s u m e r i s m but at the s a m e
time shields that c o n s u m e r from the social prescription that this entails.
Shopping malls a r e highly controlled environments. The sense of
security e n g e n d e r e d in the fact that security g u a r d s patrol the shopping
60 CONSUMERISM
mall is offset by the fact that those s a m e g u a r d s o p e r a t e as a quasi-

police force able to eject people from the u r b a n s p a c e they patrol as a n d
w h e n they see fit. In the s a m e breath, closed circuit television (CCTV)
c a m e r a s provide the c o n s u m e r with the sense that they c a n shop in a
crime-free environment while invading c o n s u m e r s ' personal space a n d
the right to p r i v a c y in public places. W i t h the desertion of city centres
by retail outlets in Britain d u r i n g the 1980s, the a i m of C C T V w a s to
create m o r e user-friendly cities. The shopping mall therefore c a m e
to represent w h a t Bulos (1995) describes as a physical enclosure from
w h i c h the problems of the outside w o r l d could be e x c l u d e d . The
d o w n s i d e of this equation a p p e a r s to be the e m e r g e n c e of a w o r l d
reminiscent of George Orwell's 1984, a controlled e n v i r o n m e n t w h e r e
n o b o d y is free from the gaze of 'Big Brother'.
The i m p a c t of C C T V on o u r retail spaces w a s intended to offset the
i m p a c t of urban c r i m e a n d to increase public c o n s u m p t i o n , to create, in
effect, a n unreal w o r l d of 'enclosed c o n s u m p t i o n m o n o - e c o n o m i e s ' in
w h i c h shopping could be c o n d u c t e d trouble free (Bulos, 1995: 2 ) . Bulos
points out that such d e v e l o p m e n t s a r e actively in the interests of
c o m m e r c e , particularly in so far as they help to regenerate city centres.
But, aside from the obvious benefits of C C T V , there a r e a variety of
m o r e sinister implications. M o s t worryingly, b y its v e r y n a t u r e , C C T V
involves a high level of monitoring of e v e r y d a y activities. This ensures
the isolation a n d monitoring of so-called problem individuals, notably
t h r o u g h the use of 'computerized face recognition', in o r d e r to spot a n y
n e w crimes before they h a v e even been c o m m i t t e d . Critics of C C T V
m i g h t well describe this as a monitoring of the law-abiding majority, as
o p p o s e d to the criminal minority.
The question here, then, centres on h o w far our rights as individuals,
let alone those w e h a v e as c o n s u m e r s , a r e actually p r o t e c t e d w h e n w e
enter sites of consumption. British c o n s u m e r s , for instance, are not
legally protected from the e n c r o a c h m e n t of private surveillance. T h e r e
is n o licensing s y s t e m in Britain to regulate or m o n i t o r the n u m b e r of
private schemes operating a n d yet the c o n s u m e r is m o n i t o r e d from the
m o m e n t he or she collects m o n e y from the cash dispenser.
The original a t t e m p t to create a safe a n d environmentally controlled
c o m m e r c i a l shopping area w a s Southdale Mall in A m e r i c a w h i c h w a s
based on a classical visionary ideal of citizenship, w h e r e b y the mall
r e p r o d u c e d the spirit of the ancient R o m a n a n d Greek m a r k e t p l a c e (see
Corrigan, 1994). Evidently, the architect of this first mall s a w it as the
Utopian m o d e r n - d a y equivalent to the ancient m a r k e t p l a c e serving o u r
civil, cultural a n d social needs as well as o u r needs as c o n s u m e r s . But
the problem t o d a y is that m u c h of this idealism h a s fallen by the
w a y s i d e as controlled environments s e e m to d o m i n a t e e v e r y aspect of
the c o n s u m e r ' s experience to the extent that surveillance n o w a p p e a r s
to b e c o n c e r n e d with controlling the social e n v i r o n m e n t as well as the
physical one. Malls a n d shopping centres m a y b e p e r c e i v e d at a
superficial level to be Utopian m o d e r n e n v i r o n m e n t s , b u t as places

w h i c h a r e o w n e d privately, w h i c h only open at v e r y particular times
a n d w h i c h m o n i t o r o u r e v e r y m o v e , they in fact p r o v i d e a physically
tangible justification for the d o m i n a n t a n d controlling role of c o n -
s u m e r i s m in c o n t e m p o r a r y society. In this sense, the s h o p p i n g mall
m i g h t be seen not only as a s y m b o l of the virtually global d o m i n a t i o n of
c o n s u m e r capitalism b u t also of the p e r s o n a l infringements that s u c h a
d o m i n a t i o n e n g e n d e r s . Shopping malls a r e in this respect symbolic of
the ideological i m p a c t of retailing a n d c o n s u m e r i s m u p o n c o n t e m p o r -
a r y society.
It w o u l d be going too far to dismiss w h a t s h o p p i n g c a n offer the
individual out of h a n d . In this context, there m a y be something in
L a u r e n L a n g m a n ' s ( 1 9 9 2 ) c o n t e n t i o n t h a t late t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y
shopping malls p r o v i d e centres of social life or 'pseudo-communities'.
F r o m this point of view, s h o p p i n g malls p r o v i d e c o n s u m e r s with a
sense of c o m m u n i t y that is p e r h a p s missing in the outside w o r l d . This
point c a n b e illustrated with brief reference to the W o o d y Allen film
Scenes from a Mall in w h i c h the t w o m a i n characters, p l a y e d b y W o o d y
Allen a n d Bette Middler, e x p e r i e n c e m a r i t a l w o e s d u r i n g the c o u r s e of a
d a y out at the mall. T h e mall is seen to p r o v i d e a bright, cheerful,
musical, c o m m u n i t y - b a s e d e n v i r o n m e n t w h i c h a p p e a r s to soften the
blow of their respective affairs, reflecting the idea that, t h o u g h life is
generally unstable, the joys of a c o n s u m e r culture will a l w a y s be avail-
able to fall b a c k o n in times of w o e . N o t only c a n people e s c a p e from
their e v e r y d a y p r o b l e m s t h r o u g h the physical a n d m e n t a l stimulation of
shopping, b u t b y b e c o m i n g p a r t of c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e they begin to feel
p a r t of something real, w h e n a r g u a b l y that e x p e r i e n c e is not real at all.
Thus, the architectural historian, M a r g a r e t C r a w f o r d a r g u e s in Susan
Marling's (1993) book, American Affair: The Américanisation of Britain that:
Shopping malls, Disneyland, television, are all examples of the new stage of
hyper-reality - the falseness that is better than the reality. Reality always has
its detrimental aspects like crime, homeless people, dirt. In a situation of
hyper-reality like a shopping mall, everything is reduced to a set of agreed
upon themes, so people feel more comfortable here than in a real situation.
The accurate urban reality is replaced by the falsehood of the shopping mall.
(Marling, 1993: 27)
In this sense, as Butler (1991) notes in a discussion of the tourist

potential of W e s t E d m o n t o n Mall, m a n y shopping malls a r e r e m a r k a b l e
i n a s m u c h as they h a v e been deliberately p l a n n e d to create a n i m a g e of
'elsewhereness'. In effect, W e s t E d m o n t o n Mall 'has falsified place b y
creating a n a p p r o p r i a t e l y entitled b u t spatially restricted F a n t a s y l a n d '
(Butler, 1991: 2 9 1 ) . Such sites of c o n s u m p t i o n a m o u n t to w h a t Friedberg
(1993) describes as a ' c o n t e m p o r a r y p h a n t a s m a g o r i a ' w h i c h blinds c o n -
s u m e r s from the realities of u r b a n blight. M o r e crucially, as U r r y (1990:
62 CONSUMERISM
149) notes in his book The Tourist Gaze, in a shopping mall y o u b e c o m e

part of a c o m m u n i t y of c o n s u m e r i s m . By frequenting the shopping
mall, y o u are recognized as a legitimate citizen of c o n t e m p o r a r y society.
Meanwhile, shops seem to be adopting ever m o r e sophisticated w a y s of
monitoring shopping habits such as the use of loyalty c a r d s through
which, though they r e w a r d c o n s u m e r s , retailers can build u p a c o m p r e -
hensive and s o m e w h a t invasive c o m p u t e r profile of the c o n s u m e r
concerned. At the s a m e time, researchers in Boston are developing 'Can-
Scan', an intelligent dustbin which can read the bar c o d e s of d i s c a r d e d
containers and which relays such information to the s u p e r m a r k e t in
o r d e r that next week's groceries c a n be delivered directly to y o u r h o m e
(Lloyd, 1995). F u r t h e r m o r e , in both Britain and the U S A , Safeway, the
s u p e r m a r k e t chain, has begun to introduce a system w h e r e b y c u s t o m e r s
can scan their o w n food as they g o a r o u n d the store, thereby cutting
d o w n on the extent of the shopping trip, the check-out queue a n d thus
reducing h u m a n contact in this context. These e x a m p l e s a p p e a r to
suggest, if anything, that shopping will b e c o m e an increasingly
d e h u m a n i z e d and controlled experience.
One a p p r o a c h that might help us c o m e to terms with the apparently
controlling n a t u r e of aspects of the retail experience is that of G e o r g e
Ritzer (1993) w h o s e discussion of The McDonaldization of Society e x p a n d s
u p o n s o m e of M a x Weber's ideas on rationalization. A s Brubaker (1984)
notes, W e b e r (1920) identifies three main aspects of rationalization all of
which are relevant to this discussion. First is the fact that in m o d e r n
societies scientific knowledge a n d calculation h a v e c o m e to replace
religious knowledge systems a n d that, in o r d e r for capitalism to
a d v a n c e , reason and scientific knowledge h a d to be applied. Secondly,
as m a r k e t relations c o m e to d o m i n a t e m o d e r n society, sources of
authority b e c o m e increasingly abstract a n d impersonal. A n individual's
life is increasingly subject to the rules of 'the system', while he or she is
increasingly evaluated in terms of material success rather than a c c o r d -
ing to aspects of his or her personal achievement. Thirdly, W e b e r a r g u e s
that m o d e r n societies are increasingly characterized by control. That is,
in the m o d e r n world individuals are obliged to conform to the instru-
mental needs of the organized industrial system. In other w o r d s , the
individual b e c o m e s r e d u c e d to the function he or she p e r f o r m s in that
system.
G e o r g e Ritzer (1993) has a t t e m p t e d to apply s o m e of the a b o v e ideas
to an analysis of the global c o n s u m e r culture which, far from e n c o u r -
aging diversity, actually p r o m o t e s , as far as Ritzer is c o n c e r n e d , a high
d e g r e e of standardization t h r o u g h global c o n s u m e r cultures a n d c o m -
munication flows. Ritzer a r g u e s that the highly standardized a n d
rationalized experience c o n s u m e r s h a v e w h e n they visit M c D o n a l d ' s is
symbolic of the rationalized a n d d e h u m a n i z i n g n a t u r e of m o d e r n
society in general. In a n y McDonald's, w h e r e v e r it might be in the
w o r l d , both the w o r k e r and the c u s t o m e r g o about their business
seeking the m o s t rational m e a n s to their individual e n d , w h e t h e r that

end be to eat a predictable 'safe' m e a l as quickly as possible or to
dispense with the q u e u e at the 'drive-thru' in an efficient fashion. T h e
point is that this is a highly a u t o m a t e d s y s t e m w h i c h is completely
rational in the sense that it is entirely efficient, t h o u g h irrational in the
sense that it u n d e r m i n e s interactive a n d creative aspects of w h a t it is to
be a h u m a n being. This a p p r o a c h m i g h t explain w h y aspects of the
c o n s u m i n g experience in sites of c o n s u m p t i o n a p p e a r to be so 'con-
trolling'. It is actually in the interests of the s y s t e m as a w h o l e for this to
be the case. Life w o u l d be impossible if e a c h individual e n t e r e d a fast-
food r e s t a u r a n t d e m a n d i n g his or her o w n idiosyncratic m e a l , just as it
w o u l d be if the e m p l o y e e s of M c D o n a l d ' s w e r e to s p e n d 10 minutes
chatting to e a c h a n d e v e r y c u s t o m e r they e n c o u n t e r e d . T h e social
system needs predictability a n d so too d o individuals, if only in o r d e r to
c o p e with 'information o v e r l o a d ' (see M i l g r a m , 1992). H o w e v e r , this
does not stop c o m m e n t a t o r s s u c h as Ritzer (1993) lamenting the
essentially sterile a n d anti-creative uniformity of m o d e r n life.
In fact, the rationalized n a t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y society is e x a g g e r a t e d
by Ritzer (1993) w h o u n d e r e s t i m a t e s the ability c o n s u m e r s h a v e to
interpret the social structures at their disposal. Despite being a w a r e of
the creative limitations of fast-food r e s t a u r a n t s , those c o n s u m e r s
entering M c D o n a l d ' s d o not perceive themselves to be controlled, but
gain their o w n sense of enjoyment a n d invest their p e r s o n a l m e a n i n g in
the f r a m e w o r k w h i c h that s t r u c t u r e provides. This is a point I will
develop further below, h a v i n g discussed the e x a m p l e of Disney as a site
of consumption.
In concluding this section, I should point out that, regardless of the
individual benefits of a rationalized society, there is a r g u a b l y a distinct
lack of creativity e x p r e s s e d in the character of o u r city centres in general
a n d that this is directly the result of the perception of sites of con-
s u m p t i o n as being rational. A key issue here, as O'Brien a n d H a r r i s
(1991) note, is the increasing d o m i n a n c e , notably in the British retail
scene, of multiple retail c o m p a n i e s . Both inside a n d outside t o w n
c e n t r e s , British u r b a n e n v i r o n m e n t s in p a r t i c u l a r a p p e a r to be
increasingly c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y uniformity as major c o m p a n i e s seek to
establish m a r k e t d o m i n a n c e . T h e identities of retail outlets a r e therefore
virtually identical from one s h o p p i n g centre to the next, s u c h familiarity
being intended to g a r n e r c u s t o m e r loyalty. In recent y e a r s , there has
been a particular t e n d e n c y to a t t e m p t to gain a n a d v a n t a g e o n c o m -
petitors b y regularly r e v a m p i n g the i m a g e of a particular store. But this
generally only affords a s h o r t - t e r m a d v a n t a g e for the c o m p a n y con-
c e r n e d as c o m p e t i t o r s soon 'jump on the refurbishment b a n d w a g o n ' in
o r d e r to protect their m a r k e t s h a r e (O'Brien a n d H a r r i s , 1 9 9 1 : 110). A s a
result, w h a t e m e r g e s is a retailing s y s t e m in w h i c h c o m p e t i t o r s per-
petually tend to clone one another, with retail d e v e l o p m e n t s , in British
cities especially, being c h a r a c t e r i z e d by a predictable a n d uniform
64 CONSUMERISM
tenant mix and a distinct lack of a n y creativity, so m u c h so that 'high

streets a r e b e c o m i n g a l m o s t indistinguishable from one another'
(O'Brien a n d Harris, 1991: 110). It is interesting to note that D e y a n
Sudjic (1993), in c h a r g e of Glasgow's plans for the City of A r c h i t e c t u r e
1999, blames planning controls for e n c o u r a g i n g the g r o w t h of multiple
retail chains which h a v e arguably resulted in o u r city centres b e c o m i n g
n o m o r e than Identikit shopping centres.
The central question about shops is whether it is the form of shopping that
dictates the nature of a city, or if it is the city's nature that dictates how
shopping, its primary communal activity, is carried out. Perhaps the truth is
somewhere in between; that the different incarnations of shopping, from the
market to the department store, the high street to edge-of-town, are the
signals that confirm the direction a city has taken. (Sudjic, 1993: 252)
T h e central question about sites of c o n s u m p t i o n focuses u p o n h o w far

c o n s u m e r s c a n c o n s u m e individually in such contexts. This is a question
that m a y begin to be resolved in light of a brief discussion of Disney as
a site of consumption.
Disney as a site of consumption
A s I illustrated in m y discussion of Zukin (1988) above, there is

evidence to suggest that c o n s u m p t i o n exerts its influence on u r b a n life
b e y o n d the shopping centre, mall or out-of-town s u p e r m a r k e t . T o u r i s m
undoubtedly has a significant role to play in this process. A n i m p o r t a n t
illustration of the physical manifestation of c o n s u m e r i s m a r e therefore
the Disney parks, Disneyland a n d Disney W o r l d , a brief e x a m i n a t i o n of
which tends to reinforce s o m e of the a r g u m e n t s I raised above. C o n -
s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to p r o v i d e s o m e form of a n e s c a p e from the real
w o r l d , while the real w o r l d is in fact c h a r a c t e r i z e d to begin with b y the
e v e r y d a y expression of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. In this sense
c o n s u m e r i s m provides n o form of e s c a p e at all.
In discussing Disney W o r l d a n d Disneyland as sites of c o n s u m p t i o n , I
will consider the w o r k of t w o a u t h o r s in particular, n a m e l y Robert
David Sack (1992) a n d A l a n B r y m a n (1995). Sack (1992) discusses the
w a y s in which Disney W o r l d symbolizes the tensions that exist b e t w e e n
reality a n d fantasy in c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r culture. A s such, h e
acknowledges the fact that the Disney p a r k s sell e n o r m o u s quantities of
c o m m o d i t i e s and a r g u e s that the p r i m e c o m m o d i t y in this respect is the
actual experience of commodified l a n d s c a p e s w h i c h a r e billed as the
'happiest places on Earth'. In this context, Sack (1992: 1 2 1 ) quotes W a l t
Disney himself: Ί don't w a n t the public to see the real w o r l d they live
in while they're in the park . . . I w a n t t h e m to feel they a r e in another
world.' Crucially, the v a s t infrastructure that underlies the Disney

operation is out of sight of the c o n s u m e r , creating a 'front stage without
a b a c k s t a g e ' (Sack, 1992: 1 6 5 ) . M e a n w h i l e , as Sack points out, even
national cultures b e c o m e a ubiquitous c o m m o d i t y : the c o n s u m e r is
invited to journey to a variety of foreign lands within the confines of
Disney W o r l d ' s national s h o w c a s e s . These s h o w c a s e s m i g h t m o r e
critically be referred to as s h o p p i n g expeditions w h i c h reinforce the
experience of a w o r l d of e s c a p i s m within w h i c h c o n s u m p t i o n is all.
Disney World promises to release us from our own contexts and place us at
the center of other contexts: we can be astronauts journeying to Mars,
physicists living in a satellite community near the moon, children drifting
along the Mississippi River on Tom Sawyer's barge, or forty-niners in the
gold rush. It provides us with an opportunity to find our roots, to return
home to Main Street USA, and to create a 'world of our own'. (Sack, 1992:
166)
T h r o u g h the intricate juxtaposition of commodified fantasies, Disney

creates a simulated 'instant' w o r l d w h i c h has m u c h in c o m m o n with
m e g a - m a l l s s u c h as the Mall of A m e r i c a (Sack, 1992: 167). In essence,
w h a t a Disney p a r k d o e s is c o n s t r u e the g o o d life as being directly
equated with o u r identities as c o n s u m e r s a n d with w h a t w e buy. A s
such, the N e w Innovations buildings at Disney W o r l d c a n be v i e w e d as
a s h o w c a s e for the latest p r o d u c t s being touted by multi-national
c o m p a n i e s such as IBM a n d Sega ( B r y m a n , 1 9 9 5 : 1 5 4 ) .
Disney p a r k s a r e exciting a n d mystifying places which, as Sack (1992)
notes, c a n also be dismissed as serving to distort the real condition of
social m e a n i n g a n d social relations. This is a key point. C o n s u m e r
culture actively distorts reality for its o w n ends. C o n s u m e r culture
w o r k s b e c a u s e c o n s u m e r s want reality to be distorted. A s such, m u c h of
the i m a g e r y with w h i c h the Disney p a r k s deal are targeted at the
family, a key locus of c o n s u m p t i o n .
Stimulating this image acts as a prompt to remind the visitor of his/her

identity as consumer of both the corporation's products and the Disney
merchandise itself, though this is not to suggest that visitors are automata
who rush to buy character dolls and tee-shirts as soon as they can, but that
image is a convenient, self-serving one. (Bryman, 1995: 154)
Disney builds u p o n s u c h i m a g e s in o r d e r to naturalize the p r o c e s s of

c o n s u m p t i o n . T h u s , as a u t h o r s s u c h as Y o s h i m o t o (1994) a n d B r y m a n
(1995) point out, s h o p p i n g will a l w a y s be a key focus of the Disney
experience. Disney p r o v i d e s c o n s u m e r s with narratives that m a k e
c o n s u m p t i o n p a r t of the e x p e r i e n c e itself in o r d e r that the actual act of
c o n s u m p t i o n is not explicitly a c k n o w l e d g e d . The t h e m e d n a t u r e of the
66 CONSUMERISM
c o n s u m e r experience is a tendency that m a n y shopping malls h a v e

duplicated in the a p p a r e n t realization that the m o r e that the c o n s u m e r
feels he or she is escaping into another w o r l d , the m o r e h e o r she will be
p r e p a r e d to c o n s u m e (see B r y m a n , 1995: 159). In this sense, w e should
p e r h a p s consider the validity of Ritzer a n d Liska's (1997) contention
that Disney theme parks ( m u c h like McDonald's) are symbolic of the
increasingly efficient, calculable, predictable a n d a r g u a b l y controlling
n a t u r e of social life in general. In this sense, Ritzer a n d Liska (1997) see
Disney as a mall, another carefully designed structure intent on
e n c o u r a g i n g people not only to visit but also to spend, spend a n d s p e n d
some more.
O n e further a p p r o a c h that a t t e m p t s to c o m e to t e r m s with the
significance of Disney in the context of c o n s u m p t i o n is that b r o a d l y
associated with p o s t m o d e r n i s m , w h i c h I discussed in s o m e detail in
C h a p t e r 2. B r y m a n (1995), in particular, c o m m e n t s on h o w Disney
prioritizes sign-value over use-value; m o r e for a symbolic v a l u e than for
any practical use it m a y or m a y not h a v e . Meanwhile, great e m p h a s i s is
placed u p o n the juxtaposition of cultures at Disney with nostalgia for
times gone by being a c o m m o n t h e m e , a t h e m e closely associated, in
turn, with p o s t m o d e r n i s m . Indeed, B r y m a n (1995: 160) c o m e s to the
conclusion that 'Disney p a r k s a r e sites of postmodernity, since the hail-
s t o r m of signs in which w e are d r e n c h e d , a n d w h i c h exist in plentiful
supply at the parks, a r e e m b l e m s of the p o s t m o d e r n condition.' Disney
parks are characteristically eclectic a n d a r e m o r e specifically centres of
pastiche i n a s m u c h as Disney thrives in the excitement generated b y
incompatible architectures ( B r y m a n , 1995). P e r h a p s m o s t importantly,
Disney parks problematize reality in that they thrive o n an illusion of
reality. In this context, B r y m a n (1995) quotes Willis (1993) w h o h a s
c o n d u c t e d several observations of the Disney p h e n o m e n a :
Many visitors suspend daily perceptions and judgements altogether, and treat
the wonderland environment as more real than real. I saw mis happen one
morning when walking to breakfast at my Disney Resort Hotel. Two small
children were stooped over a small snake that had crawled out on to the sun-
warmed path. 'Don't worry, it's rubber' remarked their mother. (Willis, 1993:
123)
In effect, then, as E c o (1986) points out, Disney glorifies the fake a n d

the stimulation of desire for the fake ( B r y m a n , 1995: 172). This only
w o r k s because reality is inevitably a disappointment in that c o n s u m e r -
ism as a w a y of life is n e v e r as fulfilling as advertisers a n d retail
planners w o u l d h a v e c o n s u m e r s believe. Ultimately, as Ritzer a n d Liska
(1997) suggest, the c o n s u m p t i o n of t o u r i s m a n d of sites of c o n s u m p t i o n
m o r e generally satisfies our desire to c o n s u m e the unauthentic in an
increasingly simulated world.
Conclusion
O n e issue that m i g h t b e said to bring together the a b o v e debates a n d

concerns is that of globalization. T h o u g h it could be a r g u e d that
globalization h a s fractured c o n s u m p t i o n g r o u p s a n d h a s cut a c r o s s
traditional barriers of non-access to p r o v i d e a liberating r e a l m of self
a n d , indeed, u r b a n expression (see Buffoni, 1 9 9 7 ) , there m a y , in fact, be
m o r e evidence to suggest that globalization h a s resulted in the
construction of a s t a n d a r d i z e d a n d uniform u r b a n l a n d s c a p e , notably in
the guise of Americanization. In this context, H a r v e y (1989: 147) talks
about ' t i m e - s p a c e compression', the w a y in w h i c h in the capitalist
w o r l d the time horizons of b o t h the public a n d the p r i v a t e w o r l d s h a v e
shrunk alongside associated a d v a n c e s in c o m m u n i c a t i o n . The implica-
tion here is that p r o d u c t s h a v e b e c o m e internationalized; c o m m o d i t y
e x c h a n g e h a s b e c o m e global. Y o u c a n , for instance, p u r c h a s e a bottle of
C z e c h beer at y o u r local c o r n e r shop m o r e or less w h e r e v e r y o u m i g h t
live in the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d .
O u r relationship to s p a c e is therefore seen to be increasingly uncertain.
A b o v e a n d b e y o n d the i m p a c t of commodification, o u r geographical
identities a r e continually being u n d e r m i n e d in a so-called p o s t m o d e r n
w o r l d . In this respect, the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m on place a n d s p a c e is
far from clear cut. While, o n the one h a n d , c o n s u m p t i o n h a s b e c o m e
such a powerful a n d fundamental influence u p o n c o n t e m p o r a r y society
that this influence is asserted without a n y long-term c o n c e r n for the
creative experience of o u r physical e n v i r o n m e n t or for o u r cities as
diverse social centres, on the other, the globalization of c o n s u m e r life-
styles intensifies the instability of social life, while a r g u a b l y u n d e r m i n i n g
localized identities. U r b a n diversity h a s in m a n y respects b e e n displaced
b y a retail m o n o - e c o n o m y (see Bulos, 1995). The limitations of s u c h
centres a r e c o m p o u n d e d b y the fact that, despite the enjoyment people
get from spending m o n e y in a m a s s c o n s u m e r culture, s u c h enjoyment is
'frequently frustrated b y a retail s y s t e m that strips the "pleasure" from
shopping a n d r e d u c e s it to a m e r e e x c h a n g e of g o o d s for m o n e y '
( N e w b y , 1 9 9 3 : 2 0 8 ) a n d w h e r e spatial realities a r e increasingly
disrupted.
O u r cities h a v e a r g u a b l y b e c o m e functional centres of c o n s u m p t i o n
rather than liberating foci for personal or social creativity. In this
context, Benjamin's (1973) discussion of the flâneur is particularly
relevant. T h e flâneur is a playful a n d transgressive figure, originally
associated with nineteenth-century Paris, w h o strolls t h r o u g h the u r b a n
s p a c e of large cities dispassionately gazing a r o u n d the a r c a d e s of the
u r b a n l a n d s c a p e . W i t h the d e v e l o p m e n t of the d e p a r t m e n t store, the
flaneur's relationship with the c o m m o d i t y b e c a m e a m o r e direct one to
the extent that h e b e c a m e a s actively involved in the e x p a n d i n g r e a l m of
capitalism as the s h o p p e r h i m or herself (see P a r k h u r s t F e r g u s o n , 1994).
A u t h o r s s u c h as Featherstone (1991) discuss the extent to w h i c h the
68 CONSUMERISM
flâneur can be seen to h a v e an equally influential role to play in late

twentieth-century urban life.
Within . . . postmodern cities people are held to engage in a complex sign

play which resonates with the proliferation of signs in the built environment
and urban fabric. The contemporary urban flâneurs, or strollers, play with and
celebrate artificiality, randomness and superficiality of the fantastic mélange
of fictions and strange values which are to be found in the fashions and
popular cultures of cities. (Featherstone, 1991: 24)
The above a p p r o a c h tends to romanticize w h a t u r b a n expressions of

c o n s u m p t i o n are all about and as a result aids the legitimization of
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. Indeed, generally speaking, m a n y c o m -
mentators, including Zukin (1988), p o r t r a y a rather overidealized i m a g e
of c o n s u m e r - d r i v e n lifestyles. In this a t m o s p h e r e policy-makers, in
particular, take the risk of being p e r s u a d e d by the i m a g e of a middle-
class consuming nirvana, an i m a g e w h i c h is, in fact, artificially con-
structed by 'image m a n a g e r s ' with vested interests in e n c o u r a g i n g
investment into the areas c o n c e r n e d (see B e a u r e g a r d , 1986). Meanwhile,
in considering the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m in urban settings, disen-
franchised 'consumers', w h o are unable to partake of the excesses of a
c o n s u m e r culture, continue to be neglected. B e g g a r s on the streets of
major E u r o p e a n cities p r o v i d e us with a clear indication of the limita-
tions of even the most vibrant of c o n s u m e r cultures a n d of the fact that
c o n s u m e r i s m cannot a l w a y s p r o v i d e w h a t it promises.
In the final analysis, exciting a n d inventive opportunities to c o n s u m e
in urban environments do exist. A s such, Zukin (1995: 190) is keen to
stress the n a t u r e of cities as lived centres of c o n s u m e r experience w h e r e
'identities and communities a r e formed a n d w h i c h o w e m o r e to the
u n m e d i a t e d theatricality of medieval a n d early m o d e r n m a r k e t s than to
the calculated stage settings of m e r c h a n t princes of m a s s consumption'.
The sort of expressive cross-cultural vitality that Zukin a r g u e s is acted
out in colourful and ethically thriving locales of c o n s u m p t i o n are,
h o w e v e r , m o r e the exception than the rule. Developments such as that
in L e e d s , England, t o w a r d s the liberation of a 2 4 - h o u r city are exciting
as far as the c o n s u m e r is c o n c e r n e d . But the fact is that all too often
c o n s u m e r s live in w h a t are at best 15-hour cities w h e r e the m o s t
d r a m a t i c act of c o n s u m p t i o n might be found in the form of a busker
w h o s e musicianship is d r o w n e d out by the hustle a n d bustle of a
culture in which n o b o d y has the time or the inclination to c o n s u m e the
architectural images a r o u n d them.
C o n s u m p t i o n has b e c o m e so fundamental to the character of o u r
urban environments that cities could in fact be c o n s t r u e d to be 'unreal'
in the sense that they could be a n y w h e r e ; they h a v e , in effect, lost a
sense of place (see Clarke, 1991). Globalization has h a d a fundamental
role to play in this process. T h o u g h on the surface o u r towns a n d cities
a p p e a r to p r o v i d e a c o n s u m e r i s t e s c a p e from the h a r s h realities a n d

r e s o u r c e divisions that c h a r a c t e r i z e c o n s u m e r society, in reality all they
d o is reinforce the v e r y problems, stresses, not to say e n v i r o n m e n t a l
strains, that they p u r p o r t to resolve. The joys of c o n s u m e r i s m a r e , in
this respect, a p p a r e n t l y skin d e e p . E v e r y w h e r e c o n s u m e r s turn, notably
in the c o n t e x t of the u r b a n environment, c o n s u m e r i s m is a p p a r e n t l y
there to offer a w a y out. Ultimately, far from p r o v i d i n g a w a y out, w h a t
c o n s u m e r i s m actually does is ensure that there c a n n e v e r b e a n y s u c h
thing. It a p p e a r s that, at least in a spatial sense, c o n s u m e r i s m has
indeed b e c o m e a w a y of life. In C h a p t e r 5, I will c o n s i d e r h o w far the
s a m e c a n b e said about the c o n s u m p t i o n of technology.
Recommended reading
Alan Bryman (1995) Disney and his Worlds. London: Routledge. An insightful
discussion of the cultural dimensions of Disney. The section on postmodern-
ism is particularly useful.
Larry O'Brien and Frank Harris (1991) Retailing: Shopping, Society, Space. London:
Fulton. A useful geographical account of retailing which includes a
particularly good section on the development of retail in Britain.
George Ritzer (1993) The McDonaldization of Society. Newbury Park, CA: Pine
Forge. An interesting angle on the potentially controlling aspects of
commodification which draws upon Weber's theories of rationalization.
Robert D. Sack (1992) Place, Modernity, and the Consumer's World. London: Johns
Hopkins University Press. Looks at the way in which place and space define
the world of the consumer.
Sharon Zukin (1988) Loft Living: Culture and Capital in Urban Change. London:
Radius. A key contribution to debates over the gentrification of cities and the
impact of consumer lifestyles in urban centres. The significance of loft living
itself is, however, debatable.
5
CONSUMING TECHNOLOGY
The world that Libby inhabits is very different. It's 1996; she's three. If
her sister is watching the four-channel television downstairs, she can
choose one of her many Disney videos to keep her company on the
floor above. Her dad is in the study, writing articles on the word-
processor, which he then sends by fax to various places. Her mum is
always in contact, using the mobile phone, or she can be bleeped. Dad
is waiting for a new computer to be delivered - one with the CD-ROM
programmes she's seen advertised, and access to something called the
Net. He'd like cable telly. She's heard the rows this has occasioned
between her parents, who have sharply opposed views about where all
this - this deluge of electronic information - is headed.
(Aaronovitch, 1996: 7)
If w e w e r e to believe everything w e read in the n e w s p a p e r s a n d s a w on

the television, it w o u l d not take us long to be convinced that c o n s u m e r
society is, in fact, essentially a technological society, a w o r l d of virtual
reality w h e r e the only limitation is the extent of the h u m a n imagination.
In this respect, as far as D r u c k e r y (1995: 1) is c o n c e r n e d , 'Technology
forms the core of the cultural transformations that a r e generating
startling changes in e v e r y cultural a n d political activity.' A u t h o r s such
as Silverstone and Hirsch (1992) a c k n o w l e d g e that s u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s
h a v e significant implications for the n a t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of
c o n s u m p t i o n and that, in particular, information a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n
technologies are b e c o m i n g a key c o m p o n e n t of household cultures of
consumption. Indeed, the i m p a c t of technology on c o n t e m p o r a r y
society, and m o r e specifically on c o n s u m e r s , provides a fascinating
b a r o m e t e r of the apparently irresistible temptations of c o n s u m e r i s m .
During the course of this chapter I will therefore consider h o w far the
c o n s u m p t i o n of technology is actually closely c o n s t r u c t e d for c o n s u m e r s
a n d h o w , in turn, this relates to the role of technology as a liberating
force in the experience of c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r culture.
A s a m e a n s of addressing the above questions, I shall begin this
chapter by asking whether there is any such thing as virtual consumption.
CONSUMING TECHNOLOGY 71
I will then g o o n to assess w h e t h e r or not w e m i g h t usefully describe

consumer society as a post-industrial information society. I will then consider
t w o e x a m p l e s of technological c o n s u m p t i o n , home computers and
television, as a m e a n s of extending this debate. Before c o n c l u d i n g this
chapter, three key questions will be considered: Is technology really
egalitarian? What is the relationship between technological consumption and
power? A n d Is technology necessarily progressive?
Virtual consumption or virtual myth?
Is there a n y s u c h thing as virtual c o n s u m p t i o n ? O r a r e c o n s u m e r s

m e r e l y c o n s u m i n g a m y t h in accepting the a p p a r e n t l y inevitable attri-
butes of a technological future? In his book, The Third Wave, Alvin
Toffler (1981: 10) a r g u e s that:
The computer can be asked by us to 'think the unthinkable' and the

previously unthought. It makes possible a flood of new theories, ideas,
ideologies, artistic insights, technical advances, economic and political inno-
vations that were, in the most literal sense, unthinkable and unimaginable
before now. In this way it accelerates the historical change and fuels the
thrust towards Third Wave social diversity.
Bearing these t h o u g h t s in m i n d , in this c h a p t e r I w a n t to consider the

sort of role t e c h n o l o g y really does p l a y in constructing c o n t e m p o r a r y
c o n s u m e r lifestyles a n d the extent to w h i c h s u c h a construction is
potentially socially divisive. O n e aspect of technological c o n s u m p t i o n
that is constantly l a u d e d as a n illustration of the d e m o c r a t i c n a t u r e of
n e w technology is the Internet. Politicians a n d m e d i a c o m m e n t a t o r s
alike constantly refer to a c o m p u t e r - d r i v e n Utopian future in w h i c h the
Internet plays a key role in liberating a virtual w o r l d within w h i c h
e v e r y individual is equal (see A a r o n o v i t c h , 1996). But w h a t is often
overlooked in this analysis is the fact that access to c o m p u t e r s , a n d to
cutting-edge innovations in technology in general, is largely limited to a
privileged a c a d e m i c a n d business-based minority. In this respect,
c o n s u m e r s ' e x p e r i e n c e s of technological c o n s u m p t i o n a r e often inevit-
ably negative. A c c e s s to technology is inherently divisive in so far as it
creates a distinction b e t w e e n those w h o h a v e the r e s o u r c e s to p a r t a k e in
technological c o n s u m p t i o n a n d those w h o d o not. T h e majority of
c o n s u m e r s d o n o t h a v e the r e s o u r c e s to tap into the technology that is
s u p p o s e d l y going to liberate them. T h e a r g u m e n t I will b e considering
in this c h a p t e r therefore centres on w h e t h e r the only a r e a s of social life
in w h i c h technology h a s a real i m p a c t a r e either a r e a s that require
e x p e r t k n o w l e d g e , w h i c h people d o not h a v e , or those that d o not
require a n y expertise a n d w h i c h are therefore unfulfilling as a result.
72 CONSUMERISM
Before addressing these debates in a n y detail, w e n e e d to consider

h o w influential technology c a n potentially be in relation t o social
experience in general. Technological determinists a r g u e that c h a n g e s in
technology a r e the c a u s e of c h a n g e in society (see M a c K e n z i e a n d
W a j c m a n , 1985). In this sense, technologists a p p l y the principles of
science in o r d e r to w o r k out the principal benefits of n e w scientific
discoveries, introducing those benefits into society, often in the f o r m of
p r o d u c t s . Technological c h a n g e c a n be seen, from this point of view, to
c a u s e social c h a n g e in the construction of a n e w type of society. Such a
society is often seen to h a v e been liberated from the restricted practices
of capitalist production. In effect, it is a r g u e d that technologies h a v e
social legacies. But the p r o b l e m here, t o u c h e d u p o n by M a c K e n z i e a n d
W a j c m a n (1985), is that often society h a s m o r e effect u p o n the n a t u r e of
technology than technology has on the n a t u r e of society. W h a t is
arguably created is therefore a cyclical process w h e r e b y technology
constantly r e p r o d u c e s the consumerist ideologies that constituted it in
the first place. It could therefore be a r g u e d that technology is subject to
e c o n o m i c imperatives a n d subsequently that
if technological systems are economic enterprises, and if they are involved

directly or indirectly in market competition, then technical change is forced
on them. If they are to survive at all, much less to prosper, they cannot
forever stand still. Technical change is made inevitable, and its nature and
direction profoundly conditioned by this. (MacKenzie and Wajcman, 1985: 14)
This point raises s o m e i m p o r t a n t issues about the role of technology

in a c o n s u m e r society w h i c h I will consider in m o r e detail t o w a r d s the
end of this chapter. A t this stage, I will develop s o m e of the a b o v e
points b y focusing on debates concerning the existence of a post-
industrial society and the implications that this sort of society m a y or
m a y not h a v e for the c o n s u m e r .
Is consumer society a post-industrial 'information' society?
By considering the contribution of Daniel Bell (1973) a n d his w o r k on

the n a t u r e of post-industrial society, I h o p e to begin to p u t the a b o v e
debates into a sociological context. Bell's w o r k represents o n e of the
m o s t significant a t t e m p t s to a d d r e s s the sociological i m p a c t of tech-
nology u p o n the structure of c o n t e m p o r a r y life experience. Bell identi-
fies the e m e r g e n c e of a society based o n the foundations of a n age of
information a n d high technology w h i c h a r e seen to s u p e r s e d e h e a v y
industry. H e therefore a r g u e s that there has been a radical transforma-
tion of social life, largely as a result of v a r i o u s a d v a n c e s in science
a n d technology. These a d v a n c e s include: first, a shift of e m p h a s i s a w a y
from the p r o d u c t i o n of g o o d s a n d t o w a r d s the provision of services;

s e c o n d l y , the p r i o r i t i z a t i o n of p l a n n e d t e c h n o l o g i c a l i n n o v a t i o n ,
w h e r e b y science, technology a n d e c o n o m i c s a r e increasingly integrated
in the c o n t e x t of research; thirdly, the subsequent influential role of a
professional a n d technical class w h o s e influence is s u c h that they
b e c o m e , in effect, the n e w ruling class of society; a n d fourthly, a funda-
m e n t a l role for theoretical k n o w l e d g e a t the forefront of innovation a n d
policy, to the extent that theoretical k n o w l e d g e e m e r g e s as the axial
principle of a post-industrial society.
Industrial society is the co-ordination of machines and men for the

production of goods. Post-industrial society is organized around knowledge,
for the purpose of social control and the directing of innovation and change;
and thus in turn gives rise to new social relationships and new structures
which have to be managed politically. (Bell, 1973: 20)
W h a t is crucial h e r e is that Bell identifies w h a t is at least partially a

technological revolution, b u t a r g u e s that this revolution c a n n o t b e
u n d e r s t o o d w i t h o u t reference to its social a n d political context. Indeed,
as far as Bell is c o n c e r n e d , the technological revolution is e x p r e s s e d
within a cultural revolution w h e r e , m o s t notably, t i m e b e c o m e s the
m o s t p r e c i o u s a n d enslaving of c o m m o d i t i e s .
T h o u g h Bell's a r g u m e n t s c a n b e c o m m e n d e d for stimulating c o n -
siderable d e b a t e a s to the n a t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y d e v e l o p e d societies,
they h a v e been criticized o n a n u m b e r of counts. M o s t significantly
p e r h a p s , K u m a r ( 1 9 7 8 ) a r g u e s that Bell overestimates the decline of the
m a n u f a c t u r i n g sector a n d the subsequent rise of the service sector.
Meanwhile, r e s e a r c h a n d d e v e l o p m e n t (R&D), w h i c h Bell sees as being
a crucial influence o n the e m e r g e n c e of a n e w society, is a r g u a b l y
something that h a s a l w a y s been associated w i t h industrial societies
( K u m a r , 1978). Bell ( 1 9 7 3 ) also e x a g g e r a t e s the role of theoretical
knowledge. In this c o n t e x t , S w i n g e w o o d ( 1 9 9 1 ) points o u t that in
m o d e r n industrial societies the p r o p o r t i o n of g r o s s national p r o d u c t
( G N P ) d e v o t e d to p u r e science is far less t h a n that invested in p r a c t i c a l
r e s e a r c h projects, thereby contradicting a central tenet of Bell's theory.
Q u o t i n g a c a d e m i c i n v o l v e m e n t in g o v e r n m e n t defence a n d foreign-
policy projects, S w i n g e w o o d ( 1 9 9 1 ) also doubts Bell's ( 1 9 7 3 ) contention
that a science-based profession, w h i c h is led far m o r e b y c o m m u n i t y
a n d environmentally b a s e d motivations than b y profits, h a s actually
emerged.
In effect, the a r g u m e n t that the p o w e r a n d influence of the k n o w l e d g e
a n d scientific elite h a s in recent d e c a d e s b e e n e x t e n d e d is greatly
e x a g g e r a t e d b y Bell. His vision of technology is u n d o u b t e d l y a n
idealized one, notably in the w a y in w h i c h h e neglects the fact that
technological innovation h a s the less h o n o u r a b l e distinction of bringing
w i t h it significant i n c r e a s e s in u n e m p l o y m e n t (see G o r z , 1 9 8 2 ;
74 CONSUMERISM
Callinicos, 1989). A u t h o r s such as K u m a r (1978) therefore a r g u e that

Bell is a technological determinist i n a s m u c h as he r e a d s too m u c h social
c h a n g e in technological a d v a n c e s w h i c h a r e not in fact as revolutionary
as h e m i g h t think. W h a t is p e r h a p s of m o r e c o n c e r n is Bell's woefully
m i s g u i d e d prediction that m a r k e t forces will actually r e c e d e in influ-
ence in a post-industrial society. The evidence contradicting this point
of v i e w seems to be o v e r w h e l m i n g as so m u c h of the material presented
in this book a p p e a r s to illustrate. In m a n y respects, m a r k e t forces
apparently maintain a vice-like grip on the n a t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y
society, while:
The fact that fewer people are employed in material production does not in
any case alter the fact that no one can survive without the industrial goods
manufactured by these people. Not only do human beings continue to have
the same mundane needs for food, clothing, shelter, and the like, but rising
living standards and the associated expansion of mass consumption entail a
proliferation of material goods, particularly given the tendency . . . for
services to be replaced with consumer durables. (Callinicos, 1989: 127)
The p r o m i n e n c e of c o n s u m e r g o o d s within the f r a m e w o r k of c o n d u c t

in c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r societies is well expressed in K u m a r ' s (1978)
discussion of long-term historical c h a n g e in the n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n .
T e c h n o l o g y has evidently h a d a key role to play in c o n s u m p t i o n ' s
pacification of the c o n s u m e r . F o r instance, w h e r e a s previously a
c o n s u m e r m a y h a v e h a d the ability a n d willingness to repair his o r her
car, television set or radio, in c o n t e m p o r a r y society such skills a r e
b e c o m i n g increasingly specialized as a result of the sort of 'progress'
that a u t h o r s such as Bell discuss. In effect, c o n s u m e r s a r e b e c o m i n g
deskilled a n d the result of this process is the wholescale demoralization
of c o n s u m e r s w h o b e c o m e increasingly d e p e n d e n t u p o n skills a n d
services w h i c h need to be paid for in the m a r k e t p l a c e ( K u m a r , 1978).
U n s k i l l e d a n d a p a t h e t i c c o n s u m e r s s a v e Bell's ( 1 9 7 3 ) p r e c i o u s
c o m m o d i t y , n a m e l y time, b y accepting the options p r o v i d e d for t h e m
b y the m a r k e t p l a c e through, for instance, p u r c h a s i n g a d i s h w a s h e r they
d o not k n o w h o w to fix. In effect, as K u m a r (1978) notes, c o n s u m e r
capitalism is increasingly m o v i n g into u n e x p l o r e d terrain. T h e vehicle
by w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m does so is a p p a r e n t l y technological innovation.
C o n t e m p o r a r y societies a r e still based on a capitalist model. T o a r g u e
that this m o d e l has been s u p e r s e d e d by the liberating, socializing
i m p a c t of technological innovation is quite simply misleading.
O n e author w h o does m u c h to extend this debate is L y o n (1988) in his
book, The Information Society, in which h e points out that technology
actively erodes social boundaries. Technology, L y o n a r g u e s , has a
significant i m p a c t on the n a t u r e of c o n t e m p o r a r y society, not least
t h r o u g h the increased likelihood of h o m e w o r k i n g t h r o u g h r e m o t e
c o m p u t e r terminals. Meanwhile, w o r k is b e c o m i n g increasingly flexible
t h r o u g h the d e v e l o p m e n t of mobile c o m p u t e r a n d telephone technol-

ogy, while the d o m e s t i c s p h e r e is increasingly being infiltrated b y the
public m a r k e t p l a c e ( L y o n , 1 9 8 8 ) . In effect, the c o n s u m p t i o n of tech-
nology a p p e a r s to p l a y a key role in the i m p l e m e n t a t i o n of cultural
transformations.
Equally interesting in this respect is the w o r k of H e r b e r t Schiller
(1981) w h o relates the e m e r g e n c e of a n information society to the
imperatives of c o n s u m e r capitalism. Schiller a r g u e s that the technolo-
gies w h i c h a r e allied to the information society a r e d e v e l o p e d w i t h the
p r i m a r y intention of furthering the interests of the c o r p o r a t e m a r k e t -
place. Information technology bolsters the p o w e r s of c o r p o r a t e capital-
ism by c o m p r e s s i n g time a n d s p a c e , while furthering the interests of the
apparently decentralized yet increasingly p o w e r f u l n a t u r e of global
business (see W e b s t e r , 1995). In this context, W e b s t e r c o n s i d e r s those
critics w h o h a v e e x t e n d e d Schiller's analysis of the capitalist dimensions
of technology. T h u s , reinforcing a point I m a d e in C h a p t e r 4 , sur-
veillance c a n b e seen as restricting social dissent, while strengthening
the hold of capitalist relations (see M o s c o , 1 9 8 9 ) . M o r e interestingly,
W e b s t e r (1995: 9 5 ) notes that technology c a n be p e r c e i v e d actively to
consolidate c o n s u m e r capitalism i n a s m u c h as 'Informational d e v e l o p -
m e n t s a r e central to the s p r e a d of c o n s u m e r i s m since they p r o v i d e the
m e a n s by w h i c h people a r e p e r s u a d e d b y c o r p o r a t e capitalism that it is
both a desirable a n d an inevitable w a y of life.' I will n o w consider this
contention in m o r e detail with reference to the c o n s u m p t i o n of t w o
particular forms of technology: the personal c o m p u t e r a n d television.
Consuming home computers
In considering the i m p a c t of the h o m e c o m p u t e r o n c o n s u m e r lifestyles,

M u r d o c k et al. ( 1 9 9 2 ) describe the h o m e c o m p u t e r as o n e of the m o s t
c o n s p i c u o u s c o n s u m e r p r o d u c t s of the 1980s. In this c o n t e x t , they a r g u e
that h o m e c o m p u t e r s p r o v i d e a site of continual cultural struggle o v e r
the m e a n i n g of the m a c h i n e a n d its a p p r o p r i a t e uses, notably w i t h
r e g a r d to debates b e t w e e n the educational a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t v a l u e of
c o m p u t e r h a r d w a r e . M u r d o c k et al. a d d r e s s s u c h issues t h r o u g h a n
interview-based r e s e a r c h project carried out in the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s . T h e y note
that, despite p r o m o t i o n a l exercises o n the p a r t of the c o m p u t e r
industry, h o m e c o m p u t i n g r e m a i n s a p r e s e r v e of the m i d d l e classes.
L o o k i n g at the c o n s u m p t i o n of h o m e c o m p u t i n g f r o m a n e c o n o m i c
point of v i e w , m a n y of M u r d o c k et al.'s interviewees e x p r e s s e d the
feeling that the c o m p u t e r they p u r c h a s e d did not live u p to the h y p e
associated generally w i t h the c o m p u t e r 'revolution'. T h e p r o b l e m h e r e
w a s that those h o u s e h o l d s w i t h higher i n c o m e c o u l d afford c o m p u t e r s
that fulfilled their n e e d s , while those lower d o w n the social scale c o u l d
not a n d as s u c h w e r e often d e p e n d e n t u p o n obsolete technology.
76 CONSUMERISM
Material resources clearly play a fundamental role in c o n s u m e r s '

experience of c o m p u t e r technology. W h a t is interesting about the
m a r k e t for h o m e c o m p u t e r s is h o w it h a s diversified from its original
guise as a form of 'rational' recreation. This fed, in Britain at least, u p o n
g o v e r n m e n t and m e d i a discourses about the 'information age' in light
of the potential educational a d v a n t a g e s that a c o m p u t e r could p r o v i d e
for people's children. Gradually, the role of the c o m p u t e r as a g a m e s
console c a m e to play a m o r e fundamental role. Software c o m p a n i e s
w e r e b e c o m i n g a w a r e of the m a s s i v e potential m a r k e t they h a d at their
disposal. Despite reservations o n the p a r t of h a r d w a r e m a n u f a c t u r e r s ,
w h o w e r e w o r r i e d about losing the i m a g e of the c o m p u t e r as a general-
p u r p o s e educational m a c h i n e , the i m a g e of the c o m p u t e r began to
c h a n g e in the early to m i d - 1 9 8 0 s in both the U S A a n d Britain. W h a t e v e r ,
for instance, h a p p e n e d to the m a i n s t a y s of British c o m p u t i n g education,
the B B C m i c r o a n d the A c o r n ? In fact, the m a r k e t h a s b e c o m e increas-
ingly divided between c o m p a n i e s s u c h as IBM a n d Microsoft, w h o
p r o v i d e h a r d w a r e a n d software for the serious user, a n d those c o n c e n -
trating on the g a m e s console, such as Sega a n d N i n t e n d o ( M u r d o c k et
al., 1992: 159). W h a t this piece of r e s e a r c h illustrates is that technology
a p p e a r s to aid capitalism in its exploration of e v e r - n e w m a r k e t s , the
a b o v e diversification between serious a n d fun uses for the c o m p u t e r
being a typical example.
[T]his industrial segmentation will be mapped onto social divisions, and . . .

self-determined computing will remain concentrated in the relatively affluent
and well-educated households of the professional and managerial strata,
whilst the rest of the population are largely confined to participating in
professionally crafted fantasies. They will have interactivity without power.
The consequences of this situation for democratic participation, in a society
increasingly organized around screen-based systems, deserves more extended
discussion than it has so far received. (Murdock et al., 1992: 159)
Taking this point one step further, it could be a r g u e d that c o m p u t e r s

a r e beginning to take over our lives; that the benefits of c o m p u t e r s are
blinding us to the m o r e u n s a v o u r y aspects of c o m p u t e r consumption.
F o r instance, in writing this book I w a s able to benefit from innova-
tions in w o r d - p r o c e s s i n g software w h i c h m a d e the task far less
o n e r o u s than it w o u l d h a v e been, say, 2 0 years ago. H o w e v e r , in
enjoying s u c h benefits I m a y be guilty of forgetting the sorts of social
a n d e c o n o m i c implications of the h a r d w a r e a n d software I use. F o r
instance, Microsoft is a c o m p a n y that virtually controls the n a t u r e of
the world's c o m p u t e r software. C a n this be in the interests of the
c o n s u m e r ? Is technology conspiring with c o n s u m e r capitalism in the
w a y in w h i c h it rapidly turns over obsolete technologies? D o specific
c o m p a n i e s h a v e control, not m e r e l y over their m a r k e t s , but also over
their c o n s u m e r s , i n a s m u c h as they actively construct the p a r a m e t e r s
within w h i c h those people c o n s u m e ? Is, indeed, C h a n c e l l o r (1997: 5 )

correct in his contention that:
It is obvious why companies such as Apple and Microsoft keep putting new
versions of their products on the market and hyping them to the skies. If they
didn't, they would soon run out of customers, for their old products are so
good that their owners have to be bullied into feeling discontented with them.
In this context, a d v a n c e s in c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y a r e constantly touted

by the m e d i a . F o r instance, one application for c o m p u t e r t e c h n o l o g y in
the future m a y well be the implantation of c o m p u t e r chips into p a r t s of
people's bodies in o r d e r to allow t h e m to talk a n d interact directly with
c o m p u t e r systems: in effect, the d e v e l o p m e n t of t e c h n o l o g y that actively
reads the c o n s u m e r ' s m i n d a n d transmits instructions in c o m p u t e r c o d e
( L e v y a n d R a y m e n t , 1 9 9 5 : 1 5 ) . This w o u l d surely set a d a n g e r o u s
precedent. In particular, it m a y e x t e n d the b o u n d a r i e s of 'unauthentic
experience' in that the w o r l d of surface a n d m e d i a - b a s e d i m a g e s , w h i c h I
discussed in C h a p t e r s 2 - 4 in the c o n t e x t of p o s t m o d e r n i s m , b e c o m e s
increasingly real to the c o n s u m e r . This therefore e n c o u r a g e s m o r e inter-
action with the c o m p u t e r a n d less with the real w o r l d a n d its inhabitants.
In other w o r d s , c o m p u t e r s r u n the risk of m a k i n g c o n s u m p t i o n increas-
ingly passive.
T e l e v i s i o n as t e c h n o l o g y
M o r l e y a n d Silverstone (1990) take a m o r e interactive v i e w of tech-

nology than s o m e of the a b o v e a u t h o r s in discussing television, w h i c h
they see as b e c o m i n g e m b e d d e d within a d i v e r s e technical a n d c o n -
s u m e r culture. T h e y a r g u e that, in c o n t r a s t to those p e o p l e m a r k e t i n g
television w h o see it as just a n o t h e r m a c h i n e for the selling of tech-
nologies, c o n s u m e r s c o n s t r u c t their o w n m e a n i n g s in d o m e s t i c settings
t h r o u g h p a t t e r n s of u s e a n d display. In effect, television is articulated
t h r o u g h t w o sets of meanings: first, m e a n i n g s c r e a t e d b y p r o d u c e r s a n d
c o n s u m e r s w h i c h focus a r o u n d the selling a n d b u y i n g of objects a n d
their use as a display of style in relation to the m e m b e r s h i p of a c o m -
m u n i t y or subculture; a n d , secondly, m e d i a t e d m e a n i n g s c o n v e y e d b y
the negotiation a n d transformation of the technologies o n offer.
U s i n g conceptions of time a n d s p a c e to d e v e l o p their a r g u m e n t ,
M o r l e y a n d Silverstone ( 1 9 9 0 ) see the d e v e l o p m e n t of television as
reflecting the historical transition of leisure time into the d o m e s t i c
sphere. In this context, as far as time is c o n c e r n e d , television p r o v i d e s a
c o m m o n cultural r e s o u r c e or routine. H o w e v e r , the implications of
technological d e v e l o p m e n t s in cable a n d satellite television, with the
associated increase in available channels, is that the 'simultaneity' of
social e x p e r i e n c e is u n d e r m i n e d (1990: 4 4 ) . In other w o r d s , the 'imagined
78 CONSUMERISM
c o m m u n i t y ' that television provides for its c o n s u m e r s b e c o m e s lost

(1990: 4 3 ) . Technological d e v e l o p m e n t s clearly h a v e significant implica-
tions for the w a y in w h i c h c o n s u m e r s c o n s u m e a n d for the w a y in w h i c h
they structure their e v e r y d a y lives. H o w e v e r , M o r l e y a n d Silverstone
(1990: 4 8 ) continue to e m p h a s i z e that not only d o technologies of
c o n s u m p t i o n 'mobilize, extend, reinforce or transform the m e t a p h o r s of
e v e r y d a y life', but such m e t a p h o r s are also actively taken u p a n d
translated by c o n s u m e r s . It is in this sense that technology m i g h t be said
to b e interactive. A s a vehicle of c o n s u m p t i o n , technology m i g h t well be
a r g u e d to be far m o r e than a straightforward expression of social
division or a vivid expression of the p o w e r of the p r o d u c e r . Rather, the
c o n s u m p t i o n of technology c a n transform social life, depending, of
course, u p o n the context in w h i c h such c o n s u m p t i o n occurs.
A n o t h e r author w h o considers the extent to w h i c h television v i e w e r s
c a n transform the technologies they c o n s u m e is Ien A n g (1992). A n g
presents an interesting analysis of the c o n s u m p t i o n of television w h i c h
she describes as a 'consumer delivery enterprise for advertisers' (Ang,
1992: 132). M o v i n g on, A n g looks at the role technology h a s p l a y e d in
the creation of a burgeoning n u m b e r of cable a n d satellite television
stations. A s such, A n g notes that 3 0 or m o r e channels c a n be v i e w e d in
o v e r 2 0 p e r cent of A m e r i c a n h o m e s , with the n u m b e r of households
taking a d v a n t a g e of video technology being well in e x c e s s of 5 0 p e r
cent. A c c o r d i n g to A n g , this proliferation in channels h a s m a d e the
business of monitoring w h a t c o n s u m e r s w a t c h increasingly problematic
for the industry as a whole. H e n c e , the television industry h a s started to
use a n e w piece of technology called the 'people m e t e r ' w h i c h elec-
tronically r e c o r d s viewing patterns. H o w e v e r , this particular a p p r o a c h
to the apparently chaotic a n d diverse n a t u r e of viewers' habits is far
from a complete solution. Viewers a r e able to adjust their v i e w i n g
habits a c c o r d i n g to their o w n n e e d s regardless of the industry itself
w h i c h struggles to keep u p with the a p p a r e n t versatility of the r e m o t e
control. A n g (1992) therefore quotes Bedell Smith (1985), w h o a r g u e s
that viewers are increasingly taking control after d e c a d e s of t y r a n n y on
the part of television p r o g r a m m e r s . It could therefore be a r g u e d that
television is not as m u c h of a one-dimensional experience as s o m e
c o m m e n t a t o r s imply a n d , in turn, that c o n s u m e r s h a v e b e g u n to c o m -
m a n d e e r technology actively for their use, thereby u s u r p i n g the wishes
of d o m i n a n t players in the television industry. P e r h a p s c o n s u m e r s d o
h a v e s o m e control over the c o n s u m p t i o n of technology after all. A n g
d o e s not, h o w e v e r , a r g u e that television viewers h a v e c o m p l e t e
freedom: after all, they cannot m a k e the p r o g r a m m e s themselves. But
w h a t she does try to d o is
foreground and dramatize the continuing dialectic between the technologized

strategies of the industry and the fleeting and dispersed tactics by which
consumers, while confined by the range of offerings provided by the
industry, surreptitiously seize moments to transform these offerings into

'opportunities' of their own - making 'watching television', embedded as it is
in the context of everyday life, not only into a multiple and heterogeneous
cultural practice, but also, more fundamentally, into a fundamental mdefinite
and ultimately ambiguous one, which is beyond prediction and measure-
ment. (Ang, 1992: 142)
Despite s u c h protestations, reservations m u s t r e m a i n a b o u t h o w

liberating television c a n really b e in a n e n v i r o n m e n t w h e r e the stimula-
tion of c o n s u m p t i o n a p p e a r s to be so important. A s W e b s t e r (1995)
notes, television plays a formative role in reinforcing the s t a y - a t - h o m e
ethos of c o n s u m e r i s m , a n d c u r r e n t technological innovations s u c h as
flat-screen televisions a r e likely to a g g r a v a t e this trend. Television is
indeed one of the foremost m e a n s of transmitting i m a g e s a n d b y doing
so necessarily p r o m o t e s c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. A b o v e a n d
b e y o n d advertising, the television p r o g r a m m e s themselves actively
p r o m o t e the sorts of benefits a n d fulfilment that c a n b e enjoyed t h r o u g h
conspicuous c o n s u m p t i o n .
Is technology really egalitarian?
Is the egalitarian n a t u r e of technological c o n s u m p t i o n therefore e x a g -

gerated? A s c o n s u m e r s , w e feel intuitively that technology should b e
liberating. Indeed, as L y o n (1988) suggests, the i n c r e a s e d a r r a y of
technologically inspired c o m m o d i t i e s a p p e a r s to p r o v i d e m o r e choice for
e v e r y o n e t h r o u g h cable television c h a n n e l s d e v o t e d to c a t a l o g u e
shopping a n d c o m p u t e r s that double as television m o n i t o r s , or t h r o u g h
the likely introduction of n e w technology w h i c h allows the c o n s u m e r to
c u s t o m i z e his or her favourite track o n t o a single c o m p a c t disc. H o w -
ever, as L y o n (1988) g o e s o n to a r g u e , o n e of the p r o b l e m s of this
increased cultural commodification is a diffusion of ' g a r b a g e informa-
tion' that h a s n o real educational v a l u e to the c o n s u m e r . In this respect,
technological innovation is a r g u a b l y h a v i n g a negative i m p a c t u p o n
c o n s u m e r s ' life experiences. W h a t a p p e a r s to b e h a p p e n i n g in this
c o n t e x t is that the e x p a n s i o n of electronic culture is leading to less rather
than m o r e choice. T e c h n o l o g y is not developing a n d i m p r o v i n g for
technology's sake b u t at the behest a n d for the benefit of the m a r k e t p l a c e .
F o r instance, in C h a p t e r 8 , 1 discuss the increasing p r e p o n d e r a n c e of p a y -
p e r - v i e w sporting channels w h i c h allow the c o n s u m e r to see the sporting
contest of his o r h e r choice. S u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s a r e p u r s u e d n o t p u r e l y
to e x t e n d c o n s u m e r choice, b u t also b e c a u s e they c r e a t e a m a r k e t
s e g m e n t that c a n b e exploited c o m m e r c i a l l y . In effect, the technological
choices that a r e m a d e in the m a r k e t p l a c e a r e m a d e a c c o r d i n g to the
criteria of profitability. C o n s u m e r choice only c o m e s into the equation as
a m e a n s of fulfilling those criteria.
80 CONSUMERISM
W h a t I a m suggesting here is not only that a so-called post-industrial

or information society m a y not be as beneficial to c o n s u m e r s as it m a y
a p p e a r to be on the surface, but that, as Jean-Pierre D u p u y (1980) also
points out, the social transitions that s u c h an a p p r o a c h a t t e m p t s to
describe d o not in any c a s e serve to liberate h u m a n k i n d from material
constraints. Bell's (1973) suggestion that the m o v e t o w a r d s a service-
b a s e d e c o n o m y , w h i c h he describes as 'a g a m e b e t w e e n people,
u n m e d i a t e d by things' ( D u p u y , 1980: 4 ) is quite p r e p o s t e r o u s i n a s m u c h
as:
far from being a stage in the progressive evolution of mankind, postindustrial

society . . . is a phase in the history of capitalism coping with its contradic-
tions. Rather than delivering us from material constraints, the informational
society intensifies the struggle for survival and strengthens the radical
monopoly of economic activity over the social and political dimensions of our
life . . . Instead of fostering harmony among people, then, the new tech-
nologies are aggravating alienation, producing a highly unstable, potentially
explosive system. (Dupuy, 1980: 4 - 5 )
In the s a m e collection of essays, Baudrillard (1980: 137) a r g u e s that, in

fact, ' W e live in a w o r l d of proliferating information a n d shrinking
sense.' Baudrillard sees information, a n d particularly that p r o p a g a t e d
t h r o u g h the m a s s m e d i a , as effectively neutralizing social relations. T h e
m e d i a actually destroy the social t h r o u g h a b o m b a r d m e n t of signs
w h i c h are given life by technological innovations in the m e d i a . T h e
'masses' are infatuated by w h a t the m e d i a offer them, not in t e r m s of
the media's m e s s a g e , but t h r o u g h the m o r e general a n d fascinating
i m a g e r y that the m e d i a constantly r e p r o d u c e a n d w h i c h thereby creates
a situation w h e r e b y actual m e a n i n g is liquidated.
In contextualizing the a b o v e a p p r o a c h e s to the i m p a c t of technology
a n d information u p o n society, I w a n t to g o on to consider the generally
m o r e positive perspective of Yoneji M a s a u d a (1990) a n d his work,
Managing the Information Society, in w h i c h h e considers the future
p r o s p e c t s a n d implications of technological c o n s u m p t i o n . M a s a u d a
a r g u e s that as the information e p o c h e m e r g e s social c o n s u m p t i o n will
be e x p a n d e d . That is, w h e r e a s in industrial societies personal forms of
c o n s u m p t i o n b e c a m e d o m i n a n t in the form of food, housing, cars a n d
so on, the information society, w h i c h he feels is currently e m e r g i n g , will
stimulate social c o n s u m p t i o n in the form of p a r k s , schools, hospitals
a n d suchlike. M a s a u d a (1990) notes that an industrial society is
essentially based on the satisfaction of material needs a n d that a liberal
capitalist system is highly efficient in maintaining the relative satis-
faction of the populace. In turn, as long as material productivity raises
the level of material c o n s u m p t i o n , saturation point will inevitably be
r e a c h e d . Meanwhile, social disutility, including air pollution, u r b a n
congestion a n d excessive environmental d a m a g e , will continue to
increase in inverse p r o p o r t i o n to increases in m a t e r i a l c o n s u m p t i o n . A s

this situation deteriorates a n d as the implications of c o n s u m p t i o n in a n
information society r a p i d l y b e c o m e evident, M a s a u d a a r g u e s that
c o n s u m e r s will eventually c o m e to p l a c e m o r e i m p o r t a n c e o n social
utility, thereby i m p o s i n g constraints o n individual c o n s u m p t i o n a n d , in
t u r n , e n h a n c i n g t h e t e n d e n c y for i n c r e a s i n g l y s o c i a l f o r m s o f
c o n s u m p t i o n . T h e w h o l e p r o c e s s is a p p a r e n t l y e x a c e r b a t e d b y the fact
that the c o n s u m p t i o n of c o m p u t e r information is a service generally
offered b y a public utility a n d s u c h services a r e extensively u s e d b y
public s y s t e m s s u c h as m e d i c a l c a r e a n d e d u c a t i o n .
The net result of all this w o u l d b e the e m e r g e n c e of a m o r e socially
a n d environmentally a w a r e society w h e r e information is u s e d for the
social g o o d . T h e e n v i r o n m e n t b e c o m e s a social r e s o u r c e rather t h a n a
r e s o u r c e to be exploited for the benefit of individualized forms of
c o n s u m p t i o n . C o n s u m e r s o r citizens therefore join t o g e t h e r to c o n s t r u c t
public facilities s u c h as h o m e s for the elderly, schools a n d r o a d s . A s far
as M a s a u d a (1990) is c o n c e r n e d , then, t e c h n o l o g y h a s a f u n d a m e n t a l
role to play in liberating the c o n s u m e r from the anti-social w o r l d that h e
or she currently inhabits.
The relationship between technological consumption and

power
It is therefore possible to a r g u e that, far from h a v i n g a n e g a t i v e i m p a c t

u p o n the e v e r y d a y e x p e r i e n c e of a c o n s u m e r c u l t u r e , t e c h n o l o g y h a s
played a n essentially liberating role. R e g a r d l e s s of the p e r s p e c t i v e y o u
take o n this debate, D r u c k e r y ( 1 9 9 5 ) points o u t that t e c h n o l o g y is n o
longer simply a m o d e of participation b u t r e p r e s e n t s a n i m p o r t a n t
'operative principle' w h i c h plays a f u n d a m e n t a l role in m a i n t a i n i n g the
fabric of c o n t e m p o r a r y society: 'Beneath the facades of o w n e r s h i p
t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n a n d conceptualization t h r o u g h use, technology
s u b s u m e s e x p e r i e n c e . T h e relationship b e t w e e n t e c h n o l o g y a n d knowl-
e d g e , class, scarcity, a n d c o m p e t i t i o n c a n n o longer b e f r a m e d in strict
e c o n o m i c t e r m s ; they h a v e e n c o m p a s s e d the individual' ( D r u c k e r y ,
1995: 3 ) .
H o w e v e r , the point h e r e , as D r u c k e r y ( 1 9 9 5 ) notes, is that the p o w e r -
ful role of t e c h n o l o g y in c o n t e m p o r a r y society also h a s its d o w n side in
the sense that, whilst o n the surface t e c h n o l o g y a p p e a r s to p r o v i d e the
individual w i t h a fascinating r e a l m of self-exploration, actually it s e r v e s
to u n d e r m i n e individuality t h r o u g h the c o n c e n t r a t i o n of p o w e r ; h e n c e ,
the increasingly disturbing i m p a c t of surveillance t e c h n o l o g y w h i c h I
m e n t i o n e d in C h a p t e r 4. T e c h n o l o g i c a l c o n s u m p t i o n s e r v e s t h e
individual in m a n y c o n t e x t s t h r o u g h b r o a d e n i n g the r a n g e of available
e n t e r t a i n m e n t s , i m p r o v i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d facilitating m o r e
efficient w o r k p r a c t i c e s , b u t as a result it also assimilates 'into p o p u l a r
82 CONSUMERISM
culture in w a y s that reinforce its authority but m a s k the tactic of

domination' (Druckery, 1995: 5 ) . In other w o r d s , as c o n s u m e r s w e are
s e d u c e d by the benefits of technology, but a r e simultaneously blinded
to the p o w e r technology represents. The p r o b l e m here, as Silverstone
a n d Hirsch (1992) point out, is not only that technology plays a n
increasingly important role in o u r e v e r y d a y lives, but that it brings with
it the c o n c e r n that the c o n s u m p t i o n of technology is not only b e y o n d
o u r personal control, but that it is actually c o n s u m i n g us.
In developing the a b o v e a r g u m e n t , the relationship between g e n d e r
a n d c o n s u m p t i o n provides a particularly illuminating illustration of the
socially controlling potential of technology. C o c k b u r n (1985), for
instance, argues that technology is essentially a m e d i u m of p o w e r a n d
that the ability to use technology effectively brings with it considerable
authority. In turn, the fact that technology is so closely b o n d e d with the
a c c u m u l a t i o n of wealth gives those with access to it, n a m e l y m e n , a
formidable social a n d political resource. In this respect, C o c k b u r n (1985)
a r g u e s that it is interesting to note that w o m e n c o m m a n d the slenderest
d e g r e e of the technological k n o w - h o w n e c e s s a r y for the m a i n t e n a n c e of
s u c h wealth. In effect, technology is a m e d i u m of p o w e r w h i c h m e n use
to further their cause at the e x p e n s e of w o m e n . A s far as p r o d u c t i o n in
particular is concerned, w o m e n m a y often o p e r a t e technology, b u t they
are rarely involved in jobs w h e r e k n o w l e d g e of the inner w o r k i n g s of
the m a c h i n e is d e e m e d necessary: 'With few exceptions, the designer
a n d developer of n e w systems, the people w h o m a r k e t a n d sell, install,
m a n a g e a n d service m a c h i n e r y , a r e m e n . W o m e n m a y p u s h the buttons
but they m a y not m e d d l e with the w o r k s ' (Cockburn, 1985: 1 1 - 1 2 ) .
Technology therefore p r o v i d e s a m e a n s for those w h o h a v e access to
the reins of p o w e r in a society to control those w h o d o not. In the w r o n g
h a n d s , technology c a n be d a n g e r o u s : 'It is often p r o p o s e d that tech-
nology today, like Frankenstein's monster, is "out of control". It is not
technology that is out of control, but capitalism a n d m e n ' (Cockburn,
1985: 2 5 5 ) . In this respect, technology benefits the m a l e p r o d u c e r m o r e
than it does the c o n s u m e r , regardless of his or her gender. Technology's
v e n e e r of egalitarianism p r o p s u p the capitalist enterprise.
In a similar vein to C o c k b u r n , J u d y W a j c m a n (1991) considers the
historical paths that d e v e l o p m e n t s in technology might h a v e taken. She
a r g u e s that c o m p u t e r s could h a v e followed one of three routes: a
g e n d e r - n e u t r a l technology; an a r e n a specifically a p p r o p r i a t e d b y
w o m e n , building u p o n feminine i m a g e s of cleanliness, precision a n d
nimble typing fingers; or finally, as m a l e machines. W a j c m a n a r g u e s
that there c a n be n o doubt that the last option c a m e to p a s s a n d that,
traditionally, w o m e n h a v e been d i s c o u r a g e d from c o n s u m i n g c o m p u -
ters, notably at school level. Meanwhile, b o y s actively participate in
technology in the h o m e t h r o u g h c o m p u t e r g a m e s , for instance, suitably
e n c o u r a g e d by advertisements for g a m e s largely a i m e d at a m a l e
market. In effect, W a j c m a n identifies a series of social a n d cultural
factors w h i c h s e e m to be conspiring to create a situation w h e r e tech-

nology is p e r c e i v e d as being alien to w o m e n w h e n there is n o practical,
or certainly biological, r e a s o n w h y this should be the case. A s such, ' W e
need to g o b e y o n d masculinity a n d femininity to c o n s t r u c t technology
according to a c o m p l e t e l y different set of socially desirable values . . .
Insofar as technology c u r r e n t l y reflects a m a n ' s w o r l d , the struggle to
transform it d e m a n d s a transformation of g e n d e r relations' ( W a j c m a n ,
1991: 1 6 6 ) . T e c h n o l o g y is clearly a powerful m e d i u m w h i c h , far from
liberating c o n s u m e r s , c a n , in the w r o n g h a n d s , be u s e d actively to
accentuate c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e p o w e r relationships.
Is t e c h n o l o g y n e c e s s a r i l y p r o g r e s s i v e ?
In this respect, it is w o r t h asking h o w 'progressive' technology really is.

Could, indeed, technology b e taken to be symbolic of the essentially
irrational a n d 'unnatural' n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m in general? It is fair to
say that, t h o u g h a u t h o r s s u c h as L y o t a r d (1984) h a v e referred to the
eclectic role of technology in p o s t m o d e r n i t y , technology is m o r e gener-
ally associated with the imperatives of m o d e r n i t y in the sense that
h u m a n beings u s e d technology as a m e a n s of p u r s u i n g 'progress'. T h e
question is: h a s technological c o n s u m p t i o n really b r o u g h t p r o g r e s s
along with it? O n e a u t h o r w h o considers this issue in detail is Ernest
B r a u n (1995) in his w o r k , Futile Progress. B r a u n considers the extent to
w h i c h p r o g r e s s , w h i c h h e r e g a r d s as the m o s t characteristic feature of
our time, h a s b r o u g h t with it technological innovations that h a v e
stimulated social a d v a n c e a b o v e a n d b e y o n d individual happiness.
B r a u n notes that, although c o n t i n u o u s technological innovation is an
absolute necessity if a s t r o n g industrial base is to b e m a i n t a i n e d ,
technological p r o g r e s s should not necessarily be e q u a t e d with p r o g r e s s
t o w a r d s a better life o r society. In particular, technological p r o g r e s s
clearly e x p a n d s the r a n g e of h u m a n w a n t s that c a n b e satisfied b y
technology.
B r a u n (1995) sees technology, w h i c h is deeply r o o t e d in the d o m i n a n t
industrial s y s t e m of p r o g r e s s , as being symbolic of p r o g r e s s in m o d e r n
society in general. But the p r o b l e m as far as B r a u n is c o n c e r n e d is that
the o v e r p o w e r i n g rate of technological innovation, w h i c h a p p e a r s to be
getting faster a n d faster, actually m a k e s the quest for c o n t e n t m e n t
t h r o u g h the acquisition of p r o d u c t s of technology increasingly futile. In
effect, technology p r o v i d e s a n engine for the constant quest for desire
that is so i m p o r t a n t to the long-term effectiveness of the capitalist
e c o n o m y . T e c h n o l o g y m a y p r o v i d e plenty of benefits, notably in the
form of m e d i c a l p r o g r e s s , b u t
if progress becomes too fast, if all we own is obsolescent or even obsolete, if

all we see around us is in constant rapid flux, if sales pressures are such as to
84 CONSUMERISM
make us buy things beyond our purchasing capacity, then technological

change turns the dream of progress into a nightmare. (Braun, 1995: 42)
Braun's concerns therefore focus on the fact that c o m p u t e r s , a m o n g

other forms of technology, h a v e not fulfilled their potential as enablers
of 'participative d e m o c r a c y ' (1995: 4 2 ) . T h e y h a v e m e r e l y fuelled the
roller-coaster of c o n s u m e r i s m . M o r e specifically, B r a u n b e m o a n s the
fact that the e n v i r o n m e n t is e n d a n g e r e d as a result of its inability to
defend itself against the speed of s u c h innovation w h e n , in fact:
What society really needs are technologies and attitudes that help to solve, or
alleviate, societary problems. What we do not need are technologies designed
merely to stimulate flagging demand by making products of technology
subject to fashion and by producing ever new toys and gadgets . . . We need
technologies that solve environmental problems, urban problems, health and
safety problems; that help to provide meaningful employment; and those that
help developing countries to overcome barriers to development. (Braun, 1995:
185)
Braun's point is that technology does not p r o v i d e the c o n s u m e r with

w h a t h e or she w a n t s , but rather with w h a t is economically viable. O n a
global scale, technology is inherently divisive i n a s m u c h as it helps v e r y
few developed countries a n d ostracizes the p o o r of both the d e v e l o p e d
a n d developing worlds. It is in this sense that technological p r o g r e s s
a n d the c o n s u m p t i o n of that p r o g r e s s is essentially futile.
The relationship b e t w e e n technology a n d p r o g r e s s is also taken u p by
W i n n e r (1995), w h o a r g u e s that technology does not necessarily bring
e c o n o m i c benefits with it. W i n n e r also points out that technological
innovation m a y indeed b e socially harmful t h r o u g h the i m p a c t of
u n e m p l o y m e n t , u r b a n d e c a y , p o v e r t y , illiteracy, dysfunctional families
a n d shattered lives, all of w h i c h a r e potential c o n s e q u e n c e s of
technological 'progress'. In this context, W i n n e r (1995) identifies w h a t
he describes as the three p a r a d o x e s of the information age. First is the
fact that, far from enhancing h u m a n abilities, technological develop-
m e n t s not only a p p e a r to a s s u m e that c o n s u m e r s a r e incompetent, but
they also invent a p p r o p r i a t e roles for these c o n s u m e r s w h i c h thereby
e n s u r e the demise of the ' p a r a d o x of intelligence'. Secondly, although
p a s t technologies w e r e e x p e c t e d to create leisure time a n d as s u c h
opportunities for personal f r e e d o m a n d the expression of creativity,
w h a t h a s actually resulted is a b o m b a r d m e n t of social life b y multi-
m e d i a c o m m u n i c a t i o n systems. H e n c e , the infuriating s o u n d of a train
p a s s e n g e r talking on his or her mobile p h o n e a n d the fact that:
Our society has begun to look like a vast electronic beehive in which infor-
mation processing in search of economic gain overshadows other personal
and social goods. Places and spaces in our lives formerly devoted to
sociability, intimacy, solitude, friendship, love, and family are now being
redefined as susceptible to productivity, trartsforming social norms and
boundaries. (Winner, 1995: 194)
Time, as Daniel Bell (1973) a r g u e d , h a s , indeed, b e c o m e a p r e c i o u s

r e s o u r c e a n d o n e that is p u n c t u a t e d b y 'time-saving' devices that far
from liberating the c o n s u m e r actually subject h i m or h e r t o constant
stress. T h e n e e d to d o things quickly subverts o u r n e e d to relax,
ensuring that a n y sense of p e r s o n a l f r e e d o m a n d creativity is further
from o u r r e a c h t h a n w h e n w e b e g a n . This then, is the ' p a r a d o x of
lifespace'. Finally, while technology h a s often been l a u d e d a s a m e a n s of
enhancing d e m o c r a c y , o n the contrary, W i n n e r (1995: 1 9 5 ) suggests that
s u c h a m y t h applies only t o a m i n u s c u l e p r o p o r t i o n of the population
w h o 'hang o u t in transnational c o m p u t e r networks'. In reality, tele-
vision is the major technological innovation impinging o n the majority
of people's lives a n d thus serves to p r o m o t e a situation w h e r e p e o p l e
c o m m a n d increasingly limited concentration s p a n s , so m u c h so that
A m e r i c a n politics, for instance, h a s b e c o m e nothing m o r e t h a n a politics
of v i d e o i m a g e r y . T e c h n o l o g y is n o t d e m o c r a t i c in a n y real sense;
rather, c o n s u m e r s h a v e b e c o m e increasingly d i v o r c e d f r o m d e m o c r a t i c
practice. T h e r e therefore exists a ' p a r a d o x of electronic d e m o c r a c y ' .
Overall, then, W i n n e r maintains that there is a n e n o r m o u s g a p
b e t w e e n expectations about h o w technology c a n i m p r o v e c o n s u m e r s '
lives a n d e v e r y d a y realities. This is basically a n ideological issue in so
far as 'Beyond the prevailing progressivist ideology of technology lies
the a t t e m p t to illuminate technology as a s p h e r e of choices a n d conflicts'
(1995: 1 9 7 ) . W i n n e r a r g u e s that there exists a politics of technology
w h i c h is h i d d e n f r o m e v e r y d a y perception. C o n s u m e r s d o n o t consider
w h a t technology p r e s u p p o s e s a b o u t the people w h o u s e it. T h e politics
of technology is a silent politics despite technology h a v i n g a n i m p o r t a n t
role to play in the c o n s t r u c t i o n of gender, class, control, c o m m u n i t y ,
f r e e d o m a n d so on.
Conclusion
T h e relationship b e t w e e n technology a n d c o n s u m p t i o n r e p r e s e n t s a n
i m p o r t a n t focus for the sociologist of c o n s u m e r i s m in the sense that
d e v e l o p m e n t s in t e c h n o l o g y clearly h a v e significant implications for the
c o n s u m e r . T h e r e is n o d o u b t that recent d e v e l o p m e n t s in technology
h a v e b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m a considerable v a r i e t y of c o n s u m e r g o o d s
previously c o n s i d e r e d t o b e the p r e s e r v e of skilled technical e x p e r t s . In
this sense, technology is d e m o c r a t i c . B u t s u c h d e m o c r a c y c o m e s a t a
price - a p r i c e d e t e r m i n e d b y the m a r k e t p l a c e . In this respect, Giedion's
(1948) discussion of h o w technology p e n e t r a t e d d o m e s t i c s p a c e in the
y e a r s before the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r is especially pertinent. Giedion
86 CONSUMERISM
a r g u e s that domestic technologies, such as refrigerators, food p r o c e s s o r s

a n d sophisticated cookers, w e r e introduced to the h o m e precisely
b e c a u s e they established c o m m o d i t y c o n s u m p t i o n as the natural m e a n s
to need satisfaction (see Lee, 1993). Technology c a m e to be exploited as
a stimulator of capitalist d e m a n d .
T h e application of technology to the p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s h a s served to
increase s t a n d a r d s of living t h r o u g h o u t the developed w o r l d . This
m u c h should not be underestimated. N o r should Bell's (1973) point
about the increasing significance of service industries be dismissed out
of h a n d . It is just that such services are entirely d e p e n d e n t u p o n the
relationship between c o n s u m p t i o n a n d production. In this context, s o m e
c o m m e n t a t o r s a r e v e r y w a r y of the d e g r e e of control that technology
a p p e a r s to c o m m a n d in the context of c o n s u m e r s ' e v e r y d a y lives.
Indeed, Dunkerley (1996: 127) a r g u e s that, as technology develops, it is
increasingly characterized by t w o aspects, namely: its a p p a r e n t ability
to deliver prosperity a n d leisure to everyone, a n d its ability to give
those focused on profit m o r e powerful tools with w h i c h to g a r n e r m o r e
a n d m o r e of the world's wealth for their personal benefit. Other
c o m m e n t a t o r s are fearful of the continued polarization of a 'haves' a n d
'have-nots' situation: 'As things are, the a d v a n c e d industrial, techno-
logical planned e c o n o m i c system is like nothing so m u c h as a great joy-
w h e e l at a fair, of vast size, with p o w e r at the centre; those skilful
e n o u g h to stay furthest from the e d g e are least likely to be hurled o f f
(Russell, 1983: 2 2 0 ) .
W i t h the arrival of the c o m p u t e r revolution, c o m m e n t a t o r s s u c h as
G e o r g e (1977) b e c a m e increasingly c o n c e r n e d with the invisible p o w e r
of technological innovation a n d its potential for destroying h u m a n
freedom, particularly in the context of information gathering a n d data
processing. This situation has undoubtedly deteriorated, notably with
the a d v a n c e s incorporated in recent years by the retail industry, which
has increasingly c o m p r e h e n s i v e knowledge about the profile of con-
s u m e r s . Such knowledge exists alongside m o r e prevalent surveillance
technology (see C h a p t e r 4 ) . M o r e particularly, as far as the actual retail
of technology is c o n c e r n e d , a n d as I h a v e learnt to m y cost, the financial
imperatives are such that m a n u f a c t u r e r s a p p e a r to be cutting corners. A
recent attempt of mine to p u r c h a s e a n e w television set failed on several
technical fronts which w e r e explained rather alarmingly by the m a n a g e r
of the shop c o n c e r n e d as a consequence of having to cut technical
corners in light of c o n s u m e r d e m a n d for attractive pricing. In one sense,
then, the c o n s u m e r is in control, but the price of that control is
technological incompetence.
Both m a n u f a c t u r e r s a n d retailers a r e sacrificing quality for the needs
of a m a r k e t that is driven by m a s s p r o d u c t i o n a n d w h e r e the c o n s u m e r -
d r i v e n m a r k e t s of the post-Fordist ideal a r e c o n s p i c u o u s by their
absence. W h a t is ultimately m o s t interesting about technology, as the
a b o v e e x a m p l e illustrates, is that it transcends the realms of p r o d u c t i o n
a n d c o n s u m p t i o n a n d the sociological c o n c e r n s that e m a n a t e f r o m these

realms. T e c h n o l o g y is h a v i n g a n equal, a n d a r g u a b l y m o r e significant,
i m p a c t in the r e a l m of p r o d u c t i o n t h a n it d o e s in the r e a l m of
c o n s u m p t i o n . A s Dunkerley (1996) notes, w e live in a c o n s u m e r society
w h e r e c o n s u m e r s e a r n their m o n e y b y being p a r t of a p r o c e s s of
p r o d u c t i o n a n d b y w o r k i n g within the s y s t e m o r at least its offshoots.
H o w e v e r , as technology a d v a n c e s , it c o u l d be a r g u e d that there is less
a n d less n e e d for h u m a n beings in this system. U p to n o w , technology
has helped to c o n s t r u c t a n increasingly efficient s y s t e m w h e r e e c o n o m i c
g r o w t h h a s s e r v e d to pull m o r e people into the s y s t e m , w i t h higher
w a g e s , thereby creating m o r e c o n s u m e r s to p u r c h a s e the g o o d s that a r e
p r o d u c e d . In this c o n t e x t , c o n s u m e r s h a v e enjoyed higher s t a n d a r d s of
living. H o w e v e r , as Dunkerley (1996: 13) notes, w e m a y well b e o n the
c u s p of a r e v o l u t i o n a r y transition in o u r relationship w i t h the p r o -
duction process:
For the first time in history we are looking at the widespread use of tech-
nology that will produce what we need whilst at the same time employing
steadily fewer people and ultimately no people. In other words, for the first
time in history we are no longer creating consumers for that output.
In effect, Dunkerley identifies a m o v e t o w a r d s a p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s

that is w i n d i n g d o w n , i n a s m u c h as the continual m o v e t o w a r d s a u t o -
mation will h a v e significant implications for the c o n s u m p t i o n side of
the equation. T h e p r o s p e r i t y of the industrialized w o r l d is b a s e d o n a n
a r r a n g e m e n t w h e r e jobs m a k e c o n s u m e r s a n d c o n s u m e r s m a k e jobs.
The role of technology in this p r o c e s s is to cancel o u t the job losses
resulting from r e d u n d a n t technologies, creating n e w p r o d u c t s w h i c h
thereby bring with t h e m n e w , relatively well-paid job opportunities
(Dunkerley, 1996: 8 6 ) . A s long as society is d e p e n d e n t u p o n this sort of
a spiral, the fear will a l w a y s r e m a i n that the information technologically
driven e c o n o m y will continue to decentralize w o r k to the e x t e n t that
p a r t - t i m e a n d c o n t r a c t w o r k will b e c o m e the n o r m , r e d u c i n g s p e n d i n g
p o w e r a n d thereby threatening the v e r y basis of the c o n s u m e r e c o n o m y
(Dunkerley, 1 9 9 6 ) .
A s far as the c o n s u m e r is c o n c e r n e d , technology clearly c o m m a n d s a
powerful, t h o u g h t e n u o u s , position in t e r m s of its influence u p o n the
e v e r y d a y c o n s t r u c t i o n of a c o n s u m e r society. It is in this sense that
Silverstone a n d H i r s c h (1992) talk a b o u t the fear that technology
c o n s u m e s us, as o p p o s e d to us c o n s u m i n g technology. A t least to a n
extent, w e d o a p p e a r to live in a n increasingly technological w o r l d in
w h i c h w e a r e obliged to b e c o m e increasingly p a s s i v e in h o w w e
c o n s u m e . C o n s u m e r g o o d s a r e increasingly available a n d it is simply
not possible to g a r n e r all the n e c e s s a r y k n o w l e d g e to b e c o m e a n entirely
p r o a c t i v e c o n s u m e r . This m e a n s that m o r e often t h a n not the c o n s u m e r
is c o n s i g n e d to being an observer of technical a s p e c t s of the w o r l d of
88 CONSUMERISM
c o n s u m p t i o n that s u r r o u n d h i m or her. O n e of the w o r d s bandied

a r o u n d in the context of technology is 'interactivity', notably in the form
of interactive video, television, C D s a n d so on. But the p r o b l e m here is
that technology continues to s e d u c e us with an illusion of interactivity
a n d liberation w h i c h in actual fact p r o m o t e s the passivity of the
c o n s u m e r , while stubbornly regurgitating a market-led a g e n d a within
w h i c h the c o n s u m e r is little m o r e than an outsider looking in. In other
w o r d s , the c o n s u m e r is left infatuated, dangling o n the c u s p of a
technological future. In the final analysis, that future is n o m o r e than a
construction of c o n s u m e r capitalism which seduces c o n s u m e r s into
buying the technology that is available t o d a y on the basis of technology
that will not, in fact, be available today, t o m o r r o w , or p e r h a p s at a n y
time in the future. In this context, D u p u y (1980) a r g u e s that a so-called
post-industrial society is characterized b y m o r e a n d m o r e information,
but at a cost of less a n d less meaning.
Ultimately, the sorts of benefits that authors such as Bell (1973) r e a d
into the e m e r g e n c e of a so-called technologically based service e c o n o m y
h a v e not c o m e to fruition. Science a n d technology h a v e not b r o u g h t
leisure a n d prosperity to the w h o l e w o r l d , as a u t h o r s s u c h as Dunkerley
(1996) note. Technology has p u t a m a n on the m o o n , but it has not
p r o v i d e d people with vast a m o u n t s of free time. T h e only free time that
d o e s a p p e a r to be available tends to be spent within the confines of
c o n s u m e r i s m which is constantly regenerated by c o n s u m e r s w h o seek
n e w w a y s to c o n s u m e . The abiding impression here is of a technology
that p r o m o t e s c o n s u m e r choice, but w h i c h a p p a r e n t l y does s o as a
m e a n s of maintaining c o n s u m e r i s m as a d o m i n a n t m o d e of life. A s
c o n s u m e r s , w e c a n only h o p e that technology does p r o v i d e s o m e of the
surprises that it perpetually offers us. In the final analysis, w e c a n only
trust that Noble (1984) is correct w h e n he contends that technology
'leads a double life, one w h i c h c o n f o r m s to the intentions of designers
a n d interests of p o w e r a n d another w h i c h contradicts t h e m - p r o -
ceeding behind the backs of their architects to yield unintended
consequences a n d unanticipated possibilities' (quoted in M o r l e y and
Silverstone, 1990: 3 5 ) .
T h e role of technology, w h i c h has for so long been associated with
h u m a n progress, has in recent y e a r s b e c o m e subject to radical c h a n g e in
that the m a r k e t into w h i c h technology is released a p p e a r s to be increas-
ingly m o r e i m p o r t a n t than the progressive n a t u r e of the technology
itself. Meanwhile, as Pepperell (1995) notes, the unique status that
technology has given h u m a n beings in the w o r l d in ensuring o u r
superiority a n d uniqueness is n o w being challenged by those v e r y s a m e
technologies w h i c h a r e n o w b e c o m i n g m o r e powerful than the p e o p l e
actually c o n s u m i n g them. P e r h a p s the problem here is that c o n s u m e r -
ism as a w a y of life is m o r e ideologically powerful than its constituent
parts. This is a point I will reconsider in C h a p t e r 6 in the c o n t e x t of a
discussion of the relationship between c o n s u m e r i s m a n d fashion.
Recommended reading
Daniel Bell (1973) The Coming of Post-industrial Society. New York: Basic Books. A
classic, though much criticised, account of the relationship between
technology, industry and social change.
Ernest Braun (1995) Futile Progress. London: Earthscan Publications. Asks how
far technology can really be described as liberating in a world which
prioritizes what is economically viable as opposed to what best serves the
interests of the people who inhabit it.
Cynthia Cockburn (1985) Machinery of Dominance: Women, Men and Technical
Know-How. London: Pluto. An important contribution to debates about the
relationship between technology, gender and power.
Michael Dunkerley (1996) The Jobless Economy? Computer Technology in the World
of Work. Cambridge: Polity Press. An insightful analysis of the relationship
between computer technology, work and economic growth.
Roger Silverstone and Eric Hirsch (1992) Consuming Technologies: Media and
Information in Domestic Spaces. London: Routledge. A collection of useful
essays which consider the consumption of technology in a direct and
empirically informed fashion.
Frank Webster (1995) Theories of the Information Society. London: Routledge. A
useful overview of some of the debates concerning the role of information
and technology in social change.
6
CONSUMING FASHION
Fashion is arguably the arena within which the w a r e s of c o n s u m e r i s m

are m o s t visibly expressed a n d fervently e n d o r s e d as constituting a
legitimate w a y of life. In this respect, there could well be g r o u n d s for
a r g u i n g that 'Fashion is a c o m m e r c i a l , industrial art, c o n c e r n e d less
with beauty than with m a k i n g m o n e y ' (McDowell, 1994: 5 7 ) . O n the
surface, fashion a p p e a r s to p r o v i d e the c o n s u m e r with a plethora of
choice - a palette from w h i c h he or she c a n paint an identity as h e or
she pleases. Some critics a r g u e , h o w e v e r , that fashion in fact a m o u n t s to
little m o r e than an artificial t e m p o r a l arena within which c o n s u m e r
capitalism cynically r e n e w s itself. Alternatively, Featherstone (1991) has
a r g u e d that c o n s u m e r culture is characterized by the violation of long-
held fashion codes a n d the e m e r g e n c e of a society of difference, while
E w e n a n d E w e n (1982: 2 4 9 - 5 1 ) g o as far as to suggest that T o d a y there
is n o fashion: there are only fashions . . . N o rules, only choices . . .
E v e r y o n e can be a n y o n e / A p p a r e n t l y , fashion has broken free from the
shackles of modernist constraint. But is fashion really as e m a n c i p a t o r y
as it a p p e a r s on the surface a n d w h a t does it really tell us about
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life?
T h o u g h the term 'fashion' can be applied to virtually all aspects of
c o n s u m e r culture, in reflecting the literature in general I will largely
focus on fashion in the context of clothing in this chapter. Before doing
so, I will begin by considering what fashion is, particularly in light of the
contributions m a d e to this debate by authors such as Simmel (1957) a n d
M c C r a c k e n (1990). I will then m o v e on to consider the history of fashion,
before I look at whether fashion is characterized by choice or scam. This
then brings m e to a discussion of three further issues that should
concern us about fashion the communicative role of fashion; the global
impact of fashion; and w h e t h e r fashion shapes or is shaped by social life. I
will then c o m e to a conclusion about the i m p a c t of fashion on
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
CONSUMING FASHION 91
W h a t is f a s h i o n ?
Fashion is i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e as an issue it encapsulates so m a n y of the

tensions characteristic of m o d e r n life e x p e r i e n c e a n d , in particular,
highlights the role that c o n s u m e r i s m plays in that experience. In this
context, it also serves to enrich a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the c o m p l e x rela-
tionships that underlie questions of s t r u c t u r e a n d a g e n c y .
G e o r g Simmel ( 1 9 5 7 ) is o n e of the single m o s t i m p o r t a n t contributors
to the sociological d e b a t e o n the question of fashion. S i m m e l e m p h a -
sizes the restless c h a n g i n g n a t u r e of m o d e r n i t y a n d , in effect, sees
fashion as a m e a n s of c o p i n g with s u c h restlessness. A r g u i n g that social
life is a b a t t l e g r o u n d , Simmel r e g a r d s fashion as helping to e n s u r e that
people a d a p t to the complexities of m o d e r n life. This reflects his
contention that 'The w h o l e history of society is reflected in the striking
conflicts, the c o m p r o m i s e s , slowly w o n a n d quickly lost, b e t w e e n
socialistic a d a p t a t i o n to society a n d individual d e p a r t u r e from its
d e m a n d s ' (Simmel, 1957: 2 9 4 ) . A s the p r o d u c t of class distinction,
fashion not only identifies the individual as being a m e m b e r of a
particular class, b u t also highlights the fact that h e or she is not a
m e m b e r of an alternative g r o u p . In effect, then, Simmel sees fashion as a
p r o d u c t of social d e m a n d s . T h e individual feels fulfilled t h r o u g h
fashion, b u t this fulfilment is ultimately a social a n d not a n individual
one. In this sense, it c o u l d often be a r g u e d that fashion b e a r s little
resemblance to a n y reasonable aesthetic j u d g e m e n t or individual taste.
'Judging f r o m the ugly a n d r e p u g n a n t things that a r e s o m e t i m e s in
v o g u e , it w o u l d s e e m that fashion w e r e desirous of exhibiting its p o w e r
b y getting us to a d o p t the m o s t atrocious things for its o w n sake'
(Simmel, 1957: 2 9 7 ) . A s far as Simmel is c o n c e r n e d , fashion represents a
m e a n s of reacting to the tensions of m o d e r n life. In this c o n t e x t , m o n e y
plays a pivotal role in Simmel's analysis, in ensuring the o m n i p r e s e n c e
of fashion.
The increase of wealth is bound to hasten the process considerably and

render it visible because the objects of fashion, embracing as they do the
externals of life, are the most accessible to the mere call of money, and
conformity to the higher set is more easily acquired here than in fields which
demand an individual test that gold and silver cannot affect. (Simmel, 1957:
299)
A t a n individual level, fashion offers social obedience alongside

individual differentiation, while f r o m a b r o a d e r p e r s p e c t i v e it reflects
the underlying w o r k i n g s of a mobile society. In this respect, the needs
of the individual a n d society a r e m e s h e d . T h e individual c a n get from
fashion w h a t h e or she pleases - a sense of individuality alongside a
feeling of belonging - while society itself c a n r e a p the c o n c u r r e n t
e c o n o m i c benefits.
92 CONSUMERISM
W h a t makes something fashionable? Although Simmel goes s o m e

w a y t o w a r d s answering this question, w e probably need to delve
s o m e w h a t further in this respect. O n e author that discusses this issue in
detail is Grant M c C r a c k e n (1990) in his book, Culture and Consumption.
M c C r a c k e n argues that fashion is less of a language than a limited set of
prefabricated codes (see also Craik, 1994). That is, it provides a m e a n s
by which individuals can signal aspects of their identity as well as a
w a y of constructing social interaction. Ultimately, h o w e v e r , the indi-
vidual's interpretation of fashion is constrained by social conventions.
Interestingly, M c C r a c k e n (1990) a r g u e s that in this context there a r e
three main w a y s in which m e a n i n g s a r e transferred to goods in o r d e r to
b e c o m e fashionable. First, g o o d s b e c o m e associated with established
cultural categories. This transition from the culturally constituted w o r l d
to the actual good ensures the transition into the fashion system.
Secondly, existing cultural m e a n i n g s a r e s h a p e d by social elites a n d
opinion leaders such as p o p stars, w h o therefore disseminate cultural
innovations a n d styles through society (see C h a p t e r 7 ) . Those con-
s u m e r s with less influence imitate these appropriations. Finally, the
fashion system radically reforms the cultural meanings invested in
goods. A s such, M c C r a c k e n points out that m o d e r n societies are
characterized by constant c h a n g e a n d the instability of m e a n i n g (and
hence the obsolescence of design which I discussed in C h a p t e r 3 ) (see
Craik, 1994). The key point here is that W e s t e r n societies actively
e n c o u r a g e constant innovation as a m e a n s of driving society as a whole.
W e s t e r n industrial societies therefore:
willingly accept, indeed encourage, the radical changes that follow from
deliberate human effort and the effect of anonymous social forces. As a result
the cultural meaning of a 'hot/ western, industrial complex society is
constantly undergoing systematic change. In contradiction to virtually all
ethnographic precedent, they live in a world that is not only culturally
constituted but also historically constituted. Indeed it does not exaggerate to
say that hot societies demand this change and depend on it to drive certain
economic, social, and cultural sectors of the Western world. The fashion
system serves as one of the conduits for capture and movement of this
category of highly innovative meaning. (McCracken, 1990: 8 0 - 1 )
The above quotation reflects one of the central c o n c e r n s of this book

as a whole: namely, that economically m o d e r n industrial societies need
c o n s u m e r i s m in order to tick over in a satisfactorily p r o d u c t i v e fashion.
M o d e r n societies need to p r o m o t e c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life in o r d e r
to ensure their viability over an e x t e n d e d period of time. Fashion plays
a key role in this process i n a s m u c h as it maintains a constant t u r n o v e r
in d e m a n d . By outlining s o m e historical elements to this debate, it
m i g h t be possible to begin to see w h y this should be so.
T h e h i s t o r y of f a s h i o n
T h e historical e m e r g e n c e of fashion, w h i c h should b e c o n s i d e r e d in

unison w i t h m y discussion of the rise of a c o n s u m e r society in C h a p t e r
1, represents a c o m p l e x story, beginning in the late M i d d l e A g e s (Craik,
1994) a n d a r g u a b l y finding expression in the c o u r t of Philip the G o o d ,
Duke of B u r g u n d y , in the fifteenth c e n t u r y (Rubinstein 1995: 1 4 6 ) .
Fashion h a s traditionally been u s e d as a m e a n s of stimulating the
g r o w t h of the w o r l d ' s e c o n o m i e s , notably b y L o u i s - N a p o l é o n w h o
o p e n e d t w o G r e a t Exhibitions in 1851 a n d 1 8 5 5 w h i c h w e r e intended to
boost the F r e n c h e c o n o m y while displaying h o w technologically
a d v a n c e d that e c o n o m y h a d b e c o m e (Rubinstein, 1 9 9 5 : 1 4 8 ) . Histori-
cally, fashion h a s m o r e often than not been the p r e s e r v e of the richer
sectors of society. But, as Simmel (1957) notes, as m o n e y c a m e to h a v e a
social c u r r e n c y , this b e g a n to c h a n g e . A s classes a n d individuals
a t t e m p t e d to keep u p w i t h o n e another, fashion, in a variety of r e a l m s
of life - w h e t h e r in h o m e furnishing, m u s i c or d r e s s - c a m e to h a v e an
i m p o r t a n t role in turning o v e r the e c o n o m y of m a n y societies, b y the
time of the p e r i o d after the Second W o r l d W a r fashion w a s playing an
i m p o r t a n t e c o n o m i c role in both E u r o p e a n d the U S A .
Minchinton ( 1 9 8 2 ) identifies four m a i n factors i m p a c t i n g on the
s p r e a d of fashion in post-Second W o r l d W a r Britain. First, a general rise
in i n c o m e s s a w the e m e r g e n c e of an increasingly affluent society.
Secondly, family sizes w e r e b e c o m i n g smaller d u r i n g this p e r i o d a n d as
a result people w e r e able to d r a w u p o n larger disposable i n c o m e s
w h i c h they could invest in aspects of c o n s u m p t i o n . Thirdly, advertising
b e c a m e m o r e a n d m o r e professional, focusing its efforts, in particular,
on the increasingly affluent 1 6 - 2 6 a g e r a n g e . Finally, m a r k e t i n g w a s
also beginning to d e v e l o p as a n i n d u s t r y in its o w n right, notably w i t h
the e m e r g e n c e of increasingly p o p u l a r m a i l - o r d e r c a t a l o g u e s in w h i c h
the delights of the fashionable c o n s u m p t i o n of a w i d e r r a n g e of g o o d s
could be e x t e n d e d into the h o m e (see Minchinton, 1982). All these
trends h a d their A m e r i c a n equivalents. F r o m a historical angle, it is
therefore possible to identify a p o s t - w a r e c o n o m i c b o o m w h i c h s a w the
p a c e of fashion quicken as fashionable r e a d y - t o - w e a r m a s s p r o d u c e d
clothing b e c a m e p o p u l a r a m o n g middle-class a n d affluent w o r k i n g -
class s e g m e n t s of the m a r k e t a n d w h i c h required, in turn, long r u n s of
highly s t a n d a r d i z e d p r o d u c t s ( W a r k , 1991).
W h a t e m e r g e d after the S e c o n d W o r l d W a r , notably w i t h the influ-
e n c e of a n e x p a n d i n g y o u t h m a r k e t , w a s a p o p u l a r culture w h i c h
d e m a n d e d the a p p r o p r i a t i o n of difference a n d thus the transformation
of the r e a l m of fashion into a series of niche m a r k e t s . In this context,
a n d a p p a r e n t l y b y the 1980s, individual choice w a s all. A s innovations
in so-called post-Fordist p r o d u c t i o n r u n s took effect, the fashion
industry b e c a m e increasingly responsive to the n e e d s of the c o n s u m e r
(see C h a p t e r 1). A t least o n the surface, c o n s u m e r culture a p p e a r e d , a n d
94 CONSUMERISM
indeed a p p e a r s , to be beginning to deliver the individuality a n d differ-

ence that it h a d a l w a y s p r o m i s e d . Such developments, a r g u e s W a r k
(1991), reflected a general rise in living s t a n d a r d s w h i c h allowed the
w o r k i n g classes to b e c o m e involved in the t e m p o r a l w o r l d of fashion
c o n s u m p t i o n , leading in turn to significant c h a n g e s in the w a y in w h i c h
the fashion industry w a s structured. W i t h the increasing influence of
c h e a p i m p o r t s from developing countries such as T a i w a n a n d Korea,
a n d the developing role of international marketing w h i c h d e p e n d e d
u p o n high advertising b u d g e t s a n d the p o p u l a r t h o u g h 'exclusive'
a p p e a l of labels, fashion b e c a m e an increasingly global p h e n o m e n o n . By
the 1980s, the b y - p r o d u c t of all this w a s that the fashion industry h a d
apparently b e c o m e far m o r e receptive to the needs of its c u s t o m e r s .
F a s h i o n as c h o i c e o r s c a m ?
The a p p a r e n t transition t o w a r d s a n increasingly d e m o c r a t i c fashion

industry, w h e r e the needs of the c o n s u m e r a r e served as p a r t of a m o v e
t o w a r d s an increasingly flexible a n d c o n s u m e r - o r i e n t e d industry, is
often illustrated t h r o u g h a discussion of fashion as a post-Fordist
industry a n d , m o r e particularly, of Benetton as a post-Fordist c o m p a n y
(see M u r r a y , 1989). A r g u i n g that the principles of m a s s p r o d u c t i o n ,
standardization a n d e c o n o m i e s of scale h a v e in recent y e a r s been
s u p e r s e d e d , the suggestion is that c o m p a n i e s like Benetton h a v e in turn
b e c o m e increasingly responsive to c o n s u m e r d e m a n d ; that, as a post-
Fordist industry, clothing fashion is c o n s u m e r rather than p r o d u c e r
oriented. F r o m this point of view, the relationship b e t w e e n the p r o d u c e r
a n d the c o n s u m e r h a s a p p a r e n t l y been t u r n e d upside d o w n , giving the
c o n s u m e r increasing influence o v e r w h a t w a s previously a o n e - w a y
p r o d u c t i o n process. N e w technology therefore plays a key role in the
n e w r e g i m e in that the rapid collection of d a t a allows designers to
introduce changes to the p r o d u c t i o n process, if a n d w h e n necessary.
Benetton, for instance, is well k n o w n for its sophisticated c o m p u t e r
s y s t e m w h i c h feeds its distribution centre with constant up-to-date
information about the popularity of e a c h p r o d u c t line at e a c h of its retail
outlets. The c o m p a n y c a n therefore serve c u s t o m e r s ' n e e d s with m a x i -
m u m efficiency. In this context, p o s t - F o r d i s m is seen to transform time
a n d s p a c e by increasing the efficiency a n d effectiveness of capitalist
practices. F r o m the c o n s u m e r ' s point of view, s u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s reflect
a declining interest in m a s s p r o d u c e d g o o d s in favour of m o r e
specialized p r o d u c t s with the e m p h a s i s on style a n d quality rather than
uniformity. In effect, p o s t - F o r d i s m is b a s e d o n the diversities c h a r a c -
teristic of e c o n o m i e s of scope, as o p p o s e d to the quantities associated
with Fordist e c o n o m i e s of scale (see C h a p t e r 1).
The benefits of post-Fordist fashion are not, h o w e v e r , as clear c u t as
they m i g h t at first seem. N i x o n (1996), for instance, a r g u e s that post-
Fordist practices h a v e in fact been slow to take root in the British

e c o n o m y in general a n d in fashion in particular. H e points out that
the clothing industry is often l a u d e d as a h o m e for n e w flexible forms
of production. Q u o t i n g Zeitlin ( 1 9 8 8 ) , w h o in turn highlights the
significance of multiple retailers a n d their m o v e t o w a r d s a n e m p h a s i s
on fashionable variety as o p p o s e d to m a s s p r o d u c t i o n , N i x o n goes on
to imply that fashion retailers a r e a m o r e powerful p a r t n e r in this
relationship w i t h fashion m a n u f a c t u r i n g than the actual c o n s u m e r .
The point h e r e is that although p r o d u c t i o n in the British fashion
industry has a r g u a b l y b e c o m e m o r e flexible, it h a s also c o n c e n t r a t e d
p o w e r in the h a n d s of large retailers such as M a r k s & Spencer a n d
Next. A s a result, this h a s led to an increasing E u r o p e a n influence on
clothing m a n u f a c t u r e in Britain in the m i d d l e a n d higher e n d of the
clothing m a r k e t , as smaller British m a n u f a c t u r e r s h a v e struggled to
compete.
Meanwhile, Craik (1994) goes as far as to suggest that, in a n effort to
achieve the authentic look of h a n d finishing, historically the fashion
industry has actively s h u n n e d technological d e v e l o p m e n t s . Nixon
(1996) accepts that a culture of flexible specialization b e g a n to e m e r g e in
the fashion industry d u r i n g the 1980s, notably t h r o u g h the influence of
n e w technology s u c h as c o m p u t e r aided design. But the likelihood is
that such d e v e l o p m e n t s w e r e o c c u r r i n g on the p e r i p h e r y a n d the
industry as a w h o l e h a s in m a n y respects fallen short of introducing
Fordist, let alone post-Fordist, techniques. P e r h a p s the c o n s u m e r is
beginning to h a v e a m o r e influential s a y in the p r o d u c t i o n process, but
such a say is u n d o u b t e d l y diluted, not only by o u t d a t e d systems of
production, but also by the increased p o w e r of influential retailers. A s I
a r g u e d in C h a p t e r 4, these h a v e an increasing a n d a r g u a b l y m o n o p o l -
istic hold over the city as a site of consumption.
In effect, the fashion industry is not as flexible as it m i g h t s e e m o n the
surface. It w o u l d be naïve to contest the idea that c h a n g e s h a v e taken
place in the e c o n o m y - of c o u r s e they have. C o m m o n sense tells us that
there a r e m o r e p r o d u c t s o n the market. But there c o u l d equally be an
a r g u m e n t for suggesting that s u c h choice is largely illusory. T h e r e m a y
well be h u n d r e d s of different versions of the classic pair of jeans
available, as I a r g u e d in C h a p t e r 3 , but essentially e a c h of those jeans
offers the c o n s u m e r the s a m e thing. T h e choice that is available is not
only u n n e c e s s a r y , b u t barely constitutes a choice in the first place
b e c a u s e it so often a m o u n t s to little m o r e than a v e r y slight variation on
a m a s s p r o d u c e d t h e m e (see C h a p t e r 3 ) . In effect, c o n s u m e r choice in
the r e a l m of fashion is inherently artificial.
In this context, a u t h o r s s u c h as Sayer (1989) a r g u e that this sort of
m a s s - p r o d u c e d choice is not d u e to m a r k e t fragmentation by single
m a n u f a c t u r e r s at all, b u t is rather a direct result of the penetration into
the m a r k e t of increasing n u m b e r s of o v e r s e a s p r o d u c e r s , something
that N i x o n (1996) hinted at above. This, a n d n o t an increase in the
96 CONSUMERISM
r a n g e of p r o d u c t s being m a d e by single firms, m i g h t therefore explain

the increase of g o o d s on the market. Major industries, including
fashion, still m a s s p r o d u c e ; it is just that there are quite simply m o r e
firms putting such g o o d s onto the m a r k e t . Benetton c a n therefore be
seen to be a n atypical illustration of p o s t - F o r d i s m in a n industry w h i c h
r e m a i n s largely d e p e n d e n t u p o n Fordist m a s s p r o d u c t i o n . A s H a r v e y
(1989) points out, though 'there has certainly been a sea-change in the
surface a p p e a r a n c e of capitalism since 1 9 7 3 . . . the underlying logic
of capitalist accumulation a n d its crisis tendencies r e m a i n the s a m e '
( H a r v e y , 1989: 189).
Traditionally, as Leopold (1992) suggests, c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e seen
fashion as a p r o d u c t of c o n s u m e r d e m a n d . L e o p o l d sees this a p p r o a c h
as problematic a n d suggests that m o r e e m p h a s i s should be p u t o n
addressing the n a t u r e of the fashion system.
Loosely defined as the interrelationship between highly fragmented forms of

production and equally diverse and often volatile patterns of demand, the
fashion system is a hybrid subject; it incorporates dual concepts of fashion: as
a cultural phenomenon, and as an aspect of manufacturing with the accent on
production technology. (Leopold, 1992: 101)
T h e essential problem with analyses of fashion as far as L e o p o l d is

c o n c e r n e d , then, is that they h a v e tended to c o n c e n t r a t e , s o m e w h a t
disproportionately, on high fashion, while neglecting class relationships
w h i c h u n d e r p i n the d e v e l o p m e n t of m a s s m a r k e t s in c h e a p , s t a n d a r d -
ized fashionable clothing. The fashion industry w a s characterized, in the
y e a r s following the Second W o r l d W a r , as an increasingly perishable
industry which exploited a compliant b o d y of small-scale c o n t r a c t o r s
a n d concentrated, in turn, on p r o d u c i n g s h o r t - t e r m design runs. M o s t
importantly, Leopold (1992) a r g u e s that w h a t is being described h e r e is
not a straightforward trickle-down system. M a s s - p r o d u c e d g o o d s s u c h
as L e v i 5 0 1 s , for instance, h a v e a powerful stranglehold on the m a r k e t
in a n u p w a r d s , as well as d o w n w a r d s , direction. But the key question at
this stage centres on the extent to w h i c h fashion m i g h t b e said to dictate
to c o n s u m e r s rather than vice v e r s a a n d w h e t h e r or not the limited
technological a n d organizational innovations I described a b o v e actually
s e r v e to increase this tendency. F o r instance, in their book Marketing
Today's Fashion, Mueller a n d Smiley (1995) a r g u e that, far f r o m dictating
w h a t c u s t o m e r s should w e a r , the successful p r o c e s s of m a r k e t i n g a
g a r m e n t begins a n d e n d s with the c o n s u m e r . In their n e x t breath,
h o w e v e r , they g o on to discuss the v a l u e to fashion m a r k e t i n g of
fashion consultants, fashion m a g a z i n e s , t r a d e publications, advertising
a n d store i m a g e , all of w h i c h actively c o n s t r u c t a sense of w h a t fashion
should be in o r d e r to ensure that the c o n s u m e r c o n s u m e s it.
S o m e authors d o not then a c c e p t that the clothing fashion i n d u s t r y
actively prioritizes the needs of its c o n s u m e r s . In this respect, Colin
M c D o w e l l ( 1 9 9 4 ) p r e s e n t s a particularly robust critique of fashion in

a r g u i n g that, as a n i n d u s t r y , it actively sets o u t to alter c o n s u m e r s '
buying habits in o r d e r that they c o m e to believe that luxuries a r e , in
fact, necessities. N o t i n g that fashion is n o longer the p r e s e r v e of the
rich, M c D o w e l l a c k n o w l e d g e s the a p p a r e n t l y liberating n a t u r e of
c o n t e m p o r a r y fashion b u t suggests that the fashion i n d u s t r y h a s
intentionally m o u l d e d a c u l t u r e w h e r e w h a t defines a p e r s o n d e p e n d s
u p o n w h a t labels h e o r she is w e a r i n g .
The designer scam sets out to convince us that a certain level of wealth, a
certain style of living, a certain assessment of what is important in life raises
us above criticism and accountability. To be fashionable, it suggests, is not
merely to live on a level of privilege. It is also about being able to do so on the
level of Caesar's wife. (McDowell, 1994: 4)
By prioritizing l o w c o s t a t the e x p e n s e of quality, the n e e d s of the

c o n s u m e r , as far a s M c D o w e l l is c o n c e r n e d , a r e increasingly being
ignored. T h u s , M c D o w e l l quotes the e x a m p l e of Giorgio A r m a n i ' s r a n g e
of A / X E x c h a n g e m e r c h a n d i s e w h i c h h e claims is little m o r e than a
slight variation o n classic items of A m e r i c a n s p o r t s w e a r e m b o s s e d , as a
token gesture, w i t h a designer label. T h e industry therefore continues to
exploit feelings of social uncertainty a n d insecurity b y offering the
illusion that fashion c a n a n s w e r , or at least lead us to forget, the
p r o b l e m s of e v e r y d a y life (see M c D o w e l l , 1994: 1 3 8 ) . Ultimately, the
fashion industry is a n industry in crisis.
Over the last decade, in my opinion, we have been abused and misled by a
frequently ruthless and immoral industry determined to scam us in to
believing that high fashion is a birthright, a proof of worth, an adjunct of
character, even an indication of social desirability. That industry is now
running scared at what it fears might prove a permanent shift in consumer
aspirations and spending. It is terrified in case luxury ready-to-wear becomes
profitable again. It stares bleakly at a future dominated by the likes of
Benetton and the Gap. (McDowell, 1994: 225)
R e g a r d l e s s of the so-called d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n of fashion, there does,

indeed, s e e m to b e a n a r g u m e n t for suggesting that to a large extent
m a n u f a c t u r e r s set the fashion a g e n d a . A s a m e a n s of debating w h e t h e r
the fashion i n d u s t r y is in this sense authoritative I will n o w c o n s i d e r a
series of key related issues.
T h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e role o f f a s h i o n
It m i g h t b e a r g u e d that fashion is a m o r e c o m p l e x p h e n o m e n o n than

the a b o v e a p p r o a c h e s suggest. A s such, M a l c o l m B a r n a r d (1996) sees
98 CONSUMERISM
fashion as a two-sided coin. H e a r g u e s that while, on the o n e h a n d ,

fashion is inherently seductive and exciting, on the other it m i g h t be
perceived to be fraudulent, d a n g e r o u s a n d trivial. Essentially, B a r n a r d
sees fashion as being ambivalent, 'at o n c e positive a n d negative' (1996:
4). H o w e v e r , he suggests that fashion cannot be trivial as such, precisely
b e c a u s e it a p p e a r s to be an inevitable consequence of the social a n d
e c o n o m i c organization of the world. In this context, Barnard goes on to
consider fashion in the context of p o w e r a n d ideology, pointing out that
fashion can serve not only to constitute a n d c o m m u n i c a t e a position in
the social order, but might also challenge positions of relative p o w e r
within it. A s such, 'Fashion and clothing a r e used as w e a p o n s a n d
defences in that they express the ideologies held by social g r o u p s which
m a y be opposed to the ideologies of other g r o u p s in the social o r d e r '
(Barnard, 1996: 3 9 ) . In other w o r d s , fashion c a n act as a r e s o u r c e by
which social g r o u p s can maintain either d o m i n a n t or subservient
positions within a social order. In this context, authors s u c h as B a r n a r d
(1996) a n d Hebdige (1979) before h i m use p u n k as an e x a m p l e of h o w
fashion c a n actively be used as a m e a n s of assaulting d o m i n a n t values
in the form of the unconventional use of safety pins, for instance, w h i c h
in actual fact a m o u n t s to a m o d e of dress diametrically o p p o s e d to the
d o m i n a n t order. In effect,
the curious cultural profile enjoyed by fashion and clothing may be under-
stood as the result of a conflict between the desire for there to be a 'beyond'
to ideology, for there to be a place where class divisions, for example,
are absent, and the realisation that there can be no such beyond. (Barnard,
1996: 45)
This point is an i m p o r t a n t one in reinforcing the ambivalent n a t u r e of

fashion a n d the w a y in which, like c o n s u m p t i o n itself, it a p p e a r s to
p r o m i s e so m u c h and yet can never ultimately o u t - p a c e the structural
constraints of society as a whole. A r g u a b l y , fashion actively reinforces
such constraints. In this context, B a r n a r d goes on to present a useful
discussion of Marxist interpretations of fashion in which he suggests
that fashion might be used as a m e a n s of constituting class positions; as
a m e a n s , in effect, of making class positions s e e m legitimate t h r o u g h
servant uniforms, for instance. A s far as B a r n a r d is c o n c e r n e d , then,
status is the underlying motivation for fashion in capitalist societies.
A n d in this respect the w o r k of Veblen (1899), w h i c h I discussed in
s o m e detail in C h a p t e r 2, is particularly pertinent in that he a r g u e d that
fashion can be used to c o m m u n i c a t e a n d r e p r o d u c e positions of
e c o n o m i c status, m u c h like c o n s u m e r s use labels a n d logos n o w a d a y s in
order to achieve the s a m e effect (see B a r n a r d , 1996: 110).
Fashion, argues B a r n a r d , plays an especially i m p o r t a n t role in the
context of gender constructions. This is said to be especially true w h e n
considering the a r g u m e n t that the creation or m a i n t e n a n c e of a look or
a p p e a r a n c e is a defining feature of femininity, t h o u g h it is a p p a r e n t l y

not so significant in constructions of masculinity (1996: 1 1 5 ) . T h u s , it
could be a r g u e d that historically w o m e n h a v e been e n c o u r a g e d to
e x p r e s s themselves t h r o u g h the frivolities of fashion. 'The g e n d e r
identity of w o m e n , then, m a y be said to be c o n s t r u c t e d , signalled a n d
r e p r o d u c e d b y m e a n s of fashion a n d clothing insofar as w o m e n w e a r
the sorts of things that a society d e e m s a p p r o p r i a t e for t h e m a n d insofar
as they continue to be "obsessed" with their a p p e a r a n c e s ' (Barnard,
1996: 1 1 5 ) .
Intriguingly, B a r n a r d (1996) goes on to use Derrida's ( 1 9 7 8 ) notion of
'undecidability' to e x p r e s s the ambiguity inherent in the fashion e x p e r i -
ence; that is, the idea that m e a n i n g invested in a particular g o o d m a y b e
evident, but that m e a n i n g m a y simultaneously b e dissipated b y those
relations that c o n s t r u c t e d it. Taking a p o s t m o d e r n s t a n c e in this respect,
B a r n a r d a r g u e s that the m e a n i n g s with w h i c h people e n d o w fashion a r e
not undecidable at all, but a r e , in fact, largely reliable a n d finite in that,
as knowledgeable c o n s u m e r s , w e m a k e j u d g e m e n t s a b o u t people's
fashion sense o n e w a y or the other. T h e key point h e r e is that as far as
w i d e r theoretical issues a r e c o n c e r n e d , fashion a n d clothing a r e m a s s
p r o d u c e d a n d do i n c o r p o r a t e a c o m m o n cultural k n o w l e d g e c o n c e r n i n g
the m e a n i n g s constituted in them. Fashion c a n therefore b e described as
a m b i g u o u s . In effect, clothing a n d fashion 'represent s o m e t h i n g like a
b o r d e r or a m a r g i n b e t w e e n a public, exterior p e r s o n a n d a private,
interior identity' ( B a r n a r d , 1996: 1 7 3 ) . Fashion is essentially m a s s
p r o d u c e d a n d c o n s u m e r s a r g u a b l y use m a s s p r o d u c e d g a r m e n t s to
construct w h o they are. Despite t h o u s a n d s of copies of that g a r m e n t
h a v i n g being m a d e , as B a r n a r d notes, w e see it as being 'us' a n d , as
such, 'identity s h a d e s into difference, a n d difference into identity' (1996:
174). The m e a n i n g of fashion is e x p r e s s e d b y the tensions that exist as a
result of its c o m p l e x ambiguities. A n y u n d e r s t a n d i n g of fashion is a
p r o d u c t of the interrelationship of a variety of c o n c e p t u a l positions, a n d
debates will continue b e c a u s e there is n o m e a n s of resolving s u c h
positions. In effect, fashion is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y conflicting desires -
desires w h i c h reflect the abstract uncertainties of a so-called post-
m o d e r n w o r l d (see Miles, 1 9 9 6 ) .
In this respect, Wilson's (1992) insightful discussion of the relation-
ship b e t w e e n p o s t m o d e r n i s m a n d the b o d y c a n be u s e d to build
u p o n B a r n a r d ' s (1996) conception of fashion a n d the role it plays in the
e x p e r i e n c e of a n increasingly f r a g m e n t e d w o r l d . She suggests that
fashion c a n either b e seen to glue together false identities o n the surface or
to p r o v i d e a sense of playfulness - p r o p s , if y o u like, that c a n be a d a p t e d
from o n e p o s t m o d e r n e x p e r i e n c e to another. In this sense, W i l s o n a r g u e s
that fashion is far m o r e than a m e r e language. T r u e , it c o m m u n i c a t e s ,
but it is also tactile a n d visual a n d thus, in effect, e m b o d i e s culture
(Wilson, 1992: 14.) O u r v a l u e s y s t e m s a r e actively e m b o d i e d in o u r
dress:
100 CONSUMERISM
Perhaps what was wrong with the eighties was not a style obsession, but that
styles, of dress at least, expressed all too well the enterprise-culture ethos of
the eighties of the times. In a kind of reverse resistance, the riot-engendered
style of the poor (Punk) was converted into the style of dominance and of a
success whose boots were for walking, and were indeed going to walk all
over you. (Wilson, 1992: 14-15)
T h e global i m p a c t of fashion
W h a t d o the above a r g u m e n t s m e a n for fashion as a n industry? A s a

m e a n s of answering this question it m a y well be w o r t h while consider-
ing Fred Davis's (1992) discussion of the fashion system. Davis
considers the suggestion that the fashion industry h a s s t r u c t u r e d its
v e r y survival on the m a n a g e d excess of c h a n g e , pointing out that
'Typically, fashion is c h a r g e d with furthering the superficial a n d
spurious while u n d e r m i n i n g the substantial a n d genuine' (1992: 1 9 4 ) .
H o w e v e r , Davis a r g u e s that, on the contrary, the fashion s y s t e m has
allowed increasingly c o m p l e x s y s t e m s of taste. Distinguishing b e t w e e n
the fashion cycle (the passing of time from the introduction of a fashion
to its being supplanted by a n e w fashion) a n d the fashion p r o c e s s (the
diverse influences a n d e x c h a n g e s on an individual, organizational a n d
institutional level that are transmitted to such a cycle), Davis a r g u e s
that, rather than the traditional three- to five-year fashion cycle, w h a t
has e m e r g e d in its place in the late twentieth c e n t u r y is a plethora of
'microcycles' each of which is associated with a different identity
s e g m e n t of the apparel m a r k e t (Davis, 1992: 1 5 7 ) . In effect, fashion has
b e c o m e increasingly plural. In o r d e r to explain this d e v e l o p m e n t , Davis
(1992) b o r r o w s s o m e of the thoughts of Daniel Bell (1976) on the
cultural contradictions of capitalism. H e therefore suggests that, as a
mass-based culture of c o n s u m p t i o n arises a n d as it b e c o m e s increas-
ingly global and uniform in n a t u r e , there e m e r g e s a n increasing thirst
for individuality. In this context, Davis (1992) a r g u e s that the previous
long-term incarnations of the fashion cycle c a m e to be replaced by an
increasingly identity-conscious reactivity resulting in m o r e pluralistic
micro-fashions which in t u r n created a f r a m e w o r k for the c o m m u n i c a -
tion of self.
Davis (1992) goes on to ask w h e t h e r or not everything is subject to
fashion a n d argues that this could indeed be the case, a l t h o u g h certainly
not in the e x t r e m e form that it o c c u r s in the r e a l m of clothing. But h e
does not see fashion as something that necessarily has a negative i m p a c t
u p o n people's lives. Indeed, Davis a r g u e s that fashion has o p e n e d u p o n
all sorts of taste strata that c o n s u m e r s a r e able to exploit, a n d that
fashion potentially provides a frame for counteracting the s t a n d a r d i z e d
n a t u r e of a global c o n s u m e r culture.
Ironically, fashion has furthered . . . expressive possibilities for many

individuals and groups notwithstanding the fact that many of the materials
employed in the quest are the very same ones produced and promoted by the
multinationals themselves. What is different, of course, is the symbolic uses to
which such materials are put and accordingly, the meanings they acquire in
more local and diversified cultural contexts. (Davis, 1992: 199)
Davis (1992) feels that fashion is c h a r a c t e r i z e d by the contradiction

that exists b e t w e e n the powerful, highly integrated c o r p o r a t e units in a
global m a r k e t p l a c e of fashion a n d peculiarly localized expressions of
fashion. T h a t is, a d v a n c e s in c o n s u m e r capitalism h a v e m a d e possible
increasingly c o m p l e x s y s t e m s of taste w h i c h h a v e seen a r a p i d g r o w t h in
the interdependence of p e o p l e at a variety of levels s u c h as the e c o n o m i c
a n d the environmental. A t the s a m e time, o u t c r o p s of regional a n d local
particularisms h a v e also e m e r g e d , thereby u n d e r m i n i n g the v e r y char-
acter of the nation state. A s far as Davis is c o n c e r n e d , then, there s e e m s
to h a v e been s o m e form of local action against the e n c r o a c h m e n t of a
global centre, while the flexibility of that c e n t r e continues to be
sustained b y the diversity of the periphery. C o n t e m p o r a r y fashion is a
p r o d u c t of a multi-global m a r k e t p l a c e w h i c h h a s d e v e l o p e d alongside a
localized sense of style a n d ethnicity. Either w a y , the influence of
fashion a p p e a r s likely to reassert its stranglehold on the s p e n d i n g p o w e r
of the world's population. A question I will consider b y the conclusion
of this c h a p t e r is h o w far localized expressions of fashion c a n be seen to
liberate the c o n s u m e r from the conformity u p o n w h i c h it d e p e n d s .
D o e s f a s h i o n s h a p e social life o r is it s h a p e d b y it?
The fashion industry, as Craik (1994) points out, a p p e a r s to be c o n -

stantly striving to be n e w in o r d e r to p e r p e t u a t e a s y s t e m of 'newness'
that d e p e n d s o n the desire to acquire fresh m o d e s of fashion. W e s t e r n
fashion is economically d r i v e n a n d as s u c h could well be described as
'the t r u m p e r y of capitalist c o n s u m e r culture' (Craik, 1994: 6 ) . But a key
c o n c e r n h e r e is the b a l a n c e that o p e r a t e s in the r e a l m of c o n s u m p t i o n
b e t w e e n the application of m e a n i n g in the c o n t e x t of fashion a n d the
p r o c e s s of c o n s t a n t e c o n o m i c e x c h a n g e a n d its ideological dimension.
Fashion is u n d o u b t e d l y a p r o d u c t of capitalist enterprise a n d cultural
expressions of that enterprise. But the question that fascinates Craik
( 1 9 9 4 ) is w h y it is that, despite being a w a r e of the stereotyping a n d
falsity c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y the fashion industry a n d its advertising, w o m e n ,
a n d increasingly m e n , a r e p r e p a r e d to get involved with the w a r e s a n d
the g l a m o u r that s u r r o u n d that industry as a whole.
Craik a r g u e s that fashion h a s b e c o m e a d o m i n a n t s y s t e m in the sense
that obsolescence h a s b e c o m e a key feature of c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of
102 CONSUMERISM
fashion. The variety that the fashion industry did c o m e to offer c a m e to

satisfy m a r k e t niches, but only t h r o u g h the d e v e l o p m e n t of c h e a p syn-
thetic fibres, m a s s p r o d u c t i o n p r o v i d i n g the c o n s u m e r with an illusion
of exclusivity and quality (Craik, 1994: 2 1 2 ) . W h a t Craik describes
is therefore a highly exploitative industry - an industry that exploits
both the w o r k e r and the c o n s u m e r , in t e r m s of w o r k i n g conditions a n d
the artificial differentiation b e t w e e n p r o d u c t lines. In this environ-
m e n t , the licensing of the n a m e of designers has, in recent y e a r s , b e c o m e
a profitable business. Meanwhile, an equally profitable business in
counterfeits has e m e r g e d w h i c h leaves the industry in a difficult
position in so far as s u c h d e v e l o p m e n t s advertise the designer's n a m e ,
while arguably increasing sales of the original as a form of inverted
advertising.
Once again, counterfeit emphasises the distinction between the hand-finished

and the mass-produced item, either elevating the status of the former or
revealing little difference between the 'real' thing and the fake. Indeed,
counterfeiting is merely an overt form of the practice of prestigious imitation
on which the fashion industry is based - namely, the popularisation of a new
style or idea by its modification and differentiation for different markets.
(Craik, 1994: 213)
In this climate, fashion has e m e r g e d as the e v e r y d a y n o r m . Indeed,

Craik (1994: 2 2 5 ) a r g u e s that, at least to an extent, clothes create the
p a r a m e t e r s of a person's living environment: 'At a collective level
fashion m a p s social c o n d u c t a n d , in turn, is s h a p e d by it. Fashion
statements a p p e a r to m a r k a m o m e n t , but the fashioned b o d y is n e v e r
secure or fixed. The b o d y is constantly re-clothed a n d re-fashioned in
a c c o r d a n c e with c h a n g i n g a r r a n g e m e n t s of self.' The point here is that it
is actively in the interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism to ensure that s u c h
a r r a n g e m e n t s are never fixed. Fashion m a y shape social c o n d u c t , but it
is c o n s u m e r i s m that shapes fashion a n d the ideology of c o n s u m e r i s m
that p e r m e a t e s e v e r y d a y life.
If w e a c c e p t that fashion shapes social c o n d u c t , it is clearly n e c e s s a r y
to consider an illustration of a form of c o n s u m p t i o n that operates in this
context. T o this end, Susan Willis's (1990) discussion of the fitness
industry as a r e a l m of fashion c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d its relationship to the
construction of g e n d e r relations, is particularly useful. Willis a r g u e s that
the c o n s u m p t i o n of exercise, w h i c h w a s particularly fashionable d u r i n g
the 1980s, represents a partial, not to say p a r a d o x i c a l , victory in
w o m e n ' s struggle for equality with m e n . During the 1980s, exercise
b e c a m e a c o n s u m e r - b a s e d experience within w h i c h the c o n s u m e r p u r -
c h a s e d the latest Jane F o n d a w o r k o u t video a n d b o u g h t the m o s t
fashionable leggings or exercise step. Willis a r g u e s that this n e w w a v e
of fitness fashion w a s liberating for w o m e n in the sense that it c o n -
trasted with earlier visions of m a c h o m a l e exercisers, while presenting
i m a g e s of w o m e n as successful, independent, enterprising a n d fulfilled

individuals. B u t Willis also suggests that, while the fitness fashion
allowed w o m e n to take control of their bodies, it also simultaneously
obliged w o m e n to define themselves through their bodies. A s a result,
the fitness w o r k o u t c o u l d b e seen to substantiate m a l e d o m i n a t i o n
i n a s m u c h as m e n , unlike w o m e n , d o not feel the n e e d to p r o c l a i m
themselves as g e n d e r e d objects.
Most women who appear in public à la exercise choose not to cover up their
luminescent body socks, with blouse, skirt or dungarees. In doing so, they
unashamedly define themselves as workout women. In making a public body
statement, a woman affirms herself as someone who has seized control over
the making and shaping of her body . . . However, all these affirmative,
apparently liberatory aspects of a woman's public-exercise statement are
negated by the simple fact that men do not appear in public similarly clad. (S.
Willis, 1990: 7)
W o m e n , in effect, u s e the fashionable opportunities that fitness p r o -

vides as a m e a n s of p r o c l a i m i n g their g e n d e r identities, b e c a u s e g e n d e r
provides the only m e a n s b y w h i c h they define their struggle for
equality. Men's identities d o not n e e d to b e c o n s t r u c t e d o n similar
g r o u n d s precisely b e c a u s e they a r e the d o m i n a n t sex. In other w o r d s ,
the r e a l m of fitness illustrates quite vividly the p a r a d o x i c a l role that
fashion c a n p l a y in c o n s t r u c t i n g social relations 'in a society w h e r e only
one g e n d e r n e e d s definition' (S. Willis, 1990: 8 ) . In considering Susan
Willis's (1990) w o r k , it c o u l d therefore b e a r g u e d that, t h o u g h the
c o n s u m p t i o n of fashion offers w o m e n h o p e , it also reasserts their
subordination. M o r e importantly, p e r h a p s , that subordination is in the
interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism as a w h o l e w h i c h h a s s e r v e d to m a k e
fitness m o r e than s o m e t h i n g people d o , b u t something people consume.
T h e point here is that p e o p l e a r e not m e r e l y c o n s u m i n g p r o d u c t s o r
fashions, b u t they a r e also r e p r o d u c i n g c o n s u m e r i s m as a legitimate
w a y of life. B y c o n s u m i n g the fashions associated with fitness, the
d o m i n a n t role of c o n s u m e r capitalism is a s s u r e d , as a r e the social
relations that p r o p it u p .
Conclusion
T h e overriding issue with w h i c h the a b o v e c o n c e r n s s e e m to be related

(and one that r u n s t h r o u g h o u t this book) a p p e a r s to b e the extent to
w h i c h fashion, a n d in turn c o n s u m e r i s m , c a n p r o v i d e the individual
with a r e a l m in w h i c h h e or she c a n freely e x p r e s s h i m or herself, or
w h e t h e r that r e a l m is p r e c o n c e i v e d to s u c h a n extent that a n y d e g r e e of
individual expression b e c o m e s negligible. In this context, S i m m o n d s
(1990) asks w h e t h e r or not fashion h a s actually been d e m o c r a t i z e d as a
104 CONSUMERISM
result of m a s s production. C o n c l u d i n g quite unreservedly that this is

not the case, S i m m o n d s suggests that fashion represents an especially
powerful m e a n s of creating desire a n d thereby extending the lifetime of
the e c o n o m y precisely b e c a u s e it has a n omnipresent m e d i a a n d a d v e r -
tising profile. Indeed, 'The m e r e existence of fashion as an industry a n d
integral part of capitalism m e a n s it is, by definition, u n d e m o c r a t i c ; a n d
so further underlies the impossibility a n d futility of the question'
(Simmonds, 1990: 136). W h a t is fashion? H o w best c a n the sociologist
conceive of fashion while avoiding the temptation to see it as little m o r e
than a tool of c o n s u m e r capitalism? In this context, L a n g a n d L a n g
(1965: 3 2 3 ) ask 'whether public taste is first m a n u f a c t u r e d a n d then
disseminated through organized channels a n d foisted u p o n the m a s s or
w h e t h e r changes in the m o o d s a n d life conditions lead to irrational a n d
w i d e s p r e a d changes of taste without promotion'. Indeed, they g o as far
as to a r g u e that 'The w o r l d of fashion is not so m u c h available to people
as i m p o s e d upon them. In one w a y or another it dictates to everyone. It
is contagious. A n y individual g r o u p m a y resist a particular fashion, but
fashion, as such, cannot be resisted' (1965: 3 2 3 ) .
In considering the above a r g u m e n t s , fashion c a n in s o m e w a y s be
r e g a r d e d as an irresistible social force, even p e r h a p s , in s o m e form or
another, a tool of c o n s u m e r capitalism, but it also gives c o n s u m e r s
something that they w a n t a n d in this respect the fashion a r e n a is an
arena that gives and takes. In m a n y w a y s , the beauty of c o n s u m e r i s m as
ideology, as I will a r g u e t h r o u g h o u t the r e m a i n d e r of this book, is
d e p e n d e n t upon the self-gratification that it p r o v i d e s the individual. In
this context, in m y research into the relationship between y o u t h con-
s u m p t i o n and the construction of identity, I found the c o n s u m p t i o n of
'retro' forms of s p o r t s w e a r to be especially fascinating (Miles, 1 9 9 5 ,
1996). By buying into this particular fashion, y o u n g people feel p a r t of
something; they feel as if they belong to a mini subculture of con-
sumption. Yet, on the other h a n d , they also feel that they c a n e x p r e s s
their individuality by w e a r i n g a different colour of retro trainer
c o m p a r e d with that of their peers. Y o u n g c o n s u m e r s a p p e a r , in general,
to be fully a w a r e of the structural pressures, notably in the form of the
m e d i a and advertising, which are intended to influence their con-
s u m p t i o n patterns. But, ultimately, they are willing to trade a certain
sense of individuality that is inevitably lost t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n in
o r d e r to secure a sense of stability in w h a t is in m a n y respects an
unstable world. In a world w h e r e transitions into a d u l t h o o d are
e x t e n d e d a n d the job m a r k e t is increasingly uncertain, c o n s u m p t i o n
p r o v i d e s y o u n g people with s o m e semblance of stability in w h a t Beck
(1992) describes as a 'risk society'. This is a n issue to w h i c h I will return
in C h a p t e r 9. All I w a n t to say at this stage is that fashion, p e r h a p s m o r e
so than a n y other social arena, serves to reinforce ideologies of con-
s u m e r i s m . But this is not purely in the interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism
alone. Fashion is not a trivial m a t t e r as far as the individual is
c o n c e r n e d , but often plays a n active a n d positive role in his or h e r life.

T h e p r o b l e m is that this creates a p e r p e t u a l cyclical p r o c e s s within
w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m fails to offer the luxuries a n d f r e e d o m s that it
a p p e a r s to p r o m i s e a n d yet simultaneously offers enough to e n s u r e that
the c o n s u m e r continues to c r a v e for m o r e .
The a r g u m e n t that fashion p r o v i d e s a f r a m e w o r k of c o n v e n t i o n is, in
this sense, a n appealing one. T h e r e m a y well b e evidence, as Davis (1992)
suggests, of continued tensions b e t w e e n global a n d local expressions of
fashion. But w h a t is so interesting a b o u t fashion is that s u c h localisms
will a l w a y s be i n c o r p o r a t e d into the fashion s y s t e m a s a m e a n s of
fuelling the a p p a r e n t diversity of s u c h a s y s t e m while retaining its b r e a d
a n d butter, n a m e l y the global realities of m a s s c o n s u m p t i o n . In this
sense, fashion is indeed disciplining: 'It is a reflection of a c o m m o n
sensitivity a n d taste. F a s h i o n then is the e p i p h e n o m e n o n of convention,
the disciplining force of c o n s u m e r choices in the face of a n e x p a n d i n g
m a r k e t of alternative g o o d s ' (Minchinton, 1982: 2 2 2 ) .
T h e convention that fashion offers is one that is b a s e d on a
m a s q u e r a d e of individuality a n d to a n extent it can offer the individual
the sense of c o m m o n a l i t y that he or she c r a v e s . But, ultimately, it does so
while p o r t r a y i n g the illusion that c o n s u m e r i s m c a n offer the c o n s u m e r
anything h e or she w a n t s . Fashion does not simplify choice for the
c o n s u m e r , b u t e x a g g e r a t e s it. Fashion 'provides for a n o r d e r l y m a r c h
from the i m m e d i a t e to the p r o x i m a t e future' (Minchinton, 1982: 2 2 2 )
i n a s m u c h a s it offers t h e i n d i v i d u a l w e l l - c h a n n e l l e d r o u t e s o f
c o n s u m p t i o n all of w h i c h s e e m to be uniquely individualistic. In fact,
these routes a r e essentially p r e - o r d a i n e d b y c o n s u m e r i s m itself. T h e
illusion is c r e a t e d that the a n s w e r to all a n individual's p r o b l e m s c a n b e
found in the m a r k e t p l a c e , w h e n all that m a r k e t p l a c e c a n d o is offset
those p r o b l e m s temporarily. T h e r e is n o doubt, as G i d d e n s (1991: 2 0 0 )
argues, that 'standardisation c a n often be t u r n e d into a m o d e of creating
individual qualities . . . M a s s p r o d u c e d clothing still allows individuals
to decide selectively o n styles of dress, h o w e v e r m u c h the s t a n d a r d i z i n g
influence of fashion a n d other forces, affect those individual decisions',
but, ultimately, s u c h selective decision-making is e x p r e s s e d t h r o u g h the
constraints enforced by a set m e n u . That m e n u w a s c h o s e n b y c o n s u m e r
capitalism (see C h a p t e r 9 ) . It is actually in the interests of c o n s u m e r
capitalism, as Craik (1994) implies, actively to discourage the extent of
fashion choice available to the c o n s u m e r . T o o m u c h diversity w o u l d only
cripple a s y s t e m that thrives o n the illusion of choice w h e n , in fact, the
key to the successful r e p r o d u c t i o n of c o n s u m e r capitalism is actually
m a s s p r o d u c t i o n . C o n s u m e r s satisfy themselves that they c a n c o n s u m e
fashion as they please; in fact, they a r e c o n s u m i n g fashion as c o n s u m e r
capitalism pleases: along a well-trodden a n d easily r e p r o d u c e d path.
T o c o n c l u d e this c h a p t e r , there c a n be little d o u b t that, nearly a
h u n d r e d y e a r s after the conception of his a r g u m e n t , Simmel's (1904:
3 0 1 ) contention that fashion illustrates both 'the n e e d of union a n d the
106 CONSUMERISM
n e e d of isolation' r e m a i n s highly pertinent to a discussion of c o n s u m e r -

i s m as a w a y of life. This in itself is testament to the p o w e r of con-
s u m e r i s m as a n ideological framework. T h e p r o b l e m is that Simmel's
a r g u m e n t s concerning the figurative role of m o n e y in the construction
of life h a v e p r o v e d m o r e prophetic than even he could h a v e imagined.
Ultimately, the need to be a n individual c a n only be contested within a n
a r e n a w h e r e c o n s u m e r i s m is lauded not m e r e l y as a w a y of life but as
the w a y of life.
Recommended reading
Malcolm Barnard (1996) Fashion as Communication. London: Routledge.

Discusses the way in which fashion communicates class, gender, sexuality
and social identities.
Jennifer Craik (1994) The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London:
Routledge. An interdisciplinary analysis of fashion as a cultural phenomenon
which is particularly effective in discussing gendered aspects of consump-
tion.
Fred Davis (1992) Fashion, Culture and Identity. London: University of Chicago
Press. This book is especially useful in terms of developing an understanding
of fashion as both cycle and process.
Grant McCracken (1990) Culture and Consumption. Bloomington, IN: Indiana
University Press. Includes a useful discussion of theoretical aspects of the
material properties of fashion.
Colin McDowell (1994) The Designer Scam. London: Hutchinson. An illuminating
if rather populist account of goings on behind the catwalk in the fashion
industry.
Sean Nixon (1996) Hard Looks: Masculinities, Spectatorship and Contemporary
Consumption. London: UCL Press. An indepth analysis of the increasing
significance of consumption in the construction of masculinities during the
1980s.
7
CONSUMING POPULAR MUSIC
Is there anything m o r e to the p o p m u s i c industry than the m a x i m i z a t i o n

of profit a n d the commodification of s o u n d ? T o d a y ' s m u s i c c h a r t s a r e
d o m i n a t e d b y i m a g e - c o n s c i o u s g r o u p s a n d 'artists', w h o a p p e a r , at least
on the surface, to b e m o r e c o n c e r n e d with their 'street c r e d ' than with
the actual substance a n d creativity of their music. D e c r y i n g the c u r r e n t
state of p o p u l a r m u s i c is a n age-old generational tradition. M y p a r e n t s
did it; so probably did y o u r s . But h a v i n g said that, there m i g h t well be
an a r g u m e n t for suggesting that p o p u l a r m u s i c has r e a c h e d n e w
e x t r e m e s of c o n s u m e r - o r i e n t e d i m a g e r y . P o p m u s i c is a c o m m o d i t y
w h i c h c a n be b o u g h t a n d sold in the m a r k e t p l a c e . T h e question is
w h e t h e r the c o n s u m e r is being exploited as a result. In o r d e r to a d d r e s s
this question, I will begin b y briefly discussing the music industry in
context, m o v i n g o n to look at w h e t h e r w e should consider popular music
as protest or control. In developing this a r g u m e n t , I will then consider
t w o key questions. C a n w e , in fact, identify a 'common universal pop
aesthetic'? A n d , to w h a t extent d o consumers invest their own personal
meanings in music? I then look at t w o types of m u s i c that m i g h t be
described as exceptions that p r o v e the rule - world music and dance music
- in a discussion of the 'authenticity' of c o n t e m p o r a r y p o p m u s i c . O n
this basis, I c o m e to a n overall conclusion a b o u t the relationship
b e t w e e n c o n s u m e r i s m a n d p o p u l a r music.
T h e debate h e r e centres o n h o w far m u s i c h a s b e c o m e a focus for the
construction of lifestyles at the e x p e n s e of m u s i c a l creativity a n d w h a t
this d e v e l o p m e n t , if it c a n be said to h a v e o c c u r r e d , s a y s a b o u t
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life a n d about m u s i c as a r e a l m of innovation
a n d rebellion (Burnett, 1996). A key a p p r o a c h to this question, as
Burnett (1996) notes, is therefore that of M a r c u s e (1964) w h o a r g u e s that
a n especially i m p o r t a n t characteristic of m o d e r n industrial societies is
their ability to i n c o r p o r a t e ideas within the d o m i n a n t culture, s u c h as
those characteristic of rebellious aspects of p o p u l a r m u s i c w h i c h c o u l d
potentially serve actively to n e g a t e that culture. R e g a r d l e s s of the
d e g r e e of rebellious content in c o n t e m p o r a r y p o p m u s i c , o n e thing is for
sure:
108 CONSUMERISM
Pop music is now one of the most ubiquitous and evident commodities in
popular culture, an accompaniment to other forms of cultural experience and
stimulant to consumption. As a cultural form of great sensuousness and
adaptability, pop music is a register for many of today's dominant tensions
around identity, community and gender, and of their unconscious
concomitants in patterns of need and phantasy. (Richards, 1994: 108)
T h e m u s i c i n d u s t r y in c o n t e x t
In o r d e r to contextualize the n a t u r e of p o p music c o n s u m p t i o n , I will

briefly consider the actual structure of the m u s i c industry. In particular, it
is interesting to note that in 1994 m o r e than 9 0 p e r cent of the gross sales of
r e c o r d e d m u s i c w o r l d w i d e c a m e from albums, singles a n d m u s i c v i d e o s
o w n e d by one of only six multinational corporations: T i m e W a r n e r ,
Sony, Philips, Bertelsmann, T h o r n - E M I a n d Matsushita (Burnett, 1996).
T h e stranglehold that these c o m p a n i e s , all of w h i c h a r e transnational
subdivisions of powerful multinational electronics o r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s
conglomerates, h a v e on the m u s i c industry is quite p h e n o m e n a l . Indeed,
it is fair to say that the m u s i c industry is b e c o m i n g increasingly c o n -
centrated in the h a n d s of the major players. Meanwhile, the p r o d u c t i o n
a n d sale of records, cassettes, mini a n d c o m p a c t discs h a d a n a n n u a l
t u r n o v e r in 1994 of £21 billion or $ 3 3 billion w o r l d w i d e , arousing p a r -
ticular controversy over the apparently unnecessarily inflated price of
c o m p a c t discs.
The m u s i c industry is big business, the British m u s i c industry alone
being w o r t h a r o u n d £ 2 . 5 billion, a n d will clearly d o anything to
m a x i m i z e profits. This p a n d e r i n g to profit has m e a n t that in recent
y e a r s the industry h a s self-consciously a v o i d e d taking c o m m e r c i a l a n d
therefore creative risks, not least as a result of the declining popularity
of the T o p 4 0 singles charts in both Britain a n d the U S A d u r i n g the
c o u r s e of the 1980s. A s such, Sanjek a n d Sanjek (1991) point out that
d u r i n g this period several adult-oriented r a d i o stations e m p l o y e d p r o -
g r a m m i n g consultants in o r d e r to investigate h o w best to m a x i m i z e
their audiences. Interestingly, they w e r e advised to offer 'not w h a t
listeners actually like but w h a t they find least offensive', a n d to 'play it
safe, w h a t e v e r y o u d o ' (1991: 2 4 9 ) . Sanjek a n d Sanjek g o on to note h o w
the 1980s w a s a difficult d e c a d e for the m u s i c industry in general with
the sale of p r e - r e c o r d e d cassettes d r o p p i n g below $ 2 million or £ 1 . 3
million for the first time since 1977. In this context, the 1980s s a w a
series of take-overs o c c u r w h i c h c o n c e n t r a t e d the industry into the
h a n d s of the six c o m p a n i e s mentioned above w h o continue to negotiate
'non-competitive strategic alliances' as a w a y of avoiding the risk
inherent in n e w ventures (Burnett, 1996: 2 3 ) .
M u s i c is a m a s s i v e multimillion dollar industry not only in t e r m s of
the m u s i c p r o d u c e d but also in respect of the v a s t s u m s of m o n e y
CONSUMING POPULAR MUSIC 109
invested in m u s i c a l h a r d w a r e w o r l d w i d e . In this c o n t e x t , B u r n e t t ( 1 9 9 6 )
describes the international m u s i c i n d u s t r y as a m a j o r p l a y e r in p r o c e s s e s
of globalization. Y o u h a v e to w o n d e r w h a t the c o n s e q u e n c e s a r e for the
p r o m o t i o n of n e w talent, h o w e v e r , w h e n r e c o r d c o m p a n i e s s u c h a s
W a r n e r B r o t h e r s a r e r e p o r t e d l y investing o v e r $ 8 0 million in established
p e r f o r m e r s s u c h as R E M , the w o r l d s highest-paid b a n d , o v e r the c o u r s e
of a five-album contract. Is, in this sense, the diversity o n offer to the
c o n s u m e r p u r e l y illusory? R E M p u r p o r t to b e a r a d i c a l b a n d . Indeed,
lead singer Michael Stipe ironically goes as far as t o p r o c l a i m o n the
track 'King of C o m e d y ' o n the 1 9 9 4 a l b u m ' M o n s t e r ' that, 'I'm n o
c o m m o d i t y . ' Despite this sentiment, critics m i g h t well a r g u e that far
from being innovative R E M ' s respective a l b u m s m e r e l y t r e a d a well-
w o r n p a t h w h i c h , in turn, a m o u n t s to a 'formula' that sells r e c o r d s in
large quantities.
T h e p r o b l e m h e r e s e e m s to b e that the m u s i c i n d u s t r y is m o r e
c o n c e r n e d with protecting the assets it a l r e a d y h a s t h a n p r o v i d i n g the
c o n s u m e r with the diversity that h e o r she m a y o r m a y n o t c r a v e . Y e s ,
independent labels control b e t w e e n 5 a n d 1 0 p e r c e n t of m a r k e t sales,
enabling 'the inquisitive c o n s u m e r to s a m p l e forms of m u s i c the majors
h a v e a v o i d e d o r d e n i g r a t e d ' (Burnett, 1996: 2 5 9 ) , b u t ultimately these
labels d o not h a v e the p o w e r o r the r e s o u r c e s to c o m p e t e o n a n equal
basis.
Capital invested in R E M is capital not invested e l s e w h e r e , a n d in this
context y o u h a v e to w o n d e r if the i n d u s t r y is p r o t e c t i n g the best
interests of the c o n s u m e r s it serves. F a r from e x t e n d i n g the b o u n d a r i e s
of m u s i c a l diversity a n d creativity, at least o n the s u r f a c e the m u s i c
industry a p p e a r s to be a n i n d u s t r y intent o n risk limitation. In this
context, it m a y well b e a r g u e d that m u s i c is n o l o n g e r a r e a l m within
w h i c h c o n s u m e r s c a n generally e x p r e s s their d i s c o m f o r t w i t h d o m i n a n t
social o r d e r s .
Popular music as protest or control?
D a v i d R o w e ( 1 9 9 5 ) , in his b o o k Popular Cultures, points o u t that the d u a l

activities of formulating m u s i c a n d generating capital h a v e p r o d u c e d
continuing disputes o v e r the n a t u r e a n d control of p o p u l a r m u s i c . S u c h
disputes a r g u a b l y c a m e t o a h e a d d u r i n g the 1 9 8 0 s a n d , in this c o n t e x t ,
often focus u p o n the question of authenticity. A s s u c h , R o w e a c k n o w l -
e d g e s a long tradition w h e r e b y rock history h a s b e e n c h a r a c t e r i z e d as
the continued subordination of singers, m u s i c i a n s a n d c o m p o s e r s to the
i m p e r a t i v e s of capitalism. In this respect, p u n k r o c k , w h i c h started as a n
u n d e r g r o u n d m o v e m e n t c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y the e a r l y d a y s of the Clash,
p r o v i d e s a useful illustration, c o n v e r g i n g as it d i d i n t o , a n influential
m u s i c a l m o v e m e n t a n d finally b e c o m i n g a sanitized f o r m of c o m m e r c i a l
p o p , as h e a r d in the s o u n d s of s u c h b a n d s as the B u z z c o c k s .
110 CONSUMERISM
O n e of the m o s t i m p o r t a n t contributors to the a b o v e debate is

undoubtedly T h e o d o r A d o r n o in collaboration with M a x H o r k h e i m e r .
Horkheimer a n d A d o r n o (1973) discuss the 'mass deception' that they
see as being p e r p e t u a t e d by the culture industry w h i c h ensures that
c o n s u m e r s are compelled to b u y a n d use its p r o d u c t s despite the fact
that, at least at a superficial level, they see through them. Their a r g u -
m e n t is that capitalist p r o d u c t i o n in effect c o m e s to control people's
lives, so m u c h so that they h a v e n o choice but to a c c e p t w h a t the
resultant social system has to offer. Stressing the commodified n a t u r e of
p o p u l a r music, A d o r n o (1990) a r g u e s that p o p m u s i c has d e g e n e r a t e d to
the extent that it n e v e r actually creates n e w ideas, preferring instead
to regurgitate old ones in a safe a n d predictable fashion. In this context,
it is interesting to note that Oasis, one of the biggest selling b a n d s in
the world, are continually c o m p a r e d , often critically, to the s o u n d of the
Beatles.
During the m i d - 1 9 9 0 s a n d despite the death of John L e n n o n , the
Beatles themselves u n d e r w e n t a t r e m e n d o u s l y lucrative revival with
the re-mastered reproduction of several collections of their r e c o r d s as
well as n e w recordings such as 'Free as a Bird' u p o n which, with a
technological slight of h a n d , the voice of John L e n n o n w a s super-
imposed. Despite not existing as a b a n d as such, in 1 9 9 4 the Beatles
e a r n e d £ 1 0 million from r e c o r d s a n d m u s i c publishing. This in the y e a r
before their big marketing p u s h w h e n several C D s w e r e released along-
side television d o c u m e n t a r i e s a n d books as part of the r e - e m e r g e n c e of
a full-scale Beatles' industry. A s Davidson (1995: 1 1 - 1 2 ) puts it, ' N o w
the Beatles are cashing in, exploiting ostensibly, the pent-up d e m a n d of
their fans for n e w p r o d u c t s . ' Meanwhile, Davidson (1995) points out
that the A m e r i c a n television n e t w o r k A B C allegedly paid $ 2 0 million
for the privilege of showing the six-hour d o c u m e n t a r y series, Beatles
Anthology, while Forbes m a g a z i n e estimates that the project as a whole,
including television, C D s , videos and books will earn the Beatles m o r e
than $ 1 0 0 million in total (Davidson, 1995: 12).
P e r h a p s the remaining m e m b e r s of the Beatles w e r e e n c o u r a g e d by
the continued success of ageing rockers the Rolling Stones, w h o w e r e
touted during their 1 9 9 5 tour as 'The greatest rock b a n d in the world',
despite W r o e ' s (1995: 12) dismissal of the b a n d as ' g l a m o r o u s c a r
salesmen'. This c o m m e n t w a s not m e a n t to be a slight u p o n the quality
of the Rolling Stones 'product' or the possibility that the b a n d m i g h t be
past its best, but rather a dig at the fact that, to coincide with their 1 9 9 5
E u r o p e a n tour, sponsors Volkswagen launched w h a t they described as
'the fabulous n e w Volkswagen Golf Rolling Stones collection'. This
limited edition c a r c o m e s e m b l a z o n e d with its o w n Rolling Stones logo
a n d the band's n a m e stitched into the seat fabric (see W r o e , 1995: 12). A t
the time Volkswagen estimated that they w o u l d sell 1 5 0 , 0 0 0 Rolling
Stones cars at a m e r e £ 1 6 , 0 0 0 a time. Clearly, the intention on the part of
Volkswagen w a s to tap a relatively young, loyal a n d generally affluent
a u d i e n c e a n d at the cost of a m e r e £ 6 million w h i c h is h o w m u c h the

c o m p a n y invested in the tour. T h e b a n d itself sold 6.5 million tickets at
the cost of a cool £ 1 0 0 million, a figure that rocketed w i t h the additional
benefit of m e r c h a n d i s e sales.
W h a t is of interest h e r e is the fact that the Rolling Stones c a n still
c o m m a n d s u c h m a s s i v e sponsorship a n d that a big e n o u g h a u d i e n c e is
still out there to justify Volkswagen's investment. T h e c o m p a n y is
clearly banking o n the long-term a p p e a l of the Stones a n d the m a s s i v e
following they h a v e collected o v e r the y e a r s . But a r e these ageing
rockers really p r o d u c i n g the best s o u n d s a n d p e r f o r m a n c e s c u r r e n t l y
available in the w o r l d of rock m u s i c or is it indeed formula, predict-
ability a n d nostalgia that the c o n s u m e r is b u y i n g into (see Burnett,
1996)? It is in this sort of c o n t e x t that H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o (1973:
134) a r g u e that:
[Capitalist] culture consists of repetition. That its characteristic innovations

are never anything more than improvements in mass production is not
external to the system. It is with good reason that the interest of the
innumerable consumers is directed to technique, and not to the contents -
which are stubbornly repeated, outworn, and by now half-discredited.
A s far as H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o (1973) a r e c o n c e r n e d , as L o n g h u r s t
(1995) notes, p o p u l a r m u s i c is interchangeable. In particular, it d e p e n d s
on a p r o c e s s of 'pseudo-individualization' w h e r e b y the essential struc-
ture of p o p u l a r m u s i c a l w a y s r e m a i n s the s a m e w i t h v e r y slight
c h a n g e s in detail serving to a p p e a l to the taste of the c o n s u m e r , thereby
convincing h i m o r h e r of the individuality of his o r h e r choice
(Longhurst, 1 9 9 5 : 5 ) . T h u s , from this point of v i e w , p o p u l a r m u s i c
b e c o m e s p r o d u c e d in a uniform fashion as a m e a n s of s t a n d a r d i z i n g
a u d i e n c e reaction while m a x i m i z i n g e c o n o m i c dividends. T h e s t a n d a r -
dization of m u s i c h a s a distinct ideological function in so far as it m a k e s
the c o n s u m e r m o r e pliant, a passive subject for the p u r p o s e of p r o -
g r a m m e d c o n s u m p t i o n . T h u s , A d o r n o (1990) speaks of the reification
a n d fetishization of m u s i c in its c o m m o d i t y form. M u s i c is reified in the
sense that the p r o c e s s robs the c o n s u m e r of a n y real p l e a s u r e , while
offering a s t a n d a r d i z e d a n d essentially inauthentic p r o d u c t .
O n e v i v i d e x a m p l e of this formulaic a p p r o a c h to p o p m u s i c is the
l>oy b a n d ' p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h really took off in the U n i t e d States
d u r i n g the late 1 9 8 0 s a n d early 1 9 9 0 s w i t h g r o u p s like N e w Edition a n d
N e w Kids o n the Block a n d m o r e recently w i t h T a k e T h a t w h o h a d
considerable c h a r t success, notably in Britain w h e r e they a c h i e v e d eight
n u m b e r o n e hits. A s a result of the latter's influence o n the charts, there
h a s been a n explosion of 'boy bands'. R e c o r d e x e c u t i v e s r e c o g n i z e d the
e c o n o m i c potential of w h a t u p to then h a d been a largely u n t a p p e d
niche m a r k e t o c c u p i e d b y y o u n g adolescent girls keen to w a t c h attrac-
tive y o u n g m e n singing a n d d a n c i n g to c a t c h y p o p runes. O n e of the
112 CONSUMERISM
m o r e e x t r e m e e x a m p l e s of the m a n u f a c t u r e d n a t u r e of s u c h b a n d s is
surely that of U p s i d e D o w n , w h o h a d limited chart success in Britain
d u r i n g the m i d - 1 9 9 0 s after they w e r e first b r o u g h t to the British public's
attention in a B B C television d o c u m e n t a r y Inside Story w h i c h p o r t r a y e d
h o w the b a n d w a s p u t together. P e r h a p s a m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e w o r d to
u s e h e r e is ' m a n u f a c t u r e d ' in that the m a i n criteria for m e m b e r s h i p of
the b a n d a p p e a r e d t o b e the d e g r e e to w h i c h the overall p a c k a g e w o u l d
a p p e a l as a product to a female teenage audience w h o a r e a p p a r e n t l y
m o r e c o n c e r n e d with the sexuality a n d i m a g e of the b a n d s they
c o n s u m e than their musical talent.
Despite b a n d s like U p s i d e D o w n fitting in with H o r k h e i m e r a n d
A d o r n o ' s (1973) conception of the formulated n a t u r e of m o d e r n music,
their rather elitist a p p r o a c h h a s been criticized on several counts, these
criticisms being m o s t effectively s u m m a r i z e d b y L o n g h u r s t (1995). In
particular, L o n g h u r s t (1995: 12) quotes Middleton's ( 1 9 9 0 ) suggestion
that m u s i c c a n never simply be a p r o d u c t reducible to e x c h a n g e v a l u e
as, to w h a t e v e r degree, it a l w a y s h a s at least s o m e form of artistic value.
This a p p e a r s to be a reasonable suggestion albeit one that focuses on the
p r o d u c t i o n side of the equation. T h e question is: h o w far is the a c t u a l
c o n s u m p t i o n of m u s i c , in itself, a creative artistic experience?
Middleton (1990) a r g u e s that the m u s i c industry is actually m o r e
c o m p l e x than a u t h o r s like H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o (1973) suggest a n d
that, in turn, actual m u s i c a l forms a r e m o r e diverse than they m i g h t b e
p r e p a r e d to admit. In particular, there is m o r e choice available n o w
than w h e n H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o u n d e r t o o k their original w o r k
d u r i n g the 1930s a n d 1940s, while the m e a n i n g s with w h i c h c o n s u m e r s
e n d o w p o p u l a r m u s i c a r e n o t as prescribed as they suggest. Indeed, the
variety of p o p m u s i c available in the m a r k e t p l a c e a n d the choice that
this e n g e n d e r s m i g h t b e said to u n d e r m i n e the sorts of generalizations
characteristic of H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o ' s w o r k . F o r instance, it m a y
well b e that c o n s u m e r s w h o listen to U p s i d e D o w n m a y h a v e v e r y
different reasons to d o so c o m p a r e d to those w h o prefer Iron Maiden. In
this respect, H o r k h e i m e r a n d A d o r n o ' s a p p r o a c h is d a n g e r o u s in so far
as it underestimates the lived cultures of e v e r y d a y social relations. H o w
far the n a t u r e of this experience, regardless of the w a y s in w h i c h it is
p l a y e d out, continues to b e d e t e r m i n e d b y the ideological imperatives of
c o n s u m e r capitalism is v e r y m u c h open to debate.
Is t h e r e a ' c o m m o n u n i v e r s a l p o p a e s t h e t i c ' ?
In discussing the a b o v e issues, Simon Frith (1988), one of the m o s t cited

c o m m e n t a t o r s o n the evolution of p o p , talks about the industrialization
of m u s i c a n d , in particular, the constant conflict that c o n s u m e r s feel
b e t w e e n music-as-expression a n d m u s i c - a s - c o m m o d i t y a n d h o w this
effectively defines the twentieth-century p o p experience. T h a t is,
h o w e v e r m u c h c o n s u m e r s u s e its p r o d u c t s , p e o p l e retain a sense that

the m u s i c i n d u s t r y is first a n d foremost a n essentially b a d thing a n d
that they a r e inevitably being m a n i p u l a t e d b y the global s o u n d s of Dire
Straits, for e x a m p l e . In effect, c o n s u m e r s c a n n o t help b u t think that
m u s i c is alienating in the sense that it involves the taking of a c r e a t i v e
act a n d the artificial transformation of that a c t into a c o m m o d i t y . ' W h a t
is b a d about the m u s i c i n d u s t r y is the layer of deceit a n d h y p e a n d
exploitation it places b e t w e e n u s a n d o u r creativity' (Frith, 1 9 8 8 : 12).
But Frith (1988) m a k e s a n i m p o r t a n t point w h e n h e s a y s that this
c o m m o n - s e n s e a p p r o a c h forgets that the industrialization of m u s i c is
not s o m e t h i n g that h a p p e n s to m u s i c per se, b u t is actually a form of
c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h d e t e r m i n e s w h a t songs, singers a n d p e r f o r m e r s
are a n d c a n be. In o t h e r w o r d s , p e r f o r m e r s c a n n o t exist i n d e p e n d e n t l y
of the industrial p r o c e s s in that they a r e a p r o d u c t of that p r o c e s s a n d ,
in turn, c a n n o t be assessed from a n y other p e r s p e c t i v e . H a v i n g said
that, Frith b e m o a n s the m o n o p o l y of p r e p a c k a g e d a c t s a n d a r g u e s that
the m o s t i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t in this respect w a s the e m e r g e n c e of
the p o p v i d e o w h i c h p a s s e d m o r e p o w e r in d e t e r m i n i n g w h i c h r e c o r d s
actually m a d e the c h a r t s directly into the h a n d s of the r e c o r d c o m -
panies. M u s i c that m a k e s 'good p o p television', as Frith ( 1 9 8 8 ) notes, is
m u s i c that will sell. Indeed, h e g o e s as far as to a r g u e that 'the rise of
the p o p v i d e o h a s been d e p e n d e n t on a n d a c c e l e r a t e d the decline of the
ideology of youth-as-opposition' (Frith, 1988: 2 1 3 ) . Frith (1989: 2 - 3 )
therefore a r g u e s that the holy grail of authentic p o p m u s i c is b e y o n d the
r e a c h of the c o n s u m e r i n a s m u c h as the w o r l d of p o p m u s i c h a s b e c o m e
p r e d e t e r m i n e d b y a 'universal p o p aesthetic'. T h e d i v e r s e s o u n d s of
m u s i c o n the m a r g i n s , s u c h as 'world music', w h i c h I will discuss in
m o r e detail b e l o w , therefore c o m e to h a v e p a r t i c u l a r a p p e a l precisely
b e c a u s e they a r e a n e x c e p t i o n to a rule w h i c h h a s s e e n p o p m u s i c in
general b e c o m e increasingly uniform. O n the o t h e r h a n d , a n d m o r e
recently, Frith (1992: 7 4 ) h a s c o n c e d e d the fact that:
The industrialization of music hasn't stopped people from using it to express

private joys or public griefs; it has given us new means to do so, new ways of
having an impact, new ideas of what music can be. Street music is certainly
an industrial noise now, but it's a human noise too so it is perhaps fitting to
conclude that the most exciting and political music of the early 1990s should
be the hip-hop sounds of young urban black bands like Public Enemy, groups
that are heavily dependent on both the latest technology and street credibility.
A key issue h e r e , then, is h o w far c o n s u m e r s c a n c o n s t r u c t their o w n

m e a n i n g s in the c o n t e x t of the m u s i c p r o d u c e d for t h e m b y the m u s i c
industry. Earlier in his career, Frith ( 1 9 8 3 ) c a r r i e d o u t s o m e r e s e a r c h o n
the m a k e - u p of y o u n g c o n s u m e r s of m u s i c , c o n c l u d i n g that those
individuals a n d g r o u p s that m o s t stressed the d e g r e e of individual
choice in the c o n t e x t of m u s i c also stressed the i m p o r t a n c e of s h a r e d
114 CONSUMERISM
musical tastes (see also L o n g h u r s t , 1995). Such g r o u p s felt that they

personally transcended the m a s s tastes of the m u s i c scene in general
a n d yet d e p e n d e d u p o n their peers for confirmation of that fact. This is
a key point a n d one that w a s equally relevant to m y discussion of
fashion in C h a p t e r 6. Such a process is s y m p t o m a t i c of the ideological
influences of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. In effect, c o n s u m p t i o n offers
c o n s u m e r s a f r a m e w o r k within w h i c h they c a n c o n s t r u c t a sense of
identity; that sense of identity ultimately being subject to w i d e r struc-
tural forces such as the i m p a c t of the m e d i a or advertising - forces that
tend to be r e p r o d u c e d t h r o u g h the m o r e i m m e d i a t e c o n c e r n for accept-
a n c e in a g r o u p setting. In o r d e r to b e c o m e accepted, y o u n g c o n s u m e r s
h a v e to c o n s u m e w h a t is perceived to be acceptable taste a n d m u s t
often b u y peer-acceptable music, w h i c h in this sense is barely indi-
vidualistic at all. In this light, as L o n g h u r s t (1995) points out, Frith
(1990) criticizes his o w n w o r k for underestimating the role of c o n -
s u m p t i o n in the creation of musical meaning. Ultimately, h o w e v e r , as
FritiYs (1983) w o r k so clearly illustrates, such m e a n i n g c a n only be
partially agentic. Indeed, the influence of the major players in the m u s i c
industry is such that a creative c o n s u m e r is the v e r y last thing that the
industry w a n t s to e n c o u r a g e . In effect, the m u s i c industry, m u c h like
the fashion industry, self-consciously 'fears . . . an active audience,
w h o s e tastes can't be predicted, w h o s e use of m u s i c can't be completely
controlled' (Frith, 1983: 2 7 0 ) .
In his book, Producing Pop, Keith N e g u s (1992) focuses on the dis-
c o v e r y a n d d e v e l o p m e n t of r e c o r d i n g artists, looking in particular at the
personnel within the m u s i c industry a n d h o w they actively contribute
to or construct the 'sounds a n d images of p o p ' (1992: vi). Pointing out
that p o p m u s i c arises from a constant dialogue b e t w e e n p r o d u c t i o n a n d
consumption, N e g u s a r g u e s that the p o p m u s i c industry is, in turn,
c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a c o n s t a n t negotiation between commerce and
creativity. In this context, he does not believe that c o m m e r c e is b a d
for art, but that the industry itself is a v e r y risky e n v i r o n m e n t for all
those c o n c e r n e d - c o m m e r c i a l failure resulting in potentially severe
h u m a n costs. N e g u s does recognize, h o w e v e r , that m a r k e t i n g staff
within the industry m u s t actively construct c o n s u m e r s as identifiable
m a r k e t s a n d therefore quotes Middleton (1990: 2 4 9 ) w h o a r g u e s in turn
that:
We do not choose our musical tastes freely; nor do they reflect our
'experience' in any simple way. The involvement in subjects in particular
musical pleasures has to be constructed . . . subjects themselves . . . have a
role to play (of recognition, assent, refusal, comparison, modification); but it is
an articulatory, not a simplistically creative or responsive role.
In this respect, the visual i m a g e of a performer is p a r a m o u n t a n d , as

such, r e c o r d c o m p a n i e s are obliged to h a v e s o m e d e g r e e of control over
the i m a g e of their artists, the v i d e o playing a particularly i m p o r t a n t role

as a vehicle for presenting i m a g e a b o v e substance. A s N e g u s ( 1 9 9 2 )
points out, the d o m i n a n c e of i m a g e r y in m o d e r n p o p m u s i c is
illustrated b y the w a y in w h i c h different genres of m u s i c h a v e b e c o m e
associated w i t h different m o d e s of dress (for e x a m p l e , the h e a v y metal
rocker with long hair a n d leather; the r a p artist with training shoes a n d
baseball c a p ) ; visual i m a g e s that a p p e a r to confirm to the individual
w e a r e r that a n artist or g e n r e actually represents or reflects his or her
personality in s o m e w a y . In this sense, i m a g e s rather t h a n musical
content a r e the m o s t p o w e r f u l m e a n s of reinforcing a n artist's musical
identity. H a v i n g said that, N e g u s (1992: 7 0 ) suggests that debates over
the authenticity of a n artist a r e also p a r a m o u n t 'for the v e r y practical
r e a s o n that a n artist h a s t o live w i t h their i m a g e a n d c a r r y it c o n -
vincingly in a r a n g e of settings . . . N o t only d o e s the artist h a v e to be
comfortable w i t h a n d c o m m i t t e d to their i m a g e in s o m e w a y , b u t the
a u d i e n c e h a s to believe it.'
In s o m e w a y s N e g u s ' s analysis of the m u s i c i n d u s t r y is inherently
p a r a d o x i c a l . F o r instance, w h e n discussing the 'branding' of artists, far
from suggesting a n equal t w o - w a y relationship, h e actually tends to
imply that the m u s i c i n d u s t r y holds far m o r e c a r d s t h a n the actual
c o n s u m e r . N e g u s (1992: 7 1 - 2 ) quotes a senior e x e c u t i v e in the m u s i c
industry:
You try and brand the artist, in the way that U2 are branded. The most
brilliant corporate branding I have ever seen, without anyone ever thinking
that they were being corporately got. Brilliant. You never saw a picture of U2
if it wasn't in front of the Joshua tree. Bono was out there [clenches fist]. He
was an okay kind of guy because he was saying the right things. I say this as
a huge U2 fan. Brilliant piece of marketing.
A n equally i m p o r t a n t p a r t of the p r o d u c t i o n of p o p m u s i c is the

targeting of a m a r k e t , notably b y a g e r a n g e . B e t w e e n the 1 9 5 0 s a n d
the 1970s, p o p m u s i c w a s specifically t a r g e t e d at a n a g e r a n g e b e t w e e n
15 a n d 2 4 . A s a result o f d e m o g r a p h i c c h a n g e , h o w e v e r , this a g e g r o u p
h a s declined as a total p e r c e n t a g e of the population, as h a s the n a t u r e of
the p o p m u s i c c o n s u m i n g public. W h a t h a s e m e r g e d is a n e x p a n d i n g
m a r k e t of m i d d l e - a g e d m u s i c b u y e r s a n d the i n d u s t r y h a s h a d to a d a p t
as a result. H e n c e , the c o n t i n u e d success of the Rolling Stones. N e g u s
a r g u e s that this reflects a general t r e n d t o w a r d s the s e g m e n t a t i o n of
c o n s u m e r m a r k e t s elsewhere. While, o n the o n e h a n d , the m u s i c
i n d u s t r y a p p e a r s to divide its a u d i e n c e into m a r k e t s e g m e n t s in o r d e r to
c o n s t r u c t identifiable m a r k e t s , o n the other N e g u s insists that this
basically a m o u n t s to a p r o c e s s of negotiation:
Music is not simply received as sound, but through its association with a
series of images, identities and associated values, beliefs and affective desires.
116 CONSUMERISM
Marketing staff are acutely aware of this and strategically attempt to create
these links - between the music and the image, and between the artist and
the consumer. (Negus, 1992: 79)
N e g u s therefore c o n c l u d e s that greater attention needs to be paid to

interactions between the m u s i c industry a n d its c o n s u m e r s i n a s m u c h as
p o p m u s i c is the p r o d u c t of tensions between c o r p o r a t e strategists,
artists a n d audiences.
D o c o n s u m e r s i n v e s t their o w n m e a n i n g s in m u s i c ?
Despite the above a r g u m e n t s , an individual c a n invest a w i d e variety of

m e a n i n g s in a piece of p o p u l a r music. H e or she m a y see it as an
investment, a source of relaxation, a s o u r c e of happiness or p e r h a p s as a
m e a n s of reinforcing his or her identity by, for instance, signposting that
individual as a h e a v y metal fan ( L o n g h u r s t , 1995: 2 4 3 ) .
L o n g h u r s t (1995) goes on to debate h o w far p o p fans c a n actually be
productive. T o this end, he discusses the w o r k of John Fiske ( 1 9 9 2 ) w h o
notes that c o n s u m e r s c a n be semiotically p r o d u c t i v e t h r o u g h the sense
of identity that they c o n s t r u c t a r o u n d m u s i c a n d h o w they c o m m u n i -
c a t e that to others. F a n s m a y also be textually p r o d u c t i v e by circulating
literature within the fan c o m m u n i t y itself. F o r e x a m p l e , a fan m i g h t
d r a w or write about p o p musicians placing t h e m in unfamiliar c o n t e x t s
as they d o so, thereby p r o v i d i n g a basis for discussion with other fans.
In this context, Paul Willis (1990) sees y o u n g people as being v e r y a d e p t
at the symbolic w o r k of developing their o w n styles a n d of r e a d i n g off
a n d d e c o d i n g musical orientations in the construction of an overall
lifestyle. If a particular type of m u s i c d o e s not fit that lifestyle then it
will be rejected; h e n c e the d e m i s e of U p s i d e D o w n w h o s e sales m a y
well h a v e suffered as a result of their potential fan-base perceiving t h e m
to be overly m a n u f a c t u r e d . F r o m this point of v i e w , m u s i c c a n be seen
to be creatively c o n s u m e d in five major w a y s : first, listening a n d
buying; secondly, h o m e taping; thirdly, interpreting sounds; fourthly,
dance; a n d finally, interpreting songs a n d symbols. In this context, the
personal stereo plays a key role in the construction of personal 'sound-
s c a p e s ' (P. Willis, 1990: 6 4 ) .
Bearing in mind Willis's contribution to this debate, L o n g h u r s t (1995)
discusses the p r o d u c t i v i t y a n d creativity of y o u n g people's m u s i c
c o n s u m p t i o n , e m p h a s i z i n g as he d o e s so the c o m p l e x interrelationships
that exist between musical p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n . It is v e r y
i m p o r t a n t from this point of v i e w actively to set about contextualizing
m u s i c in its social context. A s L o n g h u r s t (1995) a r g u e s , the c o n s u m p t i o n
of M a d o n n a a n d her m u s i c is a case in point. S o m e c o n s u m e r s m a y see
M a d o n n a as little m o r e than a p o r n o g r a p h i c pin-up for m a l e c o n s u m p -
tion; others m a y a r g u e that she is an e m p o w e r i n g role m o d e l for y o u n g
w o m e n . Such decisions a r e actively m a d e b y c o n s u m e r s themselves

a n d , as such,
even what seem to be the most commodified products of the culture industry
need to be examined in their social contexts of production and consumption
before any judgements of value can even begin to be made. I am suspicious of
accounts which 'write o f f whole forms of music because they do not seem to
conform to traditional standards of high art or because they have mass
appeal. (Longhurst, 1995: 251)
In effect, L o n g h u r s t a c k n o w l e d g e s that the c o n s u m p t i o n of p o p m u s i c is

a c o m p l e x a n d essentially interactive process. In discussing W a r d e ' s
(1992) contribution to debates o v e r c o n s u m p t i o n , L o n g h u r s t (1995)
points out that m u s i c is c o n s u m e d t h r o u g h a diversity of social relations
a n d that, in this context, c o n s u m e r s of p o p u l a r m u s i c a r e , at the v e r y
least, potentially powerful.
[I]t is possible to trace a process by which someone who begins as a relatively

passive consumer of pop music becomes a communal producer. As music
affects them they become more interested in particular types of music. They
may define themselves (or be defined by others) as a fan, and begin to use
arguments about authenticity to defend their tastes in arguments concerning
music with other people. They may be enthusiastic enough to form their own
band with other like-minded people. This band might rehearse in facilities
which are part-sponsored by the local state as part of an attempt to use
cultural production to stimulate the local economy. This might lead to the
production of new records which are then sold locally or on the international
market, moving into the commercial sector . . . general theories which suggest
simple relations between the dimensions of production, textual structure and
consumption are likely to prove increasingly unhelpful in a future of
increased cultural complexity and fragmentation. (Longhurst, 1995: 247)
There is, indeed, a n a r g u m e n t for suggesting that the extent to w h i c h

the m u s i c industry actively sets about controlling its c o n s u m e r s is
e x a g g e r a t e d . A s David R o w e (1995: 18) points o u t in his discussion of
rock m u s i c , ' E v e n a t t e m p t s to define rock as a p a r t i c u l a r m u s i c a l style
are u n d e r m i n e d b y the diverse m u s i c s w h i c h claim the r o c k label or
h a v e h a d it affixed to t h e m , so that t o d a y rock increasingly a p p e a r s to
be m o r e of a n e x p e d i e n t m a r k e t niche than a d e e p - r o o t e d , significant
cultural form.' Despite these sentiments, R o w e w a r n s against over-
deterministic analyses of the relationship b e t w e e n rock o r p o p u l a r
m u s i c a n d capitalist p r o d u c t i o n w h i c h h e sees as tending to u n d e r -
estimate the instabilities characteristic of c o n t e m p o r a r y forms of capital-
ism. H e goes o n to suggest that it is quite simply m i s g u i d e d to describe
the social relations entailed in the p r o d u c t i o n of p o p m u s i c as a
straightforward p r o d u c t of the logic of commodification a n d uses the
p r o m i n e n c e of i n d e p e n d e n t labels to illustrate this point. R o w e a r g u e s
118 CONSUMERISM
that d u r i n g the late 1970s a n d early 1980s the m u s i c industry experi-

e n c e d a period of considerable flux w h i c h resulted in a 'crisis' in rock
e c o n o m i c s , culture a n d politics. In particular, R o w e notes that m a n y
c o m m e n t a t o r s see the increase in i n d e p e n d e n t rock activity as reflecting
a s e a - c h a n g e w h e r e b y c o n s u m e r s h a v e b e c o m e increasingly dissatisfied
with w h a t the major labels c a n offer them. In effect, i n d e p e n d e n t labels
w e r e p r e p a r e d to take m o r e risks. In reality, the independents exploited
a period d u r i n g the early 1 9 8 0 s w h e n the majors w e r e financially vul-
nerable d u e to o v e r c a p a c i t y , falling sales, rising costs, high o v e r h e a d s
a n d rigid organizational practices ( R o w e , 1995: 4 0 ) . W h a t is therefore
seen to e m e r g e in this c o n t e x t is not only a shift in the e c o n o m i c b a l a n c e
of forces, but also a significant cultural a n d ideological transformation
of the c o n s u m p t i o n of p o p music.
R o w e (1995) therefore points o u t that it is possible to conceive of a
c o n s u m e r symbolically escaping t h r o u g h m u s i c while r e m a i n i n g subject
to the structures of transnational economies. A s such, a shift in the
p r o d u c t i o n practices e m p l o y e d by the m u s i c industry h a s a p p a r e n t l y
seen the e m e r g e n c e of an increasingly post-Fordist r e g i m e of niche
m a r k e t i n g a n d sub-contracting w h i c h h a s m a d e the major r e c o r d c o m -
panies increasingly flexible. Meanwhile, m u s i c retailers h a v e b e c o m e
increasingly responsive to c o n s u m e r s ' needs (see d u G a y a n d N e g u s ,
1994). T h o u g h Rowe's (1995) analysis of the implications of these
d e v e l o p m e n t s is s o m e w h a t limited, his w o r k clearly s h o w s that it is
probably too m u c h of a simplification to suggest that the m u s i c industry
simply exploits c o n s u m e r s . T h e c o m p l i c a t e d balance of p o w e r that
exists between p r o d u c e r s a n d c o n s u m e r s is well illustrated b y the
r e c e n t history of the independent labels, m a n y of w h o m h a v e been
b o u g h t u p b y the majors. In recent y e a r s , labels, m u c h like b a n d s ,
a p p e a r to h a v e b e c o m e b r a n d e d , so m u c h so that, h a v i n g b o u g h t a n
i n d e p e n d e n t label, a major label will often retain the n a m e of the
i n d e p e n d e n t in o r d e r to e n s u r e the b r a n d loyalty of c o n s u m e r s . M e a n -
while, major labels also create their o w n subdivisions or p s e u d o -
i n d e p e n d e n t labels in o r d e r to attract a particular s e g m e n t of the
m a r k e t ; a g o o d e x a m p l e is Oasis's relationship with C r e a t i o n r e c o r d s , a
subsidy of Sony, w h i c h n o n e the less retains the street-cred of its
original n a m e . F o r the c o n s u m e r s of m a n y 'indie' b a n d s , the idio-
syncratic identity of the label is i m p o r t a n t in their relationship w i t h the
m u s i c concerned. 'Indie-kids' m a y take a lot of p r i d e in the fact that
their favourite b a n d c a n be p e r c e i v e d to be m o r e a u t o n o m o u s a n d
creative t h a n the majority of the 'pop fodder' available on the market.
Yet, ironically, s u c h i n d e p e n d e n c e is often a façade w h i c h a m o u n t s to
little m o r e than a sophisticated m a r k e t i n g ploy on the p a r t of the
majors.
In this context, the extent to w h i c h p o p m u s i c c a n e x p r e s s a n y
resistance to d o m i n a n t o r d e r s m u s t be limited. Significantly, m o r e often
t h a n not political rock (for e x a m p l e , M a n i c Street P r e a c h e r s 'Generation
Tourists') is p e r c e i v e d , notably b y critics in the m u s i c p r e s s , as being

little m o r e than clichéd. In the e n d , political protest h a s a limited role to
play in c o n t e m p o r a r y e x p r e s s i o n s of p o p m u s i c . This point is reinforced
by one of the m u s i c i a n s interviewed by R o w e (1995: 7 5 ) :
But there's always that danger of pushing yourself into too much of a
dilemma and making yourself look a real hypocrite because you're in the
marketplace just as anyone else, you know. Your job, not your job, but your
preoccupation, is to sell records, you know, and by doing that you're
involved in like capitalist processes as much as anyone else. It's the degree of
autonomy you can do whilst achieving that end that's important, really
retaining your integrity.
A l t h o u g h in the e n d the m u s i c industry is c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y m o r e

d y n a m i s m than a deterministic analysis of relations to the m o d e of
p r o d u c t i o n c a n a c c o u n t for, inevitably it is the m u s i c i n d u s t r y itself that
lays d o w n a n d restricts the guidelines within w h i c h c o n s u m e r s c a n
exercise their o w n d e g r e e s of creativity a n d d y n a m i s m .
World music and dance music
In the interests of e x t e n d i n g this debate, w h i c h a p p e a r s to focus on the

question of the authenticity of p o p u l a r m u s i c , I w a n t briefly to consider
t w o types of m u s i c w h i c h m i g h t be said not to c o n f o r m to a rigid
conception of the ideological role of p o p u l a r music: w o r l d m u s i c a n d
d a n c e music.
J. B a m e t t (1996) discusses the e m e r g e n c e in recent y e a r s of 'world
music', an umbrella t e r m w h i c h w a s invented in 1 9 8 7 to r e p r e s e n t a n
eclectic a n d diverse style of m a r g i n a l forms of m u s i c w i t h s o m e f o r m of
m a i n s t r e a m appeal. T h e e m e r g e n c e of s u c h a c a t e g o r y is seen b y J .
Barnett (1996) to r e p r e s e n t a general trend t o w a r d s diversification in a n
o v e r s a t u r a t e d p o p m a r k e t . Indeed,
aspects of the production of World Music tend to be overstated to collude

with the fantasy that the recordings represent unmediated cultural
experiences. The star system - an essential factor in the pop domain -
scarcely applies to World Music artists, because they are pressured to be
spontaneously 'being themselves' rather than taking on performative roles,
and because their lifestyles are not considered parallel to the aspirations of
the music audience. (J. Barnett, 1996: 240)
In this respect, it m i g h t b e s u g g e s t e d that w o r l d m u s i c p e r f o r m e r s h a v e

m o r e of a p r o a c t i v e role in the r e c o r d i n g p r o c e s s t h a n their m a i n s t r e a m
c o u n t e r p a r t s . T h e y a p p a r e n t l y h a v e a n inherent left-wing dissatisfaction
w i t h m o d e r n i s m a n d a desire to a d d r e s s the alienation of W e s t e r n
society ( J . Barnett, 1 9 9 6 ) . K e r s h a w (1991: 6 3 ) goes as far as to s u g g e s t
120 CONSUMERISM
that 'World Music is constituted as the ideological antithesis of "mass

p r o d u c e d corporate pop"'. The marginal status of world music might
therefore be seen to appeal to a m o r e critical and creative audience than
that described by Horkheimer a n d A d o r n o (1973).
A n o t h e r type of music that might be discussed in a similar vein is
'dance' which can itself be divided into various subcategories such as
'jungle', 'techno' or 'swingbeat'. Interestingly, Thornton (1995) considers
d a n c e music in the context of musical authenticity. Noting that authen-
ticity has historically been associated with live performance, Thornton
points out that, as r e c o r d e d music has b e c o m e increasingly influential,
r e c o r d s c o m e to c o m m a n d their o w n form of authenticity, so m u c h so
that u n d e r these conditions it w o u l d seem that the m a s s - p r o d u c e d
cultural c o m m o d i t y is not necessarily imitative or artificial, but
plausibly archetypal and authentic (Thornton, 1995: 2 6 - 2 7 ) .
D a n c e music is thus seen to be authentic inasmuch as it is integral to
a particular subculture. In this sense, n e w technologies a c t as a catalyst
to innovations in authenticity. M o r e specifically, the b u z z created in
British d a n c e clubs through the interrelationships between records, DJs
a n d dancers create 'subcultural authenticities', which are symbolized by
the excitement generated in and a r o u n d a rave (Thornton, 1995: 3 0 ) .
Thornton describes dance music as characteristically experimental.
D a n c e records are sought after for their rarity. Foreign imports are
particularly prestigious, while 'the ideological vagaries of m u s i c genres
like their communication of bodily "soul" or their revelation of tech-
nology play a main role in whether [dance] records c o m e across as
genuine' (Thornton, 1995: 6 6 ) . The DJ plays a formative role in d a n c e
m u s i c as a mixer and innovator of sound. In this context, Thornton
(1995) argues that 'house' r e c o r d s are not recordings of performances,
but are actively performed by the DJ him or herself, allowing
spontaneity, surprise and creativity.
The spontaneity of the event and the spontaneity of s o u n d (and its
relationship to d r u g culture) a r e the key to a n y experience of d a n c e , in
that it is m o r e than a m e r e type of music, but represents a subcultural
experience. W h a t is perhaps m o s t important about r a v e culture, for
instance, is that it is selfconsciously non-political. D a n c e m u s i c in
general purposefully avoids a political critique in favour of a search for
p u r e escape. Dance music is political only in the sense that it is
selfconsciously non-political (see Rietveld, 1993). Dance is therefore seen
to be remarkable in so far as it incorporates a c o m p l e x interaction
between the body, nature a n d technology, a w o r l d w h e r e consumption
arguably b e c o m e s a personal experience rather than an afterthought of
capitalist production. Such a r g u m e n t s again serve as a critique of s o m e
of A d o r n o ' s theories. Dance is seen to be an escape from e v e r y d a y
reality. It is not the commodification of sound that is going on here
apparently, but the appropriation of s o u n d as a m e a n s of escape from
the e v e r y d a y w o r l d which c o n s u m e r i s m inhabits.
M y suggestion is that w o r l d m u s i c a n d d a n c e m u s i c a r e , in the a b o v e

respects, e x c e p t i o n s that p r o v e the rule. Both w o r l d m u s i c a n d d a n c e
are, in s o m e respects, anti-commercial. T h e notoriety of a DJ, for
instance, is often b a s e d o n his reputation rather t h a n a n y i m a g e that
m a y h a v e b e e n c o n s t r u c t e d a r o u n d h i m , while people w h o listen to
w o r l d m u s i c a r e often c o n s u m e r s of artists with v e r y little c h a r t success
a n d high s t a n d a r d s of musicianship. T h e s a m e c a n n o t b e said, h o w e v e r ,
of the vast majority of p o p u l a r m u s i c available to c o n s u m e r s in the
marketplace.
Conclusion
H a v i n g discussed the w o r k of s o m e of the m a j o r contributors to debates

over the authenticity of p o p u l a r m u s i c , a n d h a v i n g briefly looked at
e x a m p l e s of m u s i c that m i g h t claim to b e free f r o m the ideological
imperatives of c o n s u m e r i s m , w h a t m i g h t w e c o n c l u d e a b o u t the role
that p o p m u s i c plays in o u r experience of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life?
T h e first point I w o u l d like to m a k e , in this context, is that a l t h o u g h it
m i g h t be a c c e p t e d that s o m e types of m u s i c a r e less p r o n e to c o m -
mercialization t h a n others, in the final analysis the p r o d u c t that artists
p r o d u c e will inevitably b e t e m p e r e d b y the d e m a n d s of c o n s u m e r
capitalism. D a n c e m u s i c m a y well b e c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a n innovative
localized c u l t u r e b a c k e d u p b y technological d e v e l o p m e n t s , b u t ulti-
m a t e l y a n y m i x e s that a DJ creates a r e j u d g e d a c c o r d i n g to their
commercial potential. If a DJ p r o d u c e s m i x e s that d o n o t a p p e a l to
c o n s u m e r s in general, then h e or she will not attract the w o r k that h e or
she w a n t s . Creativity is inevitably t e m p e r e d b y the d e m a n d s of the
marketplace. Indeed, it c o u l d b e a r g u e d that in m a n y w a y s d a n c e , w h i c h
w a s o n c e a subversive u n d e r g r o u n d m o v e m e n t , h a s actually been c o m -
m a n d e e r e d b y the m a i n s t r e a m m u s i c industry. H a v i n g noticed that the
d a n c e scene w a s rapidly gaining a following, the major labels h a v e tried
to exploit the c o m m e r c i a l potential of d a n c e b y m a k i n g d a n c e r e m i x e s of
songs o v e r w h i c h they a l r e a d y h a v e control, while simultaneously
p o a c h i n g talent from the u n d e r g r o u n d scene. W h a t a p p e a r s to be
o c c u r r i n g h e r e is a p r o c e s s w h e r e b y a genuinely creative a n d subversive
m o v e m e n t is s u b s u m e d into the industry, so m u c h so that m o s t
m a i n s t r e a m p o p s o n g s i n c o r p o r a t e s o m e f o r m of a d a n c e d r u m b e a t .
A s far as w o r l d m u s i c is c o n c e r n e d , it m i g h t well b e a r g u e d that the
designation of s u c h a label m e r e l y r e p r e s e n t s a m e a n s of giving d i v e r s e
types of m u s i c a q u a s i - c o m m o n identity, in o r d e r that they a r e saleable
in the m a r k e t p l a c e . This p r o v i d e s w o r l d m u s i c with a m a r k e t niche
precisely b e c a u s e it brings with it a n air of authenticity that other types
of m u s i c c a n n o t achieve. It c o m m a n d s s u c h a niche b e c a u s e other types
of m u s i c a r e in s o m e respects unauthentic, b u t n e e d to c o m p l y with the
sorts of labels associated w i t h this inauthenticity if they a r e to s u r v i v e in
122 CONSUMERISM
the s a m e c o m m e r c i a l arena. It is in this sense that w o r l d m u s i c is an

exception that p r o v e s the rule of inauthenticity.
S o m e of L a s h a n d U r r y ' s (1994) a r g u m e n t s , w h i c h a m o n g other things
consider the role p o p music plays in patterns of late capitalism, a r e of
particular interest here (see R o w e , 1995: 4 7 ) . They a r g u e that in recent
years p o p music has b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e about the selling of a
b r a n d , which is personified in the artist w h o has a l r e a d y been estab-
lished in the marketplace. This process therefore takes the focus off the
creative object itself and puts it onto the artist, creating an e n v i r o n m e n t
in which the image of the artist b e c o m e s far m o r e i m p o r t a n t than the
songs that he or she p r o d u c e s . Michael Jackson is a g o o d e x a m p l e of
h o w a performer's i m a g e or the cult of his or her personality b e c o m e s
commodified. The s a m e might be said of M a d o n n a w h o s e forays into
the w o r l d s of art and c i n e m a h a v e tended to u p s t a g e her m u s i c , while
providing a springboard from which her music attracts increasing
m e d i a a n d c o n s u m e r attention. The prioritization of i m a g e in p o p m u s i c
is further illustrated by the increasing influence of M T V (music tele-
vision) on the industry as a whole. Indeed, as Wollen (1986) points out,
m a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s go as far as to credit M T V , the ultimate p r o m o t e r
of music videos, with responsibility for the r e s u r g e n c e of the m u s i c
industry in the USA. The key point here is that M T V prioritizes i m a g e
o v e r sound and thereby e n c o u r a g e s the p r o m o t i o n of b r a n d a w a r e n e s s
over a n d above the quality of music. The w a y b a n d s are p a c k a g e d a n d
the m o n e y invested in special effects in a video format h a v e almost
b e c o m e m o r e i m p o r t a n t than the songs themselves. Sanjek a n d Sanjek
(1991) note that new acts debuting on M T V enjoy an increase in sales of
between 10 and 15 per cent. C o m p a n i e s a r e therefore p r e p a r e d to s p e n d
large s u m s of m o n e y in signing exclusivity contracts with M T V in o r d e r
to ensure that their artists h a v e the best c h a n c e of being in 'heavy
rotation' and that they are therefore seen by the biggest audiences
available.
M a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s see MTV as having a negative impact, both in
the w a y it p r o m o t e s c o n s u m e r i s m in such an u n a d u l t e r a t e d fashion a n d
in the extent to which it constructs false images of physical perfection in
the form of a m a s s - m e d i a t e d spectacle. It has also been criticized for
restricting musical diversity (Goodwin, 1992). G o o d w i n does g o on to
a r g u e that the role of 'good looks' in p r o m o t i n g a band's video c a r e e r is
generally e x a g g e r a t e d , but by the s a m e token he also a c k n o w l e d g e s the
suggestion that music video w o r k s ideologically against n o n - m a r k e t
solutions to social problems a n d , as such, serves to sustain d o m i n a n t
p o w e r relations.
The overall implication here is that the p o p music industry is p r o -
ducing p r o d u c t s that appeal to a m a s s market; p r o d u c t s that c o n f o r m to
a s t a n d a r d i z e d , rationalized formula a n d that, as such, p o p m u s i c is
irredeemably c o m m e r c i a l . There is n o doubt that this is p a r t of a long-
t e r m historical process, as G o o d w i n (1992) notes. H o w e v e r , the evidence
s e e m s to s u g g e s t that the commodification of p o p m u s i c h a s been taken

to e x t r e m e s in recent y e a r s . N o t e the p o p u l a r i t y of tribute b a n d s s u c h as
the Australian D o o r s , N o W a y Sis, the Bootleg Beatles a n d Bjorn A g a i n .
T h e p o p m u s i c m a r k e t is surely going a step too far w h e n , Hysteria,
w h o h a v e d i s c o v e r e d a niche as a tribute b a n d to Def L e p p a r d , w h i c h
in itself m i g h t s e e m s o m e w h a t strange, advertise for a o n e - a r m e d
d r u m m e r in o r d e r to e n s u r e absolute authenticity (Inverdale, 1997)!
Tribute b a n d s a r e safe b e c a u s e they d o not require m u c h imagination
on the p a r t of the c o n s u m e r . W h a t is w o r r y i n g is not only that s u c h
predictability sells c o n c e r t tickets, but that in t u r n the m u s i c industry
is not p r e p a r e d to take the risks to challenge the imagination of
c o n s u m e r s . A cyclical p r o c e s s therefore d e v e l o p s within w h i c h the
d o m i n a n t o r d e r is r e p r o d u c e d a n d w h e r e the big six r e c o r d c o m p a n i e s
retain w h a t is virtually monopolistic control.
C o n s u m e r s a r e not d u p e s of the capitalist s y s t e m , b u t they c a n only
c o n s u m e creatively within the p a r a m e t e r s laid d o w n b y the m u s i c
industry. Such p a r a m e t e r s a r e often u n s a v o u r y in n a t u r e . F o r instance,
G o o d w i n (1992) discusses the particularly unfortunate n a t u r e of m a n y
m u s i c v i d e o s w h i c h in o r d e r to gain the attention of the m a l e a u d i e n c e
h a v e denied the subjectivity of w o m e n by r e p e a t e d l y depicting t h e m as
helpers, assistants, g r o u p i e s a n d , m o s t often, as s e x u a l objects. These
sorts of i m a g e s sell r e c o r d s in a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d industry. Meanwhile,
the extent to w h i c h M a d o n n a challenges the traditional role of g e n d e r in
the r e a l m of musical p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n r e m a i n s o p e n to
question. The s a m e c a n also be said of the Spice Girls w h o e m e r g e d
t o w a r d s the e n d of the 1 9 9 0 s as a major m a r k e t i n g p h e n o m e n o n a n d as
a living e x a m p l e of the p o w e r of i m a g e in the p o p industry. Carefully
p u t together as a n a m a l g a m of five distinct i m a g e s , the Spice Girls w e r e
' m a n u f a c t u r e d ' by the major r e c o r d label, Virgin, w i t h the intention of
attracting as w i d e a n a u d i e n c e as possible. M a s q u e r a d i n g u n d e r the
b a n n e r of a distinctive b r a n d of pseudo-feminist i d e o l o g y k n o w n as 'girl
p o w e r ' , the band's overt sexuality is equally appealing to the m a l e
c o n s u m e r . C a t c h y p o p tunes a n d relentless m a r k e t i n g s a w the Spice
Girls catapult themselves into the public consciousness o v e r a v e r y
short period of time. T h e Spice Girls are a b r a n d d e p e n d e n t not on
public p e r f o r m a n c e but on a slick m a r k e t i n g c a m p a i g n intent o n c a p -
turing the m o m e n t a n d m a x i m i z i n g its c o m m e r c i a l potential before that
m o m e n t passes. T h e debate as to w h e t h e r girl p o w e r is a genuine
political stance is questionable i n a s m u c h as ultimately all girl p o w e r
actually a p p e a r s to achieve is a justification for the commodification of
female sexuality a n d the prioritization of i m a g e o v e r substance.
A t this juncture there a p p e a r s to be n o real likelihood of the e m e r g e n c e
of a n e w musical m o v e m e n t to take u p the m a n t l e of p u n k which,
although it challenged the d o m i n a n t values of rock m u s i c a n d presented
a dissenting 'structure of feeling', ultimately entered the m a i n s t r e a m , lost
its p o t e n c y a n d increasingly submitted to the c o n s u m e r culture that
124 CONSUMERISM
e m e r g e d during the 1980s (see R o w e , 1995: 4 1 ) . Similarly, the e m e r g e n c e

of 'Britpop' in the m i d - 1 9 9 0 s illustrates the p o w e r w h i c h the m u s i c
industry c a n deploy in actively determining w h a t is fashionable. B a n d s
that previously h a d little in c o m m o n , such as Pulp, Blur, Elastica a n d
Oasis, w e r e h y p e d t h r o u g h Britpop as the saviours of British guitar-
playing music. T h e industry actively m a r k e t e d a n e w musical m o v e m e n t
that m a y in reality h a v e only existed in the m i n d s of m u s i c journalists
a n d m a r k e t e r s , the end result being a prefabricated a n d m o r e than likely
short-lived renaissance of the British m u s i c scene.
In conclusion, though w e can a c c e p t that the c o n s u m p t i o n of p o p
m u s i c is m o r e complicated than a straightforward discussion of the
i m m a n e n t logic of commodification allows; p o p m u s i c offers the con-
s u m e r all sorts of symbolic escapes; a n d , at least to an extent, c o n s u m e r s
are able to extract their o w n m e a n i n g s from the p o p m u s i c they listen to
- if these factors are a c c e p t e d uncritically then w e r u n the risk of
underestimating the ideological p o w e r of c o n s u m e r i s m . T o a c c e p t as a
c o m m o n p l a c e that the m u s i c industry provides the c o n s u m e r with
m a s s i v e choice without recognizing that this choice is highly con-
structed a n d that ultimately one boy b a n d is v e r y m u c h like another
w o u l d be d a n g e r o u s . It is precisely b e c a u s e c o n s u m e r i s m allows the
individual to construct his or her o w n meanings, while constructing
c o n s u m e r i s m as the only legitimate w a y of life, that w e n e e d to look
into the c o m p l e x interrelationships involved in the m u s i c industry in
detail. N e w scenes such as p u n k a n d d a n c e do, e v e r y n o w a n d then,
e m e r g e a n d to s o m e d e g r e e c o n s u m e r s d o h a v e a n active role to play in
guiding the direction of musical consumption. T h e p r o b l e m is that all
t o o often these scenes are quickly s u b s u m e d into m a i n s t r e a m chart
m u s i c w h e r e the values originally invested in the m u s i c b e c o m e diluted
in o r d e r that the 'product' c a n be closely controlled b y the industry. In
the final analysis, y o u c a n n o t help but w o n d e r h o w m u c h the m e a n i n g s
c o n s u m e r s e n d o w p o p m u s i c with a r e liable to be e r o d e d in a c o n s u m e r
culture w h e r e the i m a g e incorporated in the r e c o r d s y o u b u y is
considered to be m o r e i m p o r t a n t than the reason w h y y o u b o u g h t them.
Recommended reading
Theodore Adorno (1990) 'On popular music', in Simon Frith and Andrew
Goodwin (eds), On Record: Rock, Pop and the Written Word. pp. 301-14,
London: Routledge. A classic though much criticized treatment of the
popular consumption of standardized popular music in a 'mass' society.
Robert Burnett (1996) The Global Jukebox: The International Music Industry.
London: Routledge. An illuminating analysis of the international music
industry. The chapter on the consumption of popular music is especially
worth reading.
Simon Frith (1988) Music for Pleasure. Cambridge: Polity Press. A key contri-
bution by one of the most important commentators on the sociology of pop
music.
Brian Longhurst (1995) Popular Music and Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. An
excellent overview of the sociology of popular music which is particularly
effective on the culturally productive potential of fans.
Richard Middleton (1990) Studying Popular Music. Milton Keynes: Open
University Press. A comprehensive analysis of various theoretical and
practical aspects of popular music.
Keith Negus (1992) Producing Pop: Culture and Conflict in the Popular Music
Industry. London: Edward Arnold. Perhaps the most effective and
comprehensive discussion of complex workings of the music industry.
David Rowe (1995) Popular Cultures: Rock Music, Sport and the Politics of Pleasure.
London: Sage. Looks at rock music and sport as realms of social life that
serve to express tensions between the commercial nature of popular cultural
forms and their potential for resistive independence.
Sarah Thornton (1995) Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital.
Cambridge: Polity Press. Makes a case for the consumption of dance music as
musical creativity and subcultural expression.
Paul Willis (1990) Common Culture. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. An
important work that looks at the situated nature of young people's cultural
life, including a chapter on music and symbolic creativity.
8
CONSUMING SPORT
Sport is p e r h a p s the single area of c o n t e m p o r a r y social life to h a v e been

m o s t profoundly altered in recent y e a r s by the e v e r y d a y i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. W h a t is p e r h a p s m o r e interesting, as I
will g o on to a r g u e during the c o u r s e of this chapter, is that the p r o -
cesses associated with the commercialization of sport a p p e a r to be
actively increasing the profile of sport as a legitimate diversion from the
actualities and tensions of e v e r y d a y life. The debate here centres on
w h e t h e r or not such d e v e l o p m e n t s h a v e ideological implications for the
b r o a d e r impact of c o n s u m e r i s m u p o n m o d e r n or ( p o s t m o d e r n life. In
this chapter, I will suggest that c o n s u m e r i s m not only infiltrates all
aspects of social life including sport, but does so in such a w a y as to
alter the overall construction of that social life as well as its constituent
parts.
The v e r y essence of the sporting e n d e a v o u r seems to h a v e u n d e r g o n e
considerable c h a n g e over the past t w o or three decades. This reflects the
continuation of a long-term trend w h i c h has seen sport as a partici-
p a t o r y experience b e c o m e superseded by sport as a spectator event.
During the nineteenth century, sport increasingly took on the mantle
of a t e a m pursuit structured b y t e a m rules; while d u r i n g the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, sports b e c a m e m a s s - a t t e n d e d
spectator events. In this respect, w h e r e a s sport h a d previously been all
about actual participation in athletic competition, such participation w a s
gradually e r o d e d in favour of locally b a s e d spectators paying to v i e w
events. N o w a d a y s , people's experience of sport is increasingly about
participating third h a n d , t h r o u g h the m e d i a in general a n d television in
particular.
During the course of the twentieth century, sport has e m e r g e d as big
business to the extent, as Schlossberg (1996) notes, that in 1 9 9 3 it
a c c o u n t e d for $2.5 billion of U S marketing expenditure. Sport clearly
offers an attractive option to m a r k e t e r s a n d advertisers alike i n a s m u c h
as the emotional investment fans h a v e for particular sporting t e a m s
m a k e it a 'natural' arena for the p r o m o t i o n of p r o d u c t s . A s Coakley
(1994) notes, c o m p a n i e s actively seek to graft their p r o d u c t onto a
CONSUMING SPORT 127
team's i m a g e in the h o p e that p r o d u c t loyalty will e m e r g e o u t of t e a m

loyalty. These sorts of c o m m e r c i a l imperatives a p p e a r e d to h a v e g o n e
s o m e w h a t far w h e n , in the s u m m e r of 1 9 9 7 , t w o sponsors, N i k e a n d
A d i d a s , p u t together a t w o - m a n run-off, ostensibly to c r o w n the fastest
m a n in the w o r l d . W h a t took place w a s a race-off b e t w e e n D o n n o v a n
Bailey, O l y m p i c 1 0 0 m e t r e s c h a m p i o n a n d Michael Johnson, 2 0 0 m e t r e s
gold medallist, o v e r 1 5 0 m e t r e s . H o w e v e r , s u c h a n e v e n t c o u l d equally
be d e r i d e d as a sporting circus s t a g e d b y t w o multinational s p o r t s w e a r
c o m p a n i e s d e s p e r a t e to gain the u p p e r h a n d o v e r their n e a r e s t c o m -
petitors. Meanwhile, also d u r i n g the s u m m e r of 1 9 9 7 , the w o r l d ' s m o s t
expensive soccer player, R o n a l d o , speculated that h e m i g h t leave one
club, Barcelona, to join another, Internazionale of Milan. Ronaldo's
sponsor, Nike, m a d e a public s t a t e m e n t to the effect that they did not
a p p r o v e , primarily b e c a u s e Nike a l r e a d y s p o n s o r e d the w o r l d c h a m -
pions Brazil a n d w e r e h o p i n g to strike a similar deal w i t h Barcelona.
Eventually, the player m o v e d regardless, b u t not before the fragile
e c o n o m i c foundations of top-class sport w e r e laid bare.
Sport clearly h a s a crucial role to play as a m e a n s of maintaining the
health a n d vitality of major related industries s u c h as the m e d i a a n d
advertising ( R o w e , 1 9 9 5 ) . T h e p r o b l e m here, h o w e v e r , is that sport itself
has a r g u a b l y b e c o m e a p r o d u c t to the extent that the essential character
of the sporting enterprise h a s been lost to m a r k e t imperatives.
Rottenberg (1956: 2 4 9 ) , in his discussion of baseball, neatly illustrates
this point:
Two teams opposed to each other in play are like two firms producing a
single product. The product is the game, weighted from the revenues derived
from its play . . . In one sense the teams compete; in another they combine in
a single firm in which the success of each branch requires that it be not 'too
much' more efficient than the other. If it is, output falls.
Such observations illustrate h o w the actual n a t u r e of sporting

e n d e a v o u r s m a y actually be t r a n s f o r m e d b y m a r k e t interests. N o t only
are c o m p a n i e s w i t h large m a r k e t i n g b u d g e t s able to ride o n the b a c k of
sporting success, b u t sport itself c a n be seen to h a v e e m e r g e d quite
simply as a c o m m o d i t y to be b o u g h t a n d sold in the m a r k e t p l a c e . In
this respect, S c h w a r t z (1994) a r g u e s that sport h a s been allowed to
d e v e l o p into little m o r e t h a n a business intent on c o m p e t i n g with other
businesses for the leisure dollar, while the athletes themselves m e r c i -
lessly p u r s u e m o n e y at e v e r y opportunity. Such d e v e l o p m e n t s h a v e
clearly not o c c u r r e d overnight a n d , as R o w e ( 1 9 9 5 ) notes, m a n y sports,
notably R u g b y U n i o n , h a v e been forced to professionalize for fear of
being left o n the fringes of the sporting m a r k e t p l a c e . In this context,
Coakley's (1994) suggestion that athletic p e r f o r m a n c e is actively being
c o r r u p t e d b y the n e e d to m o u l d s p o r t into a p r o d u c t , rather than being
s o m e t h i n g w o r t h while for its o w n sake, h a s m e a n t that s p o r t is in
128 CONSUMERISM
d a n g e r of degenerating into nothing m o r e than a commodified spec-

tacle. A s such, Coakley goes on to discuss the m o v e a w a y from a n
e m p h a s i s in sport on ability a n d the m a s t e r y of technical skills, n a m e l y
an 'aesthetic orientation', to an e m p h a s i s on 'style' a n d the m a s t e r y of
d r a m a t i c expression, n a m e l y a 'heroic orientation'. Coakley believes
that w h a t has e m e r g e d historically is a situation w h e r e there is an
increasing need on the part of sports people to please naïve audiences
while undermining the essence of their o w n sport. A particularly g o o d
e x a m p l e of this scenario is the m o v e within ice skating, in recent years,
t o w a r d s the prioritization of c r o w d - p l e a s i n g , t h o u g h potentially
d a n g e r o u s , jumps a n d a w a y from the simple aesthetics of artistic
impression.
If y o u m a r r y the actual physical transformations sport has u n d e r g o n e
in recent history, and the w a y in w h i c h m a r k e t e r s h a v e exploited such
c h a n g e s to their o w n ends, then Lipsyte a n d Lewis's c o m m e n t s a r e
w o r t h consideration:
As a mirror of our culture, sport now shows us spoiled fools as role models,
cities and colleges held hostage and games that exist only to hawk products.
And the truth and beauty of sport itself - a pleasure of the flesh to the
participant, an ennobling inspiration to the spectator - seem to have been
wiped off the looking glass, (quoted in Mitchell, 1995a: 10)
The key issue here centres on whether Lipsyte's vision of s p o r t is a

misguided, romantic one or w h e t h e r sport has actually c h a n g e d for the
w o r s e as a direct result of commercialization a n d commodification. In
short, has a c o n s u m e r ethic engulfed the sporting experience a n d , if so,
w h y should w e necessarily a s s u m e that this is a b a d thing? After first
considering the Marxist angle on the commodification of sport, I will g o
on to focus on this issue m o r e directly in the context of the following
four major areas of investigation. W h a t is the relationship b e t w e e n the
Olympic Games and the consumer ethic? In w h a t w a y s does American sport
illustrate the power of consumerism? H o w has English soccer been affected by
the consumer ethic? A n d w h a t role does television play in the commodification
of sport?
M a r x i s m a n d t h e c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n of s p o r t
T h r o u g h o u t this book I h a v e tried to outline s o m e of the m o s t i m p o r t -

ant w a y s in which c o n t e m p o r a r y society h a s in recent y e a r s b e c o m e
increasingly d e p e n d e n t u p o n its relationship with the c o n s u m e r ethic.
It might well be said in this context that sport p r o v i d e s the m o s t
graphic expression of s o m e of the w a y s in w h i c h this ethic a p p e a r s not
a l w a y s to operate in the best interests of the c o n s u m e r . H a v i n g said
CONSUMING SPORT 129
that, a n y a p p r o a c h that b e m o a n s the c u r r e n t state of professional s p o r t

could be said to d o nothing m o r e than romanticize exactly w h a t that
sporting e x p e r i e n c e is all about. In this light, consider Davies's (1995: 2)
thoughts o n the c u r r e n t state of English football:
Football should not be run like a supermarket, or Alton Towers, a Take That
concert or a raincoat factory. Football is not about profit and loss. It is about
glory and excitement, about loyalty and legends, about local identity and
family history, about skills and talents, none of which can be computed on
balance sheets. Football doesn't have a product. Every year United fans have
their ashes scattered on the turf at Old Trafford. How often do you see that
happening at Tescos?
M a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s a r e a r g u a b l y overly critical of sport as nothing

m o r e than another e x a m p l e of a n e w dimension of capitalist alienation
(see Bocock, 1993). F r o m this M a r x i s t perspective, sport alienates not
only the athlete w h o is exploited b y the m o d e r n m o n e y - m a k i n g m a c h -
inery w h i c h is o u t of his or her control, but also the spectator, i n a s m u c h
as m o d e r n c o n s u m e r s a r e generally m o r e a n d m o r e physically passive.
T h e y w a t c h sport, often f r o m the comfort of their o w n living r o o m s , but
rarely actively participate in it. T h e y a r e , in effect, mentally active, yet
physically passive. T h o u g h sports a n d leisure clubs a r e apparently
increasing in popularity, the general trend a p p e a r s to be a w a y from
sporting participation a n d t o w a r d s media-based spectating. T h e c o n -
s u m p t i o n of sport therefore b e c o m e s a n experience primarily located in
the head. The c o n s u m p t i o n of sport is largely p r e - p a c k a g e d a n d
apparently e n c o u r a g e s the existence of a culture w h e r e lethargy is
lauded as a positive attribute. A s a result, the ideological d i m e n s i o n s of
the c o n s u m i n g experience, as I will discuss in detail in C h a p t e r 9 , a r e
conveniently overlooked. In this sense, it could be a r g u e d that sport
plays an active role in camouflaging the excesses of c o n s u m e r culture
by providing a form of e s c a p e from the e v e r y d a y tensions of capitalist
exploitation while reinforcing the v e r y excesses that this exploitation
p r o p a g a t e s . In other w o r d s , c o n s u m e r capitalism p r o m o t e s a c c u m u l a -
tion a n d in the p r o c e s s simultaneously legitimizes itself.
T h e r e is, indeed, a long M a r x i s t tradition w h i c h sees sport as playing
a n i m p o r t a n t role in t e r m s of capitalist class relations. Particularly vocal
in this r e g a r d is J e a n - M a r i e B r o h m (1978) w h o a r g u e s that sport is
essentially a class p r a c t i c e w h i c h is intricately g e a r e d into the m e c h -
anisms of the capitalist system. Sport m u s t , a c c o r d i n g to B r o h m , be
s m a s h e d like capitalism itself. 'As the biggest m a s s spectacle, sport
operates as an a p p a r a t u s for transforming aggressive drives. Instead of
expressing themselves in the class struggle, these drives a r e absorbed,
diverted a n d neutralised in the sporting spectacle' ( B r o h m , 1978: 1 8 0 ) .
Similarly, G r u n e a u (1984) suggests that capitalist class interests h a v e
c o m e to d o m i n a t e sport as a business interest. By m o v i n g into the
130 CONSUMERISM
realms of sport, capitalism h a s served its o w n interests b y p r o d u c i n g

n e w w a n t s a n d discovering a n d creating n e w use-values. S o m e c o m -
m e n t a t o r s , W h a n n e l (1992) included, see this a p p r o a c h as inherently
one-dimensional. A s such, B r o h m (1978) is seen to p o r t r a y sport as a
o n e - w a y street - a d o m i n a n t ideology that remains uncontested -
w h e n , in fact, sport is a p r o d u c t of a c o m p l e x set of interrelationships
b e t w e e n structures of social control a n d the actual experiences a n d
expressions of sporting culture. By considering the relationship b e t w e e n
the O l y m p i c G a m e s a n d the c o n s u m e r ethic, I h o p e to begin to shed
light u p o n this debate.
T h e O l y m p i c G a m e s a n d t h e c o n s u m e r ethic
The O l y m p i c G a m e s h a v e a l w a y s been s y n o n y m o u s with the a m a t e u r

ideal. Yet, s o m e c o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e a r g u e d , on the c o n t r a r y , that in the
late twentieth c e n t u r y the O l y m p i c s h a v e b e c o m e s y n o n y m o u s with a
c o n s u m e r i s t ethic. G r u n e a u (1984) goes as far as to c o n t e n d that the
commercialization of the O l y m p i c s is symbolic of a b r o a d e r reduction of
sport into a cross between the entertainment a n d light c o n s u m e r - g o o d s
industries. G r u n e a u notes h o w , b y associating themselves with the
O l y m p i c ideals of youthfulness, physical p r o w e s s a n d achievement,
c o m p a n i e s a r e assured of m a s s i v e profits, w h e t h e r t h r o u g h the G a m e s '
official snack bar, soft drink or beer. It is estimated, for e x a m p l e , that
the top ten sponsors of the Atlanta O l y m p i c s alone invested $ 1 . 5 billion
(Rodgers, 1996). The O l y m p i c G a m e s h a v e c o m e a considerably long
w a y since 1 9 1 2 w h e n the A m e r i c a n athlete Jim T h o r p e w a s stripped of
his t w o gold m e d a l s after officials learnt that he h a d o n c e p l a y e d semi-
professional baseball.
Early m o v e s t o w a r d s the professionalization of the O l y m p i c s d u r i n g
the second half of the twentieth c e n t u r y w e r e not, h o w e v e r , uniformly
successful. F o r instance, o v e r 2 0 y e a r s after the G a m e s of 1 9 7 6 the dire
financial implications of the Montreal O l y m p i a d a r e still being felt
t h r o u g h o u t the local C a n a d i a n e c o n o m y . Similarly, the 1 9 8 0 O l y m p i c
G a m e s in M o s c o w cost s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n $ 2 billion a n d $ 9 billion,
ironically putting the O l y m p i c Organizing C o m m i t t e e into a situation
w h e r e it simply had to sell itself as a c o m m o d i t y in o r d e r to r e m a i n
financially viable (Gruneau, 1984). B y 1 9 8 4 , the m a r k e t i n g potential of
the five rings, a n d the sense of quality with w h i c h those rings w e r e
i m b u e d , w e r e well a n d truly on track as c o m p a n i e s p u r s u e d the
priceless i m a g e that the O l y m p i c s could transfer to their o w n p r o d u c t s .
The m a r k e t i n g frenzy w h i c h has c o m e to characterize the O l y m p i c
G a m e s is c a p t u r e d nicely b y Rodgers's (1996) vision of the O l y m p i c
Village in Atlanta w h e r e n o fewer than six M c D o n a l d ' s r e s t a u r a n t s
s e r v e d 7,500 free meals a d a y , while a B u r g e r King hot-air balloon
simultaneously d o m i n a t e d the sky above.
CONSUMING SPORT 131
It is not so m u c h the w a y in w h i c h sponsors desire the attributes of

the O l y m p i c ideal to r u b off o n their o w n p r o d u c t s that is so startling,
but the w a y in w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to be u n d e r m i n i n g the v e r y
fabric of the sports themselves a n d , in particular, the s p o r t s m e n a n d
w o m e n w h o participate in them. T h e ' D r e a m T e a m ' , the U S basketball
t e a m w h i c h entered the 1 9 9 2 O l y m p i c s in Barcelona, p r o v i d e a clear
illustration of h o w c o m m e r c i a l imperatives h a v e c o m e to d o m i n a t e the
O l y m p i c experience. Detractors claim that the D r e a m T e a m , c o m p r i s e d
of the major professional stars of the m o s t c o m m e r c i a l l y successful
basketball league in the w o r l d , w a s m e r e l y an elaborate marketing
exercise engineered in o r d e r to m a x i m i z e c o m m e r c i a l a d v a n t a g e for
both the players a n d the sport alike (see Schlossberg, 1996). Ironically, in
achieving the status of gold m e d a l winners, t w o D r e a m T e a m players,
Michael J o r d a n a n d Charles Barkley, both of w h o m w e r e e n d o r s e d
by Nike, refused to w e a r the U S team's tracksuit b e c a u s e it w a s
emblazoned with the logo of one of Nike's major competitor's, Reebok.
Barkley, famously c o m m e n t e d that, 'Us Nike g u y s are loyal b e c a u s e
they p a y us a lot of m o n e y . . . I h a v e 2 million reasons not to w e a r
Reebok' (Perspectives, 1992). A c o m p r o m i s e w a s finally r e a c h e d w h e n
the U S O l y m p i c C o m m i t t e e allowed the t w o basketball players to unzip
their jackets in o r d e r to conceal the Reebok logo. This incident reflects
w i d e r c o n c e r n s about the commercialization of the G a m e s in general
a n d the w o r r y i n g trend that professional sports s u c h as basketball,
tennis a n d even athletics, o n c e l a u d e d as bastions of a m a t e u r i s m , are
being i n v a d e d b y a c o n s u m e r i s t ideal. T h e following quotation from the
Chicago Tribune (18 September 1 9 9 1 ) , w h i c h considers the c o m m e r c i a l
i m p a c t of the D r e a m T e a m , says a lot about h o w far the O l y m p i c s h a v e
c o m e since the Jim T h o r p e incident in 1 9 1 2 .
It's the first time NBA players will compete in the Olympics, and perhaps the
principal area of expansion on the NBA agenda is international. The NBA
wants to sell its game and its merchandise overseas. So why not bring its
biggest stars? It's a walking billboard for the NBA. And are they going to
lose? . . . The talent is overwhelming and the opposition dubious. And the
corporate sponsors who hire these people will be wearing the widest grins,
(quoted in Schlossberg, 1996: 59)
The O l y m p i c G a m e s cast off a n y last vestiges of a m a t e u r i s m in 1981

w h e n the President of the International O l y m p i c C o m m i t t e e , Juan
Antonio S a m a r a n c h , officially dissolved the 'pure a m a t e u r c o d e ' w h i c h
m a n y felt b y this time h a d b e c o m e unenforceable despite S a m a r a n c h ' s
claim in the s a m e y e a r that 'The commercialisation of the O l y m p i c
G a m e s will never be tolerated. T h e y will r e m a i n the only sports event in
the w o r l d w h e r e there is n o advertising in the stadia or o n the athletes'
vests' (quoted in W h a n n e l , 1992: 1). It is true to say that O l y m p i c
advertising is restricted i n a s m u c h as O l y m p i a n s d o not p a r t a k e in direct
132 CONSUMERISM
advertising during the G a m e s themselves a n d advertising within the

stadia is not permitted. H o w e v e r , to suggest that the G a m e s h a v e not
been commercialized is to invite ridicule. The O l y m p i c m o v e m e n t
readily courts sponsors in the form of TV c o m p a n i e s w h o invest
millions of p o u n d s a n d dollars in o r d e r to transmit the G a m e s w o r l d -
wide. F o r instance, as L u c a s (1992) a d m i t s , the A m e r i c a n television
n e t w o r k A B C agreed to p a y the International O l y m p i c C o m m i t t e e a
staggering $ 3 2 6 million in o r d e r to s e c u r e the A m e r i c a n rights for the
Winter Olympic G a m e s in C a l g a r y in 1 9 8 8 . Meanwhile, the C o c a - C o l a
c o m p a n y spent $ 2 2 million in o r d e r to g u a r a n t e e that n o other soft
drinks c o m p a n y could display the O l y m p i c rings or sell their p r o d u c t at
O l y m p i c stadia. The athletes themselves are sponsored, in a w a y that
surreptitiously subverts the International O l y m p i c C o m m i t t e e ' s (IOC)
guidelines while superficially m a i n t a i n i n g O l y m p i c principles of
a m a t e u r i s m (Coakley, 1994). For instance, athletes m a y be seen w e a r i n g
R a y - B a n sunglasses or drinking bottled E v i a n w a t e r in front of the
c a m e r a s . In m a n y respects, then, the O l y m p i c s a p p e a r to b e an a d v e r -
tising platform first a n d a sporting e n d e a v o u r second.
Those defending the a p p a r e n t m o v e t o w a r d s the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n
of the Olympics a r g u e that there is n o real reason w h y the O l y m p i c
m o v e m e n t should not benefit from the h u g e funds that multinational
c o m p a n i e s are clearly p r e p a r e d to invest. L u c a s (1992) a r g u e s that w h a t
is of m o r e concern is that the O l y m p i c m o v e m e n t d o e s not m e r e l y
t r a n s m u t e into a giant m o n e y - m a k i n g m a c h i n e . In this sense, L u c a s
(1992: 80) argues that the O l y m p i c spirit should a n d indeed is being
defended at all costs.
The Olympic Movement, especially the IOC, is bedazzled by its new found
avenues of financial opportunity and will continue exploring them for some
years to come. By the millennial year 2000, the IOC will have accumulated in
properties, investments, credits, and cash sufficient billions of dollars so that
it can 'ease off.' It will pull back appreciably from this financial focus and be
able at last to devote nearly all of its vast power, influence, and new wealth to
educational and altruistic efforts at an even higher level and through a more
universal presence than are now possible.
Sadly, any vision of an altruistic O l y m p i c m o v e m e n t investing its vast

funds in the future of sport at the grass roots is t e m p e r e d by the i m a g e
of privileged m e m b e r s of the IOC jet-setting a r o u n d the w o r l d in o r d e r
to be feted by potential host cities d e t e r m i n e d to gain their s u p p o r t by
w h a t e v e r m e a n s necessary. There a p p e a r s to be little motivation for the
O l y m p i c m o v e m e n t to p u t the brakes on the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of w h a t
is evidently one of the m o s t potentially profitable investments in the
world.
If the ultimate symbol of a m a t e u r i s m , the O l y m p i c G a m e s , b e c o m e so
forcibly directed by the c o n s u m e r ethic, then that is as e v o c a t i v e a sign
CONSUMING SPORT 133
as y o u a r e likely to get that c o n s u m e r i s m is indeed a w a y of life or that

o u r w a y of life is being subjected, first a n d foremost, to a c o n s u m e r
ethic. G r u n e a u (1984) is right w h e n h e suggests that the c o m m e r c i a l i z a -
tion of the O l y m p i c s is a long-term p r o c e s s with significant social
implications. The G a m e s h a v e evidently b e c o m e too b o u n d u p in
economically m o t i v a t e d v e s t e d interests for s p o r t to b e a n y t h i n g m o r e
than another focus for the a c c u m u l a t i o n of capital. T h e key c o n c e r n h e r e
is that the v e r y n a t u r e of s p o r t is being diluted b y c o m m e r c i a l i m p e r a -
tives a n d that the c o n s u m e r s of sport, the fans, a r e being exploited as a
result. I will begin to look at the implications of this p r o c e s s further
after considering a s p e c t s of the relationship b e t w e e n c o n s u m e r i s m a n d
sport in both the U S A a n d Britain, at w h i c h point I will consider the
commercialization of 'soccer' in particular.
American sport and the p o w e r of c o n s u m e r i s m
T h e U S A leads the w o r l d in p r o m o t i n g the instillation of the c o n s u m e r

ethic into sporting ideals. W h e t h e r this is a direction in w h i c h the w o r l d
w a n t s to be led is o p e n to question. In this context, s o m e of the issues
raised b y C o a k l e y ( 1 9 9 4 ) a r e especially pertinent in that h e describes
h o w A m e r i c a n s p o r t h a s increasingly b e c o m e a t a r g e t for the 'entre-
preneurial spirit'; in t u r n creating a m o d e l w h i c h the rest of the w o r l d ,
including Britain, h a s relentlessly followed. T h e irony inherent in s u c h a
m o d e l is that:
Investments in sport are often risky, but they have paid off very nicely for
owners and sponsors who have been able to use monopolistic business
practices to keep costs down and revenues up. Profits have also been
enhanced by public support and subsidies. It is ironic that North American
professional sports are often used as models of competition when, in fact,
they have been built through a system of autocratic control and monopolistic
organization. (Coakley, 1994: 328)
W h a t the a b o v e m o r e t h a n hints at is the fact that the c o m m e r c i a l -

ization of s p o r t is n o t necessarily of m u t u a l benefit. T h a t is, the interests
of the s p o r t itself, the T V c o m p a n i e s selling that s p o r t a n d the indi-
vidual sports fan d o not necessarily m a t c h . A T V c o m p a n y , for instance,
m i g h t w a n t to s c h e d u l e a sporting fixture in a p e a k v i e w i n g slot. This
m a y c o n c e r n that particular sport's g o v e r n i n g b o d y w h i c h m i g h t prefer
the fixture to be p l a y e d at another time in o r d e r to e n s u r e equity a c r o s s
the fixture list b e t w e e n clubs. M e a n w h i l e , the individual fan w h o is
only able to attend m a t c h e s o n a S a t u r d a y is left disappointed. Ulti-
mately, the u n u s u a l scheduling of that g a m e results in d i s a p p o i n t m e n t
all r o u n d . T h e r e m a y well be a r e d u c e d a t t e n d a n c e , w h i c h not only
results in r e d u c e d r e v e n u e for the sport, b u t also d e t r a c t s from the on-
134 CONSUMERISM
screen spectacle. It seems likely that, ultimately, the fan is b o u n d to lose

out in a world w h e r e sports are becoming less a n d less d e p e n d e n t on
income provided by gate receipts and m o r e and m o r e d e t e r m i n e d to
m a x i m i z e other aspects of their business profile.
A m e r i c a n sports stars c o m m a n d vast a m o u n t s of m o n e y , m u c h of it
through endorsements, while at the b o t t o m of the ladder less well-
k n o w n or less successful s p o r t s m e n a n d w o m e n a r e often left to live life
on the bread line. For instance, in the s u m m e r of 1997, Barry Sanders of
the Detroit Lions b e c a m e the highest paid footballer in National Football
L e a g u e ( N F L ) history w h e n he signed a five-year deal w o r t h a basic $ 3 4
million, alongside a further $ 1 2 . 7 5 million in projected bonuses. The
living e m b o d i m e n t of the riches that sport c a n bring, h o w e v e r , is Michael
Jordan, w h o after briefly flirting with baseball in 1 9 9 4 returned to play
basketball with the C h i c a g o Bulls in o r d e r to r e c o m m e n c e a breath-
takingly successful and lucrative sporting career. C o m p a n i e s p a y J o r d a n
$ 3 0 million a year to h y p e their p r o d u c t s ( P u t n a m , 1995: 15). J o r d a n , one
of the world's m o s t famous s p o r t s m e n , spent 18 m o n t h s 'in exile' a n d
returned as an even m o r e marketable c o m m o d i t y . In this context,
P u t n a m (1995: 15) quotes B r a n d o n Steiner of Steiner's Sports Marketing
in N e w York, w h o a r g u e s that J o r d a n is w o r t h 'a few h u n d r e d millions'
in t e r m s of total sales to the N B A as a whole. Meanwhile, G a t o r a d e h a v e
a 10-year contract with J o r d a n w o r t h $ 1 8 million a n d Nike sell m o r e than
$ 2 0 0 million w o r t h of Air J o r d a n footwear a n d J o r d a n clothing. J o r d a n
e a r n e d a m e r e $ 2 0 million from such an endorsement. A s for J o r d a n ' s
return to his favoured sport, he himself says that 'It w a s never a financial
decision . . . I c a m e back because I missed the g a m e ' ( J o r d a n in P u t n a m ,
1995: 15). Regardless of J o r d a n ' s underlying motives, he is the world's
highest earning sportsman. H e allegedly collects m o r e than £ 3 4 million a
year, a figure which excludes his salary.
A n important issue here is the extent to which the m o n e y - m a k i n g
potential of sports and their m o s t saleable c o m m o d i t i e s , the athletes,
transcends the actual n a t u r e of the sport concerned. It s e e m s likely that
as a sport basketball is having to transcend itself. Basketball is a p a r -
ticularly interesting e x a m p l e of this process in so far as it has b e c o m e
imbued with notions of 'street style' a n d 'street c r e d ' that h a v e arguably
b e c o m e m o r e important to m a n y fans or c o n s u m e r s than the sport itself.
This is especially true as far as the w o r l d w i d e marketing of the N B A is
concerned. Certainly, in Britain, the i m a g e associated with N B A basket-
ball, which has b e c o m e increasingly p o p u l a r through TV e x p o s u r e , is
less of a technically proficient and exciting sport a n d m o r e of an
enterprise associated with style a n d 'hipness'. This reflects a general
trend w h e r e b y sports a r e increasingly m o r e s y n o n y m o u s with the con-
s u m p t i o n of leisure than they are with undiluted sporting participation
a n d observation. In this context, Schlossberg (1996: 176) discusses the
e m e r g e n c e of A m e r i c a n sports stadia as m e r c h a n d i z i n g and p r o m o t i o n
arenas,
CONSUMING SPORT 135
today's ballparks have ATM machines, virtual shopping malls, and res-
taurants and hotels. Is it any wonder that corporate sponsors and advertisers
are flocking to [these] splendid palaces, even to the point of paying for the
privilege of putting their names on them, while fans are paying more and
more for the privilege of being exposed to these marketing communications
messages? Yes, people pay for the privilege of being advertised to.
The extent to w h i c h the p o w e r brokers of sport a r e p r e p a r e d to g o to

e n s u r e the e c o n o m i c viability of the sporting enterprise is p e r h a p s best
illustrated b y the rather questionable practice of actually relocating a
t e a m or club in o r d e r to m a x i m i z e r e v e n u e . T h e r e a r e several e x a m p l e s ,
as Coakley (1994) notes, of o w n e r s of t e a m franchises a b a n d o n i n g o r a t
least threatening to a b a n d o n their fan-base in o r d e r to seek n e w a n d
m o r e lucrative v e n u e s a n d their associated c a t c h m e n t areas; clubs
desert the loyal fan-base they m a y h a v e cultivated o v e r m a n y y e a r s in
favour of the financial potential that resides elsewhere. Situations
therefore arise w h e r e clubs ' s p o r t m a i r (as o p p o s e d to blackmail) the
city in w h i c h a franchise is resident with the intention of getting m o r e
m o n e y invested b y the city. In one e x a m p l e , the St Louis Cardinals
m o v e d to Phoenix, while the Minneapolis N o r t h Stars m o v e d to Dallas
a n d the Minneapolis M o o s e to Winnipeg, C a n a d a , m u c h to the disgust
of the m u c h - m a l i g n e d local s u p p o r t e r s w h o s e interests apparently
a m o u n t e d to a m i n o r consideration in w h a t w a s , first a n d foremost, a
business decision.
W h a t is certain is that the professional ethos of s p o r t p e r v a d e s
A m e r i c a n society as a w h o l e with sport, in turn, playing a key role in the
m a i n t e n a n c e of the A m e r i c a n D r e a m . The priority given to sporting
ideals is well illustrated b y the vast a m o u n t s of m o n e y invested in school-
a n d university-level sports notably in the form of sports scholarships.
Sports t e a m s in A m e r i c a n universities o p e r a t e at a semi-professional
level with stadia often larger than their professional c o u n t e r p a r t s in
E u r o p e . Y o u n g s p o r t s m e n a n d w o m e n a r e given considerable financial
s u p p o r t , often m o r e so than their a c a d e m i c colleagues, largely b e c a u s e
university authorities recognize the e c o n o m i c spin-offs inherent in
h a v i n g a high-profile university sports t e a m . T h e spin-off in t e r m s of
attracting n e w students t h r o u g h a university's sporting r e p u t a t i o n a n d in
t e r m s of attracting large c r o w d s , in the tens of t h o u s a n d s for big g a m e s ,
is m o r e than w o r t h the initial outlay. W h e t h e r a s p o r t s p e r s o n should
receive the a d v a n t a g e s of a university e d u c a t i o n p u r e l y b e c a u s e of his or
her sporting p r o w e s s a n d a h e a d of other students with superior
a c a d e m i c credentials is u n d o u b t e d l y questionable, as is the extent to
w h i c h the c o n s u m i n g ethos c a n ever h o p e to benefit all c o n s u m e r s all the
time. This is a point I will reconsider shortly in t e r m s of the c o m m e r -
cialization of English 'soccer'.
T h e A m e r i c a n relationship with 'soccer', the w o r l d ' s favourite sport,
is further illustration of h o w c o n s u m e r i s m affects the essential n a t u r e of
136 CONSUMERISM
sport. The m e r e fact that I refer to 'soccer' here, as o p p o s e d to football,

illustrates the extent to which c o m m e r c i a l values h a v e infiltrated the
world's m o s t p o p u l a r sport in recent years. P e r h a p s a w a t e r s h e d in
this respect, an inevitably A m e r i c a n one at that, w a s the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d
C u p . The W o r l d C u p c o m p e t e s with the O l y m p i c G a m e s as the world's
m o s t popular sporting event. In an effort to popularize 'soccer' in the
world's biggest sporting market, the Federation of International Football
Associations (FIFA), football's governing body, d e c i d e d to stage the
t o u r n a m e n t in the USA. The competition w a s , in fact, a considerable
success, despite r u m o u r s circulating prior to the t o u r n a m e n t that the
rules w e r e to be c h a n g e d in o r d e r to appeal to the d o m e s t i c A m e r i c a n
audience w h o are generally uncomfortable with low-scoring sports. In
this context, Schlossberg's (1996: 150) c o m m e n t s about A m e r i c a n atti-
t u d e s to 'soccer' a r e deeply ironic: 'The A m e r i c a n audience, despite the
W o r l d C u p a n d the $ 4 billion that w a s expected to trickle d o w n to
A m e r i c a n m e r c h a n t s b e c a u s e of it is still barely knowledgeable about
the sport. Soccer's inability to adjust to A m e r i c a n tastes - as other
sports h a v e d o n e - is the reason for this. . . .'
The long-term effect of 'soccer' on A m e r i c a ' s sporting p s y c h e h a s
been limited. A t present, a professional 'soccer' league, something that
has a l w a y s failed in the past, is struggling to gain a foothold. If
anything, the major i m p a c t of the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d C u p o n the A m e r i c a n
audience, at least, w a s the innovative use of advertising. B e c a u s e
'soccer' entails t w o uninterrupted halves of 4 5 minutes each, advertising
opportunities a r e inherently limited. A s such, during the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d
C u p , A m e r i c a n television audiences w e r e treated to sponsors displaying
their icons during the g a m e . Meanwhile, as Schlossberg (1996) notes,
c o m p a n i e s such as C a n o n , C o c a - C o l a , Fuji, M a s t e r C a r d , McDonald's,
Snickers a n d Gillette paid u p to $ 2 0 million e a c h for the privilege of
associating their n a m e with the world's biggest single sport event.
E n g l i s h ' s o c c e r a n d t h e c o n s u m e r ethic
7
W h a t then of the commercialization of English 'soccer'? It w o u l d cer-

tainly be true to say that English football is currently u n d e r g o i n g a
c o n s u m e r revolution which is fundamentally altering its essential char-
acter. Advertisers, m a r k e t e r s a n d the m e d i a h a v e s u d d e n l y realized the
potential of football as a vehicle for profit. T h e 1 9 9 4 W o r l d C u p
certainly h a d s o m e role to play in this p r o c e s s i n a s m u c h as it g a v e the
g a m e a significant boost, m u c h as its p r e d e c e s s o r h a d d o n e in Italy in
1990. H o w e v e r , since the 1 9 9 4 W o r l d C u p in the U S A , there a p p e a r s to
h a v e e m e r g e d a collective a w a r e n e s s of the long-term financial u n d e r -
a c h i e v e m e n t of football, an a w a r e n e s s that c u l m i n a t e d in the establish-
m e n t of the Carling Premiership in 1992. A key element in this process
has been the relationship between sport a n d television w h i c h I will g o
CONSUMING SPORT 137
on to discuss in m o r e detail shortly. T h e e m e r g e n c e of satellite tele-

vision in Britain h a s p l a y e d a major role in p r o v i d i n g the initial capital
w h i c h h a s underlain a b o o m in the football 'industry'. Football is indeed
a business. R e p o r t s about major football clubs s u c h as M a n c h e s t e r
United, L i v e r p o o l a n d N e w c a s t l e United a r e a l m o s t as likely to a p p e a r
o n the business section of national n e w s p a p e r s as they a r e o n the sports
pages.
Such d e v e l o p m e n t s c a n be best illustrated t h r o u g h a brief discussion
of M a n c h e s t e r United. O n e of the richest football clubs in the w o r l d ,
Manchester U n i t e d h a s s o m e w h a t ironically, t h o u g h a c c u r a t e l y , been
described as 'a multi-division entertainment a n d leisure c o n g l o m e r a t e
that is e x p a n d i n g its business a n d seeking n e w profit opportunities
based on a successful c o r e business' (Independent on Sunday, 1996). A s
such, F o x (1996) p u t s United's s t o c k - e x c h a n g e v a l u e a t £ 2 8 0 million a n d
their financial t u r n o v e r d u r i n g 1 9 9 5 at £ 6 0 . 6 million. D u r i n g 1 9 9 5 they
earned a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 1 9 . 7 million (rising to a p p r o x i m a t e l y £ 2 4 . 7 m )
t h r o u g h g a t e receipts; £ 4 1 million t h r o u g h c o m m e r c i a l enterprises; £ 6 . 7
million t h r o u g h sponsorship a n d advertising (rising to a p p r o x i m a t e l y
£ 1 0 million in 1996); £ 2 0 million t h r o u g h the sale of m e r c h a n d i s e ; £ 3 . 4
million t h r o u g h catering a n d conference facilities a n d £ 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 t h r o u g h
the rights to videos a n d fan m a g a z i n e s . Meanwhile, the club c a n e a r n
£ 1 5 million t h r o u g h a successful r u n in the C h a m p i o n s L e a g u e , the
competition to find E u r o p e ' s best football club ( F o x , 1996: 2 4 ) . M a u r i c e
Watkins, a M a n c h e s t e r U n i t e d director, says that all this h a s been m a d e
possible in the aftermath of a p e r i o d w h e n the sport in general w a s
largely associated w i t h hooliganism, allowing football finally to b e c o m e
'politically acceptable' to the extent that n o w a d a y s the c o u n t r y ' s major
political leaders g o o u t of their w a y to strap their allegiances to p a r -
ticular clubs. Indeed, d u r i n g the 1 9 9 0 s English 'soccer' is increasingly
d e p e n d e n t o n its g r o w i n g popularity a m o n g the m i d d l e classes. M e a n -
while, as M a u r i c e W a t k i n s recognizes, M a n c h e s t e r U n i t e d a r e 'a w o r l d
b r a n d n a m e ' , a b r a n d n a m e w h i c h for too long w a s u n d e r e x p l o i t e d
(Fox, 1996: 2 4 ) . T h e implication here, as D a v i d Blatt of the English
Football S u p p o r t e r s Association notes in his discussion w i t h Steve
B o g g a n (1996) is that, although:
Clubs have never treated fans well . . . they are now taking advantage.
Among football fans, there is a brand-loyalty that Coca-Cola would kill for.
Your team can lose, you can be given lousy seating, blocked views, poor
toilets and dreadful catering facilities but you will still go back because it is
your team . . . They exploit fans' loyalty and they'll carry on exploiting it
because they know they can. They know it goes way beyond rational
behaviour. It's true love. (Boggan, 1996: 19)
The w o r d 'exploitation' is a n e m o t i v e o n e b u t is o n o c c a s i o n u s e d b y
M a n c h e s t e r United's fiercest critics. M a n c h e s t e r U n i t e d h a v e b e e n the
138 CONSUMERISM
subject of considerable public a n d political criticism m o s t particularly

for their m e r c h a n d i z i n g policy. It is interesting to n o t e that, d u r i n g a
recent s u r v e y of the readership of the club m a g a z i n e United, w h i c h
doubles as a r e a d y sales tool for the club, 8 3 per cent of those ques-
tioned said that they only visited the g r o u n d o n c e a season (Wilson,
1995: 14). Clearly, M a n c h e s t e r United's c o m m e r c i a l influence r e a c h e s
far b e y o n d the i m m e d i a t e confines of their stadium. A s such, United
h a s been the recipient of particular criticism for a s o m e w h a t over-
enthusiastic replica shirt policy. Replica shirts represent a m a s s i v e
m a r k e t to big clubs (the Brazilian national t e a m alone is s p o n s o r e d to
the t u n e of $ 4 0 0 million), a n d M a n c h e s t e r United h a v e not been slow in
p u r s u i n g this market. A t a n y one time, United generally h a v e a h o m e
kit (their traditional r e d ) , an a w a y kit, a third, a n d on occasion, a fourth
kit. E a c h of these kits is c h a n g e d at least biennially, often with the
tiniest alteration in detail. Indeed, the conflict of interests inherent in the
commercialization of sport, a n d in this c a s e b e t w e e n kit suppliers, sales
a n d t e a m p e r f o r m a n c e , w a s neatly illustrated w h e n the M a n c h e s t e r
United t e a m refused to w e a r a g r e y version of their kit b e c a u s e they
claimed that it contributed to t h e m losing a m a t c h particularly heavily
as they w e r e unable to identify one another on the pitch! T h e kit w a s
subsequently w i t h d r a w n , leaving t h o u s a n d s of frustrated children,
p a r e n t s a n d s u p p o r t e r s with r e d u n d a n t m e r c h a n d i s e a n d the club
with a further opportunity to release yet another replica kit onto a n
unsuspecting marketplace.
W h a t is significant h e r e is that football clubs a r e t r a d i n g not only on
the m a r k e t - v a l u e of their t e a m , but also on the value of football per se
w h i c h itself has b e c o m e something of a m e d i a a n d fashion darling. Yet,
as A n t h o n y (1996) notes, the shirts themselves are of a p o o r quality a n d
reflect a c o m m e r c i a l imperative rather than a desire to p r o v i d e the life-
blood of the club - the s u p p o r t e r - with value for m o n e y . C o m m e r c i a l
imperatives a p p e a r to be all, so that,
a generation of kids now know various teams by the corporation that rents
the chest space: JVC, Carlsberg, Sharp. But even these names move on
eventually. In the non-stop bidding of football, it's possible for a new player
to be wearing a new number on a new kit designed by a new manufacturer,
featuring a new sponsor. Only the fans remain the same. (Anthony, 1996: 1)
A n t h o n y (1996) estimates that in Britain replica kits a r e w o r t h £ 1 0 0

million a y e a r in business. M a n c h e s t e r United's contract with kit
m a n u f a c t u r e r s U m b r o alone is said to b e w o r t h s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n £ 4 0
million a n d £ 6 0 million. Meanwhile, w h e n A l a n Shearer, o n e of the m o s t
expensive 'soccer' players in the w o r l d , w a s signed b y N e w c a s t l e United
from Blackburn R o v e r s for £ 1 5 million, N e w c a s t l e m a d e a m a s s i v e
£ 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 on sales of Shearer's n u m b e r nine shirt in a single d a y ( A n t h o n y ,
1996: 4 ) . N o b o d y is forcing s u p p o r t e r s to p u r c h a s e the m e r c h a n d i s e
CONSUMING SPORT 139
w h i c h clubs p r o d u c e . O r a r e they? Critics m i g h t s a y that, if y o u c r e a t e a

situation w h e r e y o u n g children pester their p a r e n t s to p u r c h a s e the latest
M a n c h e s t e r U n i t e d kit for fear of losing face a m o n g their p e e r s , a n d
regardless of the quality of the g a r m e n t c o n c e r n e d , y o u a r e being
exploitative. T h e key point h e r e , as noted b y C o n n e t t a n d T o m a s (1996:
10) w h o quote A l e x Flynn, is that 'There is a difference b e t w e e n a fan a n d
a c u s t o m e r . A fan c a n n o t take his business elsewhere.'
British football h a s w o k e n u p to the e c o n o m i c benefits of sporting
passion. In recent seasons English football clubs, in p a r t i c u l a r , as well
as, to an extent, Celtic a n d R a n g e r s in Scotland, h a v e b e e n able to attract
s o m e of the best footballers in the w o r l d w i t h m a s s i v e financial
incentives. Such a t r e n d h a s been e x a c e r b a t e d b y the ' B o s m a n case'.
This case, b r o u g h t b y a Belgian footballer to the E u r o p e a n c o u r t s , m e a n s
that footballers f r o m E u r o p e a n U n i o n countries a r e d e s i g n a t e d free
agents at the e n d of their c o n t r a c t s as a result of w h i c h t h e y a r e n o w
able to pick a n d c h o o s e the m o s t lucrative deal for their futures
w h e r e v e r that deal m i g h t b e offered in the w o r l d . A b y - p r o d u c t of this
ruling is that English s u p p o r t e r s a r e being entertained b y s o m e of the
m o s t skilful p l a y e r s in the w o r l d . But the question that h a s to b e asked
is: h o w long c a n this last?
M a n y football clubs h a v e a t t e m p t e d to c a s h in o n the increasingly
high public profile of English football a n d c o n t i n u e to d o so, notably
t h r o u g h the holy grail of the stock m a r k e t , in w h i c h m a n y clubs a r e
seeking a quotation. Football s u p p o r t e r s believe passionately in their
teams, b u t the m o n e y m a r k e t s a r e passionate a b o u t profits a n d this
a p p e a r s to create a tension that m a y well alter the v e r y c h a r a c t e r of the
g a m e . A s t e a m s face the threat of relegation, their e c o n o m i c destiny
could p r o v e to be far m o r e serious than their sporting one. In addition,
the big question here, as J o h n Williams, as q u o t e d b y M o y e s et al.,
notes, is:
are the interests of shareholders always synonymous with those of the fans?
The answer to that is obviously no. As soon as a company floats, its ultimate
and complete loyalty is to the shareholders . . . The big clubs don't care where
their supporters come from or if they never come as long as they buy a hat or
shirt. (Moyes et al. 1997: 17)
In this respect, as H o w a r d Wilkinson, the English Football Associ-

ation's c u r r e n t technical director, points out, ' M o n e y is p o u r i n g into the
g a m e m o r e quickly than it c a n b e dealt with. G i v e n these r e w a r d s , the
fear of failure intensifies to a n illogical point. W e s h o u l d all r e m e m b e r
e v e r y time s o m e b o d y w i n s , s o m e o n e else m u s t lose' (Tooher, 1997: 2 1 ) .
M u c h c o u l d a p p a r e n t l y b e learnt from the A m e r i c a n e x a m p l e w h e r e
m a n y A m e r i c a n football a n d baseball clubs, h a v i n g g o n e public, h a v e
been forced later to r e v e r t to p r i v a t e o w n e r s h i p a s a direct c o n s e q u e n c e
of the volatile n a t u r e of the m a r k e t p l a c e , notably in light of the m a s s i v e
140 CONSUMERISM
w a g e d e m a n d s m a d e by star players. In this light, will, indeed, the

financial attractions of the English g a m e persist or will it all c o m e
s h u d d e r i n g to an abrupt halt? P e r h a p s the a n s w e r to this question lies in
a consideration of the i m p a c t of television on the sporting 'enterprise'.
T e l e v i s i o n a n d the c o m m o d i f i c a t i o n of s p o r t
Television is probably the single m o s t influential driving force u n d e r -

lying the commodification of sport. Television c o m p a n i e s invest
millions of p o u n d s in sport in the full knowledge that this is a sure-
fire w a y of attracting viewers and thereby justifying high advertising
rates. Advertisers are attracted, in turn, by the h o p e that s u p p o r t e r s
w h o are deeply c o m m i t t e d to their club will invest the s a m e c o m -
m i t m e n t in the p r o d u c t s they advertise. In effect, advertising exploits
emotion. The fact that, in Britain at least, sports such as football a r e
attracting an increasingly middle class following in a post-hooligan a g e
gives advertisers an increasingly attractive target audience. Indeed, the
satellite TV c o m p a n y BSkyB w a s so impressed by the m a k e - u p of this
a u d i e n c e that in 1 9 9 5 it a g r e e d to p a y £ 6 7 4 million or just o v e r $1 billion
for the right to c o v e r Premiership football m a t c h e s in E n g l a n d o v e r a
period of five years. W h a t is of interest is that the Office of Fair T r a d i n g
h a s challenged the BSkyB deal a n d as s u c h has described the P r e m i e r -
ship as a cartel which c h a r g e s artificially high prices for television rights
(Garrett, 1997).
In this financial climate sport c a n be seen to h a v e t r a n s c e n d e d its role
as a pastime and to h a v e well and truly entered the r e a l m of the
business world. H o w e v e r , there is a further issue here: the financial
benefits of the commercialization of sport often a p p e a r to g o only as far
as the elite clubs or personalities. The £ 6 7 4 million BSkyB deal only
includes the English Premiership. It excludes the rest of the league
w h i c h negotiates its o w n c o m p a r a t i v e l y limited sponsorship deals. But
w h a t of the lesser clubs? H o w c a n they ever c o m p e t e in the s a m e
ballgame? Does the commercialization of sport m e r e l y represent a
widening of the g a p between those clubs with massive r e s o u r c e s a n d
those that are forced to exist on the v e r g e of b a n k r u p t c y ?
In reality, television c o m p a n i e s a r e m o s t c o n c e r n e d with the financial
windfalls inherent in top-class sport. There is n o i m m e d i a t e p a y - b a c k as
far as they are c o n c e r n e d in developing the grass roots. W h a t is
i m p o r t a n t is m o n e y , a n d m o n e y , largely t h r o u g h advertising, is only
generated through those performers setting the highest s t a n d a r d s .
In this context, it is briefly w o r t h considering the sporting invest-
m e n t s of the global m e d i a b a r o n , Rupert M u r d o c h . A s S. Barnett (1996)
notes, Britain has been a testing g r o u n d for M u r d o c h ' s policy of p a y i n g
w h a t e v e r it takes to prise exclusive rights out of sporting bodies. E v e r y
sport will h a v e its price and a n y price is w o r t h p a y i n g if the subsequent
CONSUMING SPORT 141
dividends far o u t w e i g h the initial investment, as d e v o t e d s u p p o r t e r s a r e

a p p a r e n t l y a l w a y s willing to p a y for the o p p o r t u n i t y t o w a t c h their
chosen t e a m . But w o r r y i n g l y , in this context, S. B a r n e t t (1996: 1 0 ) quotes
the feelings of one BSkyB e x e c u t i v e w h o c o m m e n t e d that 'Sport o w e s
nothing to the a r m c h a i r viewer.' M e a n w h i l e , the T V rights to the 2 0 0 2
W o r l d C u p h a v e g o n e to a p r i v a t e satellite o p e r a t o r w i t h w h o m R u p e r t
M u r d o c h h a s recently a n n o u n c e d a financial alliance. In this context, S.
Barnett's (1996) a c c o u n t of the p o w e r of R u p e r t M u r d o c h ' s televisual
sporting e m p i r e is t h o u g h t - p r o v o k i n g to s a y the least. In the U S A ,
M u r d o c h ' s c o m p a n y F o x T V p a i d £1 billion for four y e a r s ' c o v e r a g e of
the N F L National Conference a n d also holds the rights to the W o r l d
Baseball Series at a cost of a n estimated £ 3 7 0 million. In t u r n , A . Barnett
(1997) r e p o r t s that M u r d o c h is spending $ 3 5 0 million in o r d e r to b u y
the L A D o d g e r s , the U S A ' s m o s t g l a m o r o u s baseball t e a m , whilst h e h a s
also entered a v e n t u r e deal to b u y 4 0 p e r cent of the c o m p a n y that o w n s
M a d i s o n Square G a r d e n , the N e w Y o r k Knicks basketball t e a m a n d the
N e w Y o r k R a n g e r s ice h o c k e y t e a m . H e h a s also invested a r o u n d $ 1 5 0
million in the N a t i o n a l H o c k e y L e a g u e . A m o n g other deals M u r d o c h
h a s struck, the c o m p a n y Star TV, 6 3 p e r cent of w h i c h belongs to
M u r d o c h , is p a y i n g £ 1 1 million for ten y e a r s of A s i a n b a d m i n t o n , while
C h a n n e l Seven, of w h i c h M u r d o c h o w n s 15 p e r cent, h a s p a i d £ 3 2
million for rights to A u s t r a l i a n rules football a n d £ 7 million for five
years of 'Super 12', a R u g b y U n i o n t o u r n a m e n t (S. B a r n e t t , 1996). A s
such, Mitchell (1995b) e x p r e s s e s c o n c e r n that it is the m e d i a p o w e r -
brokers including m e n like M u r d o c h , M a r k M c C o r m a c k ( w h o 'owns'
a n d m a r k e t s m a n y of the w o r l d ' s leading sports stars t h r o u g h his
c o m p a n y International M a n a g e m e n t G r o u p , a n d w h o simultaneously
organizes s o m e of the major sporting events, including golf's W o r l d
M a t c h p l a y - critics m i g h t suggest that this c r e a t e s a f u n d a m e n t a l
conflict of interests) a n d D o n King ( w h o h a s d o m i n a t e d the p r o m o t i o n
of top-class A m e r i c a n boxing for m a n y y e a r s ) w h o really h o l d the reins
in w o r l d sport, a n d the c h a n c e s a r e that these p e o p l e p u t their o w n
interests before those of the sporting public or, indeed, s p o r t itself.
T h e c u r r e n t major d e v e l o p m e n t in T V sports c o v e r a g e is 'pay-per-
view' w h e r e v i e w e r s p a y for the privilege of w a t c h i n g single sporting
events. This is a d e v e l o p m e n t that u p to n o w h a s largely b e e n associ-
ated with boxing, particularly in the U S A , b u t w h i c h is b o u n d to h a v e
far m o r e universal effects in the n e x t few y e a r s w i t h the e m e r g e n c e of
digital technology. Indeed, there is c u r r e n t l y m u c h talk of the entire
English P r e m i e r s h i p football p r o g r a m m e only being available t h r o u g h
pay-per-view; individuals p a y i n g b e t w e e n £ 5 a n d £ 1 0 for the privilege
of w a t c h i n g their t e a m p l a y f r o m the c o m f o r t of their o w n h o m e s , a
m o v e that w o u l d e a r n P r e m i e r s h i p clubs millions of p o u n d s a y e a r . In
this respect, Rick P a r r y , the Premiership's first chief e x e c u t i v e , a r g u e s
that 'pay-per-view is the ultimate in c o n s u m e r choice. C o n s u m e r s will
w a n t plenty of it. T h e potential r e v e n u e is h u g e ' ( M u r r a y , 1997: 6 ) .
142 CONSUMERISM
Meanwhile, sports fans in France are already able to w a t c h a n y first

division football m a t c h at h o m e as a n d w h e n it takes place. In this
context, Williams (1996: 3) quotes Greg Dyke, h e a d of C h a n n e l 5 in
Britain, w h o argues, in turn, that 'Football will h a v e to learn to look at
television in a completely different w a y . O n c e y o u c a n deliver a couple
of t h o u s a n d channels, TV will b e c o m e an extension of the turnstile. So
you'll h a v e 30,000 in the g r o u n d a n d t h o u s a n d s m o r e p a y i n g at h o m e . '
Clearly, such developments h a v e far-reaching implications for the
future of sport. Sports are increasingly at the beck a n d call of television
c o m p a n i e s , the influence of BSkyB in Britain being such that football
m a t c h e s are n o w played virtually every night of the w e e k w h e n in the
past equity w a s reflected in a fixture list within w h i c h all t e a m s p l a y e d
at the s a m e time. The perennial d a n g e r here is that big clubs will
continue to benefit at the expense of smaller ones a n d , in turn, at the
e x p e n s e of the individual s u p p o r t e r w h o will inevitably struggle to
keep u p with the inflated cost of his or her continued support.
Conclusion
In a w o r l d in which the nine m e m b e r s of the International Cricket

Council h a v e agreed to take part in a series of one-day t o u r n a m e n t s in
D i s n e y W o r l d , Florida, a n d w h e r e Mike T y s o n biting E v a n d e r
Holyfield's ears in a world c h a m p i o n s h i p fight gets talked a b o u t as a
marketing opportunity, aspects of global sport m a y a p p e a r at first
glance to reinforce a Marxist interpretation of sport within w h i c h
capitalist enterprise is all. M y suggestion, h o w e v e r , is that, b r o a d l y
speaking, the Marxist a p p r o a c h actually underestimates the c o m p l e x i t y
of c o n t e m p o r a r y expressions of sport. In this r e g a r d , a discussion of
Christopher Lasch's (1985) w o r k on sport m i g h t well be w o r t h con-
sidering in s o m e detail. L a s c h a r g u e s that as capitalism h a s developed
m o d e r n industry has b e c o m e increasingly characterized by routinized
jobs, this having served to give sport a n e w function in that w o r k e r s
seek out s o m e of the benefits, both physical a n d intellectual, in sport,
that they w o u l d h a v e previously found in their work.
The rise of spectator sports to their present importance coincides historically

with the rise of mass production, which intensifies the need sport satisfies
while at the same time creating the technical capacity to promote and market
athletic contests to a vast audience. But according to a common criticism of
modem sport, these same developments have destroyed the value of athletics.
Commercialized play has turned into work, subordinated the athlete's
pleasure to the spectator's, and reduced the spectator himself to a state of
passivity - the very antithesis of the health and vigour sport ideally promotes.
(Lasch, 1985: 51)
CONSUMING SPORT 143
Going o n to a r g u e that sports h a v e been diluted b y the r e q u i r e m e n t s

of m a s s p r o d u c t i o n , L a s c h is not i m p r e s s e d with the 'exploding s c o r e -
b o a r d s ' a n d ' r e c o r d e d c a v a l r y c h a r g e s ' that characterize the d e v e l o p -
m e n t t o w a r d s a larger b u t less well-informed sporting a u d i e n c e intent
on sensation-seeking (as illustrated b y the ice-skating e x a m p l e a b o v e ) .
In effect, L a s c h a r g u e s that it is not the professionalization of s p o r t itself
that c o r r u p t s athletic p e r f o r m a n c e , but the w a y in w h i c h s u c h devel-
o p m e n t s foster i g n o r a n t audiences. L a s c h therefore r e g a r d s s p o r t as
being beset b y ulterior m o t i v e s s u c h as profit-making, w h i c h a r e
essentially d e g r a d i n g in the sense that the techniques associated with
the g a m e itself b e c o m e s incidental. But L a s c h ' s a p p r o a c h to s p o r t is not
a left-wing analysis. H e describes a p p r o a c h e s w h i c h see sport as
perpetuating the 'false consciousness' of the m a s s e s as offensive, in so
far as the theorists c o n c e r n e d imply that they u n d e r s t a n d the n e e d s a n d
interests of the m a s s e s m o r e than the m a s s e s themselves. L a s c h a r g u e s
that sport is m o r e t h a n a m e r e m i r r o r of society w h i c h indoctrinates the
m a s s e s with d o m i n a n t values. 'Sport d o e s play a p a r t in socialization,
but the lessons it teaches a r e not necessarily the ones that c o a c h e s a n d
teachers of physical e d u c a t i o n like to i m p a r t . T h e m i r r o r t h e o r y of sport,
like all reductionist interpretations of culture, m a k e s n o a l l o w a n c e for
the a u t o n o m y of cultural traditions' (Lasch, 1985: 6 0 ) .
W h a t is m o s t interesting, in this context, is L a s c h ' s a r g u m e n t that, in
fact, the 'reactionary values' p e r p e t u a t e d b y sport n o longer even
reflect the d o m i n a n t n e e d s of A m e r i c a n capitalism. I a g r e e w i t h L a s c h ' s
point h e r e a n d w o u l d point o u t in addition that the n e e d s of A m e r i c a n ,
a n d indeed w o r l d , capitalism h a v e u n d o u b t e d l y c h a n g e d in recent
years. L a s c h points o u t that the professionalization of s p o r t h a s led
athletes to a d o p t t h o r o u g h l y professional a n d individuated attitudes
which, in turn, h a v e s e r v e d to u n d e r m i n e the old ideals of t e a m spirit.
The athlete is n o longer representative of his or h e r class o r race, b u t
represents only h i m o r herself. This c o m m e n t a p p e a r s to b e p a r t i c u -
larly pertinent in light of the r e c e n t m e d i a frenzy s u r r o u n d i n g the
e m e r g e n c e of Tiger W o o d s , the black A m e r i c a n golfer, w h o , t h o u g h
l a u d e d as a g r e a t black h o p e in a white, middle-class g a m e , is p e r h a p s
best t h o u g h t of, in this d a y a n d age, as a b o u n d l e s s focus for c o m -
mercial a n d advertising investment - as exemplified b y the N i k e
a d v e r t i s e m e n t , 'I'm Tiger W o o d s ' - a n d as p a r t of a p r o c e s s within
w h i c h his r a c e a r g u a b l y b e c o m e s little m o r e t h a n a global e c o n o m i c
c o n v e n i e n c e w h e r e n e x t to nothing a p p e a r s to b e free f r o m the p r o c e s s
of commodification.
In this context, sport, a r g u e s L a s c h , is indeed n o m o r e t h a n a n object
of m a s s c o n s u m p t i o n . In this sense L a s c h a g r e e s w i t h N o v a k ( 1 9 7 6 ) in
that 'The invasion of s p o r t b y the "entertainment ethic" . . . b r e a k s d o w n
the b o u n d a r i e s b e t w e e n the ritual w o r l d of p l a y a n d the s o r d i d reality
from w h i c h it is d e s i g n e d to p r o v i d e e s c a p e ' ( L a s c h , 1 9 8 5 : 6 4 ) . T h u s , in a
w o r l d d o m i n a t e d b y the p r o d u c t i o n a n d c o n s u m p t i o n of i m a g e s , s p o r t
144 CONSUMERISM
is b o u n d to be d o m i n a t e d b y spectacle a n d L a s c h feels that this reflects

a n a t t e m p t to set u p a s e p a r a t e s p h e r e of leisure u n c o n t a m i n a t e d b y the
w o r l d of w o r k a n d politics.
L a s c h ' s analysis of s p o r t is useful in that he sees it in t e r m s of the
extension of c o m m o d i t y p r o d u c t i o n . A b o v e all, sports t e a m s m u s t w i n
b e c a u s e they a r e in a business w h e r e success is all a n d this h a s impli-
cations for the n a t u r e of the spectacle that the spectator is w a t c h i n g .
' P r u d e n c e a n d calculation, so p r o m i n e n t in e v e r y d a y life b u t so inimical
to the spirit of g a m e s , c o m e to s h a p e sports as they s h a p e everything
else' (Lasch, 1985: 6 5 ) . In essence, sport h a s been d e g r a d e d m u c h as
w o r k w a s before it, the d e g r a d a t i o n of w o r k creating the n e e d for
c o m m e r c i a l i z e d recreation. People turn to sport to find diversion a n d as
a result sport b e c o m e s a 'thing of n o c o n s e q u e n c e ' (Lasch, 1985: 6 6 ) .
This a t t e m p t to create a r e a l m of p u r e play is, as far as L a s c h is c o n -
c e r n e d , c o u n t e r p r o d u c t i v e i n a s m u c h as all it achieves is the creation of
yet another business subject to the s a m e p r e s s u r e s a n d tensions as all
the rest. The end result is that ' W h a t b e g a n as an a t t e m p t not only to
invest sport with religious significance b u t to m a k e it into a s u r r o g a t e
religion in its o w n right e n d s with the démystification of sport, the
assimilation of sport to s h o w business' (Lasch, 1985: 6 6 ) .
So h o w does all this fit in with the a p p a r e n t l y increasing c o m m o d i -
fication of sport w h i c h I discussed a b o v e ? First of all, I a g r e e with L a s c h
( 1 9 8 5 ) , but also with W h a n n e l ' s (1992) suggestion that s p o r t is not in
fact one-dimensional. I w o u l d a r g u e that c o n t e m p o r a r y sports continue
to s e r v e the interests of the d o m i n a n t o r d e r s b u t d o so while simul-
taneously serving the interests of those w h o get involved in the sporting
spectacle. This is the attraction of sport. It is too m u c h of a simplification
to describe this process as 'false consciousness'. N o r is it fair to describe
sport as entirely passive. W h a t I w a n t to suggest is that, at least to an
extent, c o n s u m e r s a r e in fact a w a r e of the ideological p a r a m e t e r s within
w h i c h they p a r t a k e of sporting e x p e r i e n c e a n d h e n c e of c o n s u m p t i o n .
T h e y a r e fully a w a r e , for instance, that the sports they w a t c h a r e
d o m i n a t e d b y the interests of multinational m e d i a barons. People a r e ,
h o w e v e r , p r e p a r e d to p u t u p with the n a t u r e of s u c h p a r a m e t e r s in so
far as they p r o v i d e the positive benefit of giving s t r u c t u r e to life in a
w o r l d w h i c h offers v e r y little, as I will a r g u e in C h a p t e r 9, in the w a y of
a sense of stability. In m a n y w a y s , as I h a v e highlighted t h r o u g h o u t this
chapter, sport is a unique c o n s u m e r p r o d u c t . A s u p p o r t e r o r c o n s u m e r
m a y intensely dislike aspects of w h a t h e or she is p u r c h a s i n g , a club's
m a n a g e m e n t or a particular player or even the style of play, b u t is still
passionate e n o u g h about that club to p a y m o r e m o n e y to see his or her
t e a m perform. W h a t exists is a d o g g e d conviction o n the p a r t of the fan
that his or her particular t e a m will o n e d a y c o m e g o o d a n d that
conviction will perennially p r o v i d e h i m or her w i t h a n e s c a p e from
e v e r y d a y w o e s , despite the fact that s u c h a conviction will rarely, if
ever, b e fulfilled.
CONSUMING SPORT 145
In this respect, t h o u g h it c o u l d equally b e a r g u e d that s p o r t s h a v e

created false m a r k e t s for themselves, they h a v e d o n e s o w i t h the
acquiescence of c o n s u m e r s w h o s e passion is ready and waiting to be
e x p l o r e d to its c o m m e r c i a l limit. A s far as c o n s u m e r s of s p o r t a r e
c o n c e r n e d , the c o m m e r c i a l m o d e l is the only model:
unaware of alternative models, they simply continue to express a desire for

what they get, and their desires are based on limited information manipu-
lated by commercial and corporate interests. Therefore changes will occur
only when people connected with sports are able to develop visions for what
sports could and should look like if they were not so overwhelmingly shaped
by economic factors. (Coakley, 1994: 328)
W h a t is so striking a b o u t a discussion of the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n a n d

commodification of sport is that it so vividly e x p r e s s e s the tensions that
exist in a society w h e r e c o n s u m e r i s m is a way of life. It c o u l d well b e
a r g u e d that the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n of s p o r t h a s g o n e o u t of control a n d
that the c h a r a c t e r of sports h a v e h a d to s u b m i t to b r o a d e r social
processes as a result of w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m h a s e m e r g e d all powerful.
This reflects C r o o k et al.'s (1992) contention that c o n t e m p o r a r y c u l t u r e
is u n d e r g o i n g p r o c e s s e s of (hyper)commodification. T h a t is to say, there
is an a r g u m e n t for suggesting that the c o m m o d i t y h a s s p r e a d into all
spheres of m o d e r n life, thereby negating the distinction b e t w e e n corn-
modified a n d n o n - c o m m o d i f i e d realms. It is in this sense that the n e e d s
of c o n s u m e r capitalism m u s t b e e x t e n d e d into n e w r e a l m s . In o r d e r to
c h a n g e a n d e x p a n d , c o n s u m e r capitalism m u s t c r e a t e n e w n e e d s a n d , as
such, the i m a g e r y a n d d a y - d r e a m s that a r e generally associated w i t h
the c o n s u m i n g e x p e r i e n c e n o longer n e e d to b e oriented to a n o n -
commodified region of m e a n i n g . C o m m o d i t i e s , in effect, b e c o m e self-
referential (Featherstone, 1991). In this context, as R o w e (1995: 1 2 1 )
notes:
Irrespective of particular summations of the state of the sports industry, the

significance of the proliferation and circulation of images as integral to the
increasing alignment of culture and economics in cultural production cannot
be ignored (Hall, 1989). This trend does not presuppose the evacuation of
politics from popular cultural forms like sport, but marks their insinuation
into an expanding range of sites in which the material and the symbolic
intertwine in increasingly complex and contradictory configurations. For this
reason, a reflexive analysis is required of sport's ideologies and their
associated modes of politics.
I will e n d this c h a p t e r w h e r e it b e g a n , b y a c k n o w l e d g i n g the possi-

bility that the c o n s u m p t i o n of sport h e l p s to reinforce b r o a d e r ideologies
of c o n s u m e r i s m . T o s o m e extent it w o u l d i n d e e d b e fair to s a y that s p o r t
p r o v i d e s a n e s c a p e f r o m the tensions of e v e r y d a y life, b u t if that e s c a p e
encapsulates the v e r y ideologies that p e r v a d e e v e r y d a y life then it is n o
146 CONSUMERISM
m o r e than illusory. C o n s u m e r i s m offers c o n s u m e r s a sporting p r o d u c t

which they gratefully c o n s u m e , an arena within w h i c h the stresses a n d
strains of m o d e r n life c a n be p u t to one side. By its v e r y existence,
professional sport legitimizes c o n s u m e r capitalism. C o n s u m e r i s m
c a n n o t provide the escape that it so vociferously offers. All it c a n d o
is p r o v i d e an illusion p r e m i s e d o n the emotional a n d p e r s o n a l
c o m m i t m e n t that people invest in sporting t e a m s a n d personalities. In
C h a p t e r 9, I will consider these sorts of issues in a m o r e c o n c e r t e d
fashion as part of a concluding discussion w h i c h will consider, in
particular, the ideological dimensions of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
Recommended reading
Jean-Marie Brohm (1978) Sport: Λ Prison of Measures Time. London: Inks Links.
An important, though somewhat extreme, Marxist interpretation of sport.
Jay Coakley (1994) Sport in Society: Issues and Controversies. London: Masby. A
wide ranging account of the sociological aspects of sport; American sport is
particularly well covered.
Richard Gruneau (1984) 'Commercialism and the modern Olympics', in Alan
Tomlinson and Gary Whannel (eds). Five Ring Circus: Money, Power and
Politics at the Olympic Games, pp. 1-15, London: Pluto. The Olympics provide
a powerful illustration of the relationship between consumerism and sport.
This article identifies the ideological implications of such a relationship.
Howard Schlossberg (1996) Sports Marketing. Oxford: Blackwell. This book is
intriguing in the sense that it looks at the relationship between sport and
consumption from a commercial perspective.
Gary Whannel (1992) Fields in Vision: Television Sport and Cultural Transformation.
London: Routledge. An excellent discussion of the impact of television upon
contemporary sports.
9
THE CONSUMING PARADOX
During the c o u r s e of this book I h a v e used a series of case studies to

highlight the w a y s in w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m is manifested as a w a y of life.
There s e e m s to be considerable evidence to suggest that c o n s u m e r i s m
does h a v e an influential role to play in constructing o u r e v e r y d a y
experience in an a r r a y of social realms. Those realms of life I discussed
above a r e m e r e l y s y m p t o m a t i c of the n a t u r e of social c h a n g e that I a m
attempting to describe. M y discussion might equally h a v e considered
countless other areas of social life all of which h a v e in recent y e a r s been
transformed by a c o n s u m e r ethic, such as education, health care,
tourism a n d transport. T h o s e areas of social life I h a v e discussed are
therefore intended not as definitive s u m m a t i o n s of the i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m , but as contextualized illustrations of the i m p a c t of
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. H a d an a t t e m p t been m a d e to identify a
p r i m e m o v e r in the construction of life experience 3 0 or 4 0 y e a r s a g o ,
that p r i m e m o v e r m i g h t well h a v e been work, o u r e v e r y d a y experience
of w o r k a n d the social relationships that w e r e e n g e n d e r e d in w o r k . In
the late twentieth c e n t u r y , I c o n t e n d that o u r experience of w o r k is
potentially less i m p o r t a n t than the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m w h i c h
p r o v i d e s the p r i m a r y a r e n a within which 'citizens' of c o n t e m p o r a r y
W e s t e r n society c o n d u c t their e v e r y d a y lives.
In C h a p t e r 1, I identified w h a t I described as the ' c o n s u m i n g
p a r a d o x ' : the idea that while, on the one h a n d , c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to
offer us as individuals all sorts of opportunities a n d experiences, on the
other h a n d , as c o n s u m e r s w e a p p e a r to be directed d o w n certain
p r e d e t e r m i n e d routes of c o n s u m p t i o n w h i c h e n s u r e that c o n s u m e r i s m
is ultimately as constraining as it is enabling. In o r d e r to discuss the
c o m p l e x implications of the 'consuming p a r a d o x ' , I w a n t to consider
t w o crucial questions, both of w h i c h are fundamental to a n y social
scientific u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. First, w h a t is
the relationship between consumerism and inequality? A n d , secondly, w h a t
are the ideological implications of consumerism as a way of life? I will then
c o n c l u d e b y considering h o w social scientists m i g h t best begin to
understand the impact of consumerism in a risk society.
148 CONSUMERISM
Consumerism and inequality
A fundamental c o n c e r n of this book centres on the debate as to w h e t h e r

c o n s u m e r i s m c a n actually p r o v i d e the sorts of freedom of choice that it
a p p e a r s to offer on the surface. T h e p r o b l e m here is that discourses
associated with c o n s u m e r i s m , a n d notably those c o n d u c t e d by right-
w i n g politicians, tend to u n d e r e s t i m a t e or even ignore the fact that a
considerable p e r c e n t a g e of people a r e effectively disenfranchised from
c o n s u m e r culture. The point here is that, t h o u g h c o n s u m e r i s m is attrac-
tive i n a s m u c h as it a p p e a r s o n the surface to offer the individual all sorts
of freedoms, the extent to w h i c h those freedoms a r e freely available is
highly debatable. This issue is discussed b y Mica N a v a (1991) w h o looks
at the relationship b e t w e e n c o n s u m e r i s m a n d p o w e r . She a r g u e s that
c o n s u m e r i s m is essentially liberating a n d that the sorts of political ideals
that a r e expressed t h r o u g h c o n s u m e r discourses e n c o u r a g e a situation in
w h i c h individuals h a v e a stronger say in determining w h a t social life
c a n offer them. In other w o r d s , as a political a r e n a c o n s u m e r i s m h a s the
potential for bringing about a kind of Utopian collectivism in w h i c h
the rights of the c o n s u m e r b e c o m e a key c o n c e r n of political a n d social
debate. N a v a also a r g u e s that there is a t e n d e n c y to u n d e r e s t i m a t e the
extent to w h i c h c o n s u m e r s use the opportunities p r o v i d e d for t h e m b y
c o n s u m e r i s m . In this c o n t e x t she suggests that,
twentieth-century Western consumerism . . . has already generated new

grass-roots constituencies - constituencies of the market-place - and has
enfranchized modem citizens in new ways, making possible a new and quite
different economic, political and personal and creative participation in
society. The full scale of its power is yet to be imagined. (Nava, 1991: 173)
This, s o m e w o u l d say middle-class, vision of an e m p o w e r i n g culture

is all well a n d g o o d , b u t w h a t I w a n t to suggest is that in m a n y w a y s
the c o n s u m e r society w e live in is m o r e r e m a r k a b l e for the w a y in
w h i c h it divides than for the w a y s in w h i c h it provides. In this respect,
Gabriel a n d L a n g (1995) point out that m u c h of the rhetoric s u r r o u n d i n g
the e m p o w e r i n g n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m is superficial a n d that the
opportunities c o n s u m e r i s m p r o v i d e s a r e e x a g g e r a t e d . Their a r g u m e n t is
that historically the r a n g e of choice available to the c o n s u m e r has
actually been r e d u c e d . In this context, Gabriel a n d L a n g point out that
British shoppers in the 1 9 6 0 s actually spent less of their i n c o m e on
shopping than British s h o p p e r s in the 1 8 6 0 s b e c a u s e they h a d m o r e
fixed costs a n d that, regardless of the opportunities available in the
marketplace, people often d o not get the o p p o r t u n i t y to take a d v a n t a g e
of them. The suggestion h e r e is that c o n s u m e r i s m is often m o r e about
rhetoric than it is a b o u t substance. A n increase in the r a n g e of choice
available to c o n s u m e r s does not a l w a y s bring with it the r e s o u r c e s or
the opportunity to e x p l o r e s u c h choices at will. The c o n s u m e r is
THE CONSUMING PARADOX 149
a s s u m e d to be a citizen of a c o n s u m e r culture, but that citizenship often

involves a prohibitive m e m b e r s h i p fee.
The key barrier to consumer choice is money. The message? If you want
choice, and who doesn't, you have to get out there and get going. Money
gives choice. Choice gives freedom. Whatever the area of consumption, from
crime protection to clothes, from health to education, from cultural industries
to cars, money is the final arbiter. (Gabriel and Lang, 1995: 32)
C o n s u m e r i s m is not, in effect, a n unqualified right. It often h a s m o r e

p o w e r to force h o m e to us w h a t w e d o not h a v e as c o n s u m e r s , than it
d o e s to give us w h a t w e w a n t . A s Gabriel a n d L a n g ( 1 9 9 5 ) point out, the
idealized vision of c o n s u m e r i s m , d r a w n u p o n b y m a n y politicians, does
not necessarily e q u a t e w i t h the e v e r y d a y e x p e r i e n c e of c o n s u m e r s . Thus,
a s u p p o r t e r of a football club m a y h a v e been s u p p o r t i n g his or h e r t e a m
for 3 0 or 4 0 y e a r s , b u t as s p o r t h a s b e c o m e increasingly c o m m e r c i a l i z e d
s u c h a p e r s o n m a y h a v e found it impossible to justify the increasing
costs that this entails. T h e c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n a n d commodification of
sport, w h i c h I discussed in C h a p t e r 8, m a y m a k e s p o r t m o r e of an
attractive s o u r c e of entertainment, b u t while doing so it m i g h t also serve
to alienate particular sectors of its support. A s far as English 'soccer' is
c o n c e r n e d , for e x a m p l e , t h o u g h the renovation of sports stadia m a y
h a v e m a d e the g a m e m o r e attractive, m a n y spectators h a v e b e e n d r i v e n
a w a y unable to keep u p w i t h the e c o n o m i c costs that these c h a n g e s
incur. In this respect, c o n s u m e r i s m is a double-edged s w o r d .
In C h a p t e r 5 , I discussed the sorts of opportunities that technological
innovation a p p e a r e d to offer the individual. This serves as a useful
illustration of the p a r a d o x i c a l n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m . T h e opportunities
so often touted b y the m e d i a as beneficial to the c o n s u m e r , s u c h as the
Internet, C D R O M s a n d the latest innovations in m u s i c a l r e p r o d u c t i o n ,
a r e clearly b e y o n d the m e a n s of the majority of people. In particular, the
Internet is largely the p r e s e r v e of a privileged few w h o a c c e s s it t h r o u g h
business or education. T o give a similar e x a m p l e of a r e a l m of life in the
late twentieth c e n t u r y that h a s not been discussed in a n y detail in this
book, n a m e l y e d u c a t i o n , there certainly s e e m to b e m o r e opportunities
to allow p a r e n t s to pick a n d c h o o s e the m o s t favourable school for their
child. This is particularly t r u e in the British c a s e w h e r e legislation h a s
been i n t r o d u c e d actively to e n c o u r a g e s u c h choice. But, ultimately,
these sorts of choices a r e limited b y the financial b u r d e n s involved.
Certain schools will a l w a y s b e b e y o n d the financial m e a n s of the
majority of people. C o n s u m e r i s m is a w a y of life in the sense that the
rhetoric e m p l o y e d suggests that s u c h schools a r e available to all, w h e n
of c o u r s e they a r e not.
T h e inequalities that h a v e b e c o m e associated w i t h c o n s u m p t i o n a r e
e v e n m o r e evident w h e n y o u consider the global i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r -
i s m as I n o t e d in C h a p t e r 3. F o r those w h o c a n freely enjoy the benefits
150 CONSUMERISM
of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life, globalization a p p a r e n t l y brings with it

a n endless appetite for f r a g m e n t e d diversity. C o n s u m e r i s m seemingly
p r o v i d e s c o n s u m e r s with a global village within w h i c h they c a n be w h o
they please. H o w e v e r , the s a m e c a n n o t b e said for those people a n d ,
indeed, countries, that d o n o t h a v e the n e c e s s a r y r e s o u r c e s . O n e of the
m o r e interesting a p p r o a c h e s to this question is that of Serge L a t o u c h e in
his book, In the Wake of the Affluent Society (1993). L a t o u c h e a r g u e s that
the drive on the p a r t of individuals to i m p r o v e materially h a s b e c o m e a
driving force behind W e s t e r n society, a n d that this force is exalted b y
the m e d i a a n d by politicians alike to the extent that it h a s actively
i n v a d e d the social world. A m y t h has therefore been p e r p e t u a t e d w h i c h
centres on the belief that e v e r y o n e c a n be a winner in a c o n s u m e r
society; that by extracting prodigious quantities of wealth from n a t u r e
e v e r y b o d y c a n be given w h a t they need; a n d e v e r y o n e c a n c o - o p e r a t e
against humanity's fundamental foe w h i c h a p p e a r s to be n a t u r e itself.
This represents a social contract within w h i c h people believe that it is
entirely possible for e v e r y b o d y to share in a general prosperity. But, as
L a t o u c h e (1993) goes o n to suggest, the idea that e v e r y o n e c a n w i n in a
c o n s u m e r society is quite simply naïve. E v e r y b o d y c a n gain from
c o n s u m e r i s m in one sense or another. Subscription to cable a n d satellite
television a r e often greatest in s o m e of the poorest u r b a n areas, for
instance. The benefits of c o n s u m e r i s m in this sense a p p e a r to be filtering
d o w n . H o w e v e r , such a filter is only partial a n d m e r e l y serves to
p r o m o t e the idea that a n y form of c o n s u m p t i o n is inherently liberating
w h e n clearly it is not.
T h e biggest loser in the w o r l d of c o n s u m e r i s m , as far as L a t o u c h e
(1993) is concerned, is the Third W o r l d . The fact that in the W e s t wealth
a n d personal a d v a n c e m e n t h a v e been l a u d e d as the w a y f o r w a r d has
w o r k e d against the population of the Third W o r l d i n a s m u c h as w h a t
the W e s t e r n w o r l d gains in surplus the Third W o r l d loses in w a g e
i n c o m e . In this sense L a t o u c h e ' s a r g u m e n t reflects s o m e of the debates
associated with w o r l d s y s t e m s theory, evident in the w o r k of I m m a n u e l
Wallerstein (1979), but m o r e specifically the idea that W e s t e r n capital-
ism a n d c o n s u m p t i o n is perpetuating inequalities t h r o u g h national
debts that constantly n e e d to be paid off. Thus, Third W o r l d countries
find themselves in situations w h e r e they a r e forced to d e v e l o p m a r k e t s
that will d o little to help their long-term e c o n o m i c c a u s e but, rather,
m e r e l y serve to p r o p u p the major e c o n o m i e s of the w o r l d while
increasing d e p e n d e n c e u p o n t h e m . In effect, the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d
ensures that the Third W o r l d is u n d e r d e v e l o p e d in a situation w h e r e it
is constantly p a y i n g off its debts a n d as a result is unable to p r o d u c e for
itself.
A s far as the W e s t e r n w o r l d itself is c o n c e r n e d , L a t o u c h e (1993)
a r g u e s that the rise in per capita s t a n d a r d s of living has been obtained
a t the c o s t of a d e e p e r malaise in a spiritually e m p t y a n d i m m o r a l
society w h e r e m o n e y is all a n d w h e r e the soul is d e g r a d e d in a constant
cycle of selfishness a n d manipulation. In this context, L a t o u c h e a r g u e s

that m o d e r n i t y e n c o u r a g e s the e m e r g e n c e of a n essentially i n h u m a n
society w h i c h p u r s u e s the principle of 'maximine': m a x i m u m results
a n d enjoyment t h r o u g h m i n i m u m cost a n d effort. T h e p r o b l e m w i t h
such a social s y s t e m lies in the fact that,
The happiness of persons, if this is taken as an objective of a society, cannot

be a simple addition of states of pleasure of all its members separately
obtained, each to the detriment of others. Even if happiness is no more than
the mere symbolic enjoyment felt by the subjects as a consequence of that of a
ruler, it still possesses an irreducible personal aspect. A society cannot be said
to be perfectly happy if one of its members is in misery. (Latouche, 1993: 241)
Returning to the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m u p o n the W e s t , Z y g m u n t

B a u m a n (1988) suggests that choice, a n d especially c o n s u m e r choice,
represents the foundation of a n e w c o n c e p t of f r e e d o m in c o n t e m p o r a r y
society, a n d that the f r e e d o m of the individual is constituted in his o r
her role as a c o n s u m e r . M o d e r n c o n s u m p t i o n , a r g u e s B a u m a n , h a s
o p e n e d the possibility of choice to increasing n u m b e r s of people. H o w -
ever, the s y s t e m that c o n s t r u c t s the 'free' individual also generates
m a s s i v e oppression i n a s m u c h as those w h o a r e e x c l u d e d f r o m m a k i n g
such choices b e c o m e disfranchised a n d o p p r e s s e d . B a u m a n therefore
distinguishes b e t w e e n the 'seduced' a n d the 'repressed'. T h e ' s e d u c e d '
are those m e m b e r s of society for w h o m c o n s u m p t i o n b e c o m e s a major
arena of liberation; the 'repressed' a r e those w h o simply d o not h a v e
access to the n e c e s s a r y r e s o u r c e s to b e c o m e involved in w h a t s u c h a
society h a s to offer. This section of the population therefore b e c o m e s
d e p e n d e n t u p o n the s u p p o r t services a n d institutions p r o v i d e d for
t h e m b y the state. In effect, there is clearly a p r i c e to p a y for the sorts of
benefits that c o n s u m e r i s m provides. C o n s u m e r i s m c a n n o t be all things
to all m e n a n d w o m e n . Rather, it protects those with r e s o u r c e s f r o m
those without.
Clearly, there a r e all sorts of p r e s s u r e s to c o n s u m e in certain w a y s in
c o n t e m p o r a r y c o n s u m e r society as m y discussion of 'McDonaldization'
in C h a p t e r 4 illustrated. B u t the irony is that p e r h a p s those p r e s s u r e s
are greatest o n the v e r y people w h o d o not h a v e the r e s o u r c e s to take
a d v a n t a g e of the opportunities c o n s u m e r i s m p r o v i d e s . In this respect,
s o m e of C a m p b e l l ' s (1987) c o m m e n t s a b o u t the d a y d r e a m i n g qualities
of c o n s u m p t i o n , a n d the fact that thinking about c o n s u m p t i o n is often
m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n the a c t of c o n s u m p t i o n itself, a r e highly pertinent.
T h e n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m is s u c h that as s o o n a s s o m e b o d y c o n s u m e s
s o m e t h i n g they i m m e d i a t e l y transfer their w i s h to c o n s u m e o n t o s o m e -
thing else as p a r t of a c o n s t a n t cycle of desire. T h e c o n c e r n h e r e is that
m a n y people w h o a r e subject to c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life
e x p e r i e n c e c o n s u m p t i o n as nothing but a n i m a g i n a r y s p h e r e . P e r h a p s
the less a c c e s s y o u h a v e to the w a r e s that c o n s u m e r i s m c a n offer, the
152 CONSUMERISM
m o r e it b e c o m e s fundamental to y o u r self-conception. A w o r l d has been

created w h e r e c o n s u m e r i s m is all. This is a particularly d a n g e r o u s state
of affairs for those people w h o c a n d o n o m o r e than d r e a m about w h a t
c o n s u m e r i s m might h a v e to offer them.
T h e ideological role of c o n s u m e r i s m
J a m e s o n (1984) points out that culture is n o longer ideological. It n o

longer provides a m e a n s of disguising the e c o n o m i c activities of
capitalism, but is itself an e c o n o m i c activity, p e r h a p s the m o s t import-
ant e c o n o m i c activity of all. Such activity is m o s t vibrantly e x p r e s s e d
within the context of c o n s u m e r i s m w h i c h has itself e m e r g e d in the late
twentieth century as the d o m i n a n t m o d e of cultural r e p r o d u c t i o n to
develop in the W e s t o v e r the c o u r s e of m o d e r n i t y (Slater, 1997). A s
Slater (1997) suggests, c o n s u m p t i o n is not m e r e l y a c o n s e q u e n c e of
industrial modernization, but is actually part a n d parcel of the v e r y
m a k i n g of the m o d e r n world. F a r m o r e than a m e r e p r o d u c t of
m o d e r n i t y , chameleon-like, c o n s u m p t i o n plays a fundamental role in its
actual constitution. H o w e v e r , c o n s u m e r i s m is an ideological beast. The
ideological dimensions of c o n s u m e r i s m are, in effect, shielded from
c o n s u m e r s by their ability to c o n s u m e .
T h e a b o v e a r g u m e n t a p p e a r s to be s o m e w h a t deterministic. It might
indeed be a r g u e d that s o m e of the thoughts I h a v e presented are rather
reminiscent of the Frankfurt School's contribution to debates concerning
the cultural manifestations of capitalism. A t least in s o m e respects, the
following quotation encapsulates w h a t I a m attempting to say about the
ideological influence of c o n s u m e r i s m :
The culture industry perpetually cheats its consumers of what it perpetually

promises. The promissory note which, with its plots and staging, it draws on
pleasure is endlessly prolonged; the promise, which is actually all the
spectacle consists of, is illusory: all it actually confirms is that the real point
will never be reached, that the diner must be satisfied with the menu.
(Horkheimer and Adorno, 1973: 139)
A l t h o u g h I w o u l d a g r e e with m a n y critics that m e m b e r s of the

Frankfurt School, w h o a r e often criticized for the elitist n a t u r e of m u c h
of their w o r k , take an e x t r e m e position on this debate, they d o p r o v i d e a
useful starting point. I d o not agree, h o w e v e r , w i t h the implication h e r e
that c o n s u m e r culture is necessarily a culture of the lowest c o m m o n
denominator. O n the contrary, c o n s u m e r culture has m a d e available all
sorts of cultural experiences that w e r e previously the p r e s e r v e of the
m i d d l e a n d u p p e r classes. W h a t I w o u l d say, h o w e v e r , is that c o n -
s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life is d e p e n d e n t u p o n the fact that c o n s u m e r s a r e
never satisfied b y w h a t they c o n s u m e a n d that they continue to

c o n s u m e in pursuit of the false p r o m i s e s offered to t h e m b y c o n s u m e r
capitalism. C o n s u m e r s a r e partially fulfilled t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n -
m o r e than the Frankfurt School w e r e p r e p a r e d to a d m i t - in the sense
that c o n s u m p t i o n p r o v i d e s a f r a m e w o r k within w h i c h p e o p l e c a n
actively negotiate their position in the w o r l d . C o n s u m e r s d o h a v e
certain freedoms, b u t s u c h f r e e d o m s a r e only partial in the sense that
they c a n only e x t e n d as far as they s e r v e the intentions of the status
quo. Wilson's (1992) reference to Frederic J a m e s o n ' s c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h
Stuart Hall about p o s t m o d e r n i s m is particularly enlightening in this
respect.
Postmodernism has this odd double standard where you're convinced that
capitalism has triumphed: there's the market on the one hand and every-
body's better off and everybody plays their different music, but on the other
hand we're also equally convinced that there's incredible misery in these
societies, they're getting worse rather than better . . . And we know that both
things are true and also that they are incompatible. (Wilson, 1992: 4)
Regardless of w h e t h e r or not w e a c c e p t the contention that capitalist

societies a r e going t h r o u g h s o m e form of an e p o c h a l shift, a n d w h e t h e r
or not w e a c c e p t that this shift h a s been a d e q u a t e l y c a t e r e d for in
discussions of p o s t m o d e r n i s m , in this s t a t e m e n t J a m e s o n pinpoints the
fact that c o n s u m e r i s m is essentially c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y contradictions a n d
by the inequalities that a c c o m p a n y those contradictions. W i l s o n (1992:
4) also s u m s this point u p v e r y nicely w h e n she says: ' P o s t m o d e r n i s m
expresses at o n e level a h o r r o r at the destructive e x c e s s of W e s t e r n
c o n s u m e r i s t society, yet, in aestheticising this h o r r o r , w e s o m e h o w
convert it into a pleasurable object of c o n s u m p t i o n . '
T h e p o w e r a n d subsequent longevity of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life
is therefore rooted in the fact that the pleasures w h i c h c o n s u m e r s find
t h r o u g h c o n s u m p t i o n o u t w e i g h a n y c o m p a r a b l e c o n c e r n as to its
ideological underpinnings. F o r e x a m p l e , c o n s u m e r s w a n t reality to be
distorted w h e n they visit Disney despite a n y recognition o n their p a r t
that Disney is quite clearly controlling their patterns of c o n s u m p t i o n .
C o n s u m e r i s m is ideologically powerful because, despite being at least
partially a w a r e of its influence a n d p o w e r , c o n s u m e r s a r e p r e p a r e d at
least to e x p l o r e the extent to w h i c h they c a n u s e c o n s u m e r i s m as a
f r a m e w o r k for the construction of their identities. A p e r s o n m i g h t not
construct a n identity directly t h r o u g h w h a t h e o r she c o n s u m e s , but
they m a y well c o n s t r u c t w h o they a r e as a result of why they c o n s u m e
that particular item. Y o u n g people, for e x a m p l e , d o not c o n s t r u c t their
identities t h r o u g h w h a t they c o n s u m e , b u t rather t h r o u g h p e e r g r o u p
relationships in w h i c h the c o n s u m p t i o n of w h a t a r e d e e m e d to be
a p p r o p r i a t e c o n s u m e r g o o d s plays a key role (see Miles, 1 9 9 5 , 1 9 9 6 ) . A s
such, the w a y s in w h i c h c o n s u m e r s ascribe m e a n i n g to c o n s u m e r g o o d s
154 CONSUMERISM
is v e r y important, the irony being that, h o w e v e r expressively a n d

creatively people c o n s u m e , the a r e n a within which they d o so is ulti-
m a t e l y prescribed for t h e m by c o n s u m e r capitalism.
Before concluding, a n d in o r d e r to consider h o w far c o n s u m e r i s m
actually manipulates c o n s u m e r s in this r e g a r d , I w a n t briefly to
consider the w o r k of C o n r a d L o d z i a k (1995). L o d z i a k notes that
the infatuation with debates over m o d e r n i t y a n d p o s t m o d e r n i t y h a v e
led to a c o n c o m i t a n t neglect of the w a y s in w h i c h capitalist societies
a r e r e p r o d u c e d . In this respect, the w o r k of J a m e s o n (1984) c a n be
described as the exception that p r o v e s the rule. L o d z i a k points o u t that
the p r e o c c u p a t i o n with social c h a n g e that characterizes recent social
theory h a s led theorists to neglect the w a y s in w h i c h the capitalist
s y s t e m is monitoring s u c h c h a n g e 'while at the s a m e time securing its
o w n stability' (1995: 2 1 ) . The key point h e r e is that social c h a n g e does
not o c c u r in isolation but is beneficial to a n d indeed g e n e r a t e s the
capitalist system as a whole. T h e capitalist s y s t e m grants the c o n s u m e r
a u t o n o m y while 'At the s a m e time, a n d consistent with this, it h a s been
b u s y in commodifying experiences a n d h u m a n relations, a n d in
formally regulating spheres of life that w e r e once o p e n to informal or
d e m o c r a t i c control, or left to individuals to sort out for themselves'
(Lodziak, 1995: 2 2 ) .
W h e r e I diverge from L o d z i a k is the point at w h i c h h e a r g u e s that
c o n s u m e r s are therefore automatically steered t o w a r d s a n increasingly
trivial a n d meaningless existence as a result of their inability to e x p r e s s
themselves in m o r e meaningful a n d oppositional a r e a s of life. M u c h like
m a n y of the a r g u m e n t s associated with the Frankfurt School, it w o u l d
be fair to say that this is taking the a r g u m e n t s o m e w h a t far. T h o u g h
there a r e strong reasons for suggesting that the commodification of
culture h a s h a d an increasing role to play in people's lives, that role is
not necessarily a trivializing one. C o n s u m e r i s m has indeed t e n d e d to
divert a n d actively d i s s u a d e people from opposition to d o m i n a n t social
orders, but it is not therefore in itself necessarily insubstantial or
'unauthentic'. People c a n invest their o w n personal m e a n i n g s in w h a t
they c o n s u m e , and c o n s u m p t i o n c a n be a significant s o u r c e of creativity.
For e x a m p l e , regardless of the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m on sport, a
s u p p o r t e r of a football club c a n still get considerable satisfaction from
seeing his or her t e a m succeed. Regardless of h o w m a n u f a c t u r e d a
particular piece of m u s i c m a y be, there is a l w a y s the possibility that an
individual will find in that song particular lyrics that resonate with
i m p o r t a n t aspects of his or her o w n individual life experience.
O n e issue that L o d z i a k (1995) does raise a n d w h i c h is w o r t h
considering in this c o n t e x t is the extent to w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m m i g h t b e
described as a 'dominant ideology'. That is, there could be a n a r g u m e n t
for suggesting that the basis of capitalistic e c o n o m i c s t r u c t u r e is h i d d e n
from the consciousness of agents of p r o d u c t i o n a n d that c o n s u m e r i s m
serves this v e r y p u r p o s e . It is, h o w e v e r , surely an e x a g g e r a t i o n to imply
that c o n s u m e r s a r e s o m e h o w controlled by a 'false consciousness'

within w h i c h they a r e u n a w a r e of the real motivations of powerful
elites. In this context, H e b d i g e (1979) a r g u e s that h u m a n beings actually
r e p r o d u c e themselves t h r o u g h a p r o c e s s of 'naturalization'. T h e y a c c e p t
particular w a y s of organizing the w o r l d a n d of organizing social life as
being 'natural' a n d as a result ideology b e c o m e s a n essential element of
social life. Ideologies a r e therefore lived, not m e r e l y thought, a n d
b e c o m e projected as values of h u m a n i t y as a w h o l e (Eagleton, 1994). It
is in this respect that w e c a n a r g u e that c o n s u m e r i s m h a s c o m e to be
a c c e p t e d as a w a y of life a n d has therefore been able to stratify e v e r y
aspect of that life. C o n s u m e r i s m is p e r c e i v e d to b e a 'natural' w a y to
live, w h e n it in fact e n c o u r a g e s inequalities, the irony being that these
inequalities a r e a p p a r e n t l y n e c e s s a r y if those higher u p the social scale
are to enjoy the benefits that c o n s u m e r i s m so vocally offers. F r o m this
point of v i e w , then, c o n s u m e r i s m h a s an essentially unnatural influence
on the construction of o u r e v e r y d a y lives.
C o n s u m e r i s t ideology w o r k s at the level of the practical u n c o n s c i o u s
a n d this is m a d e possible b y the potential for personal f r e e d o m that
c o n s u m e r i s m a p p e a r s to offer to the individual. C o n s u m e r i s m offers
c o n s u m e r sovereignty w h i c h , as a u t h o r s s u c h as Keat (1994) a r g u e ,
actually acts as a n ideological disguise for other m o r e pressing projects,
such as the restoration of the fortunes of capital a c c u m u l a t i o n a n d the
increased p o w e r of the state. C o n s u m e r i s m is essentially seductive a n d
as such, as I noted in C h a p t e r 2, it plays a crucial role in linking
'together the lifeworlds of the individual agents a n d the purposeful
rationality of the s y s t e m ' ( B a u m a n , 1988: 8 0 7 ) . In other w o r d s , con-
s u m e r i s m is m o r e c o n c e r n e d with the sorts of s t r u c t u r e s it imposes in
the form of a social s y s t e m than the specific f r e e d o m s it p r o v i d e s for the
individual c o n s u m e r w h o is s e d u c e d b y the latter a n d therefore, at least
partially, u n a w a r e of the former. T h e interesting point here, as L e e
(1993) notes, is that c o n s u m e r g o o d s live a double life in that at one a n d
the s a m e time they a r e agents of social control a n d yet actively c o n s t r u c t
c o n s u m e r cultures. C o n s u m e r i s m should not b e c o n s i d e r e d to be a
p u r e l y m a n i p u l a t i v e w e a p o n of d o m i n a n t social o r d e r s . T o take this
position w o u l d b e to u n d e r e s t i m a t e the subtleties of c o n s u m e r i s m as a
w a y of life. C o n s u m p t i o n , in effect, both constrains and enables. It is in
this sense that c o n s u m e r i s m reflects the underlying tensions character-
istic of the relationship b e t w e e n s t r u c t u r e a n d a g e n c y in c o n t e m p o r a r y
societies.
Y o u c o u l d a r g u e , as Fiske (1989: 14) does, that, 'we "live" capitalism
t h r o u g h its c o m m o d i t i e s , a n d by living it, w e validate a n d invigorate it'.
H o w e v e r , t h o u g h the e c o n o m i c s y s t e m is ideologically r e p r o d u c e d
t h r o u g h c o m m o d i t i e s a n d in this respect 'a c o m m o d i t y is a n ideology
m a d e material' (Fiske, 1 9 8 9 : 1 4 ) , the p r o d u c e r s a n d distributors of
c o m m o d i t i e s a r e not necessarily deliberate p r o p a g a n d i s t s . In fact, Fiske
a r g u e s that c o n s u m p t i o n is at least partially a n d potentially liberating
156 CONSUMERISM
i n a s m u c h as it provides a basis from which people c a n act against the

ideological imperatives of capitalism. F o r instance, ripped jeans m i g h t
signify a resistance to the idea that c o n s u m e r g o o d s automatically
b e c o m e obsolete a n d should therefore be replaced (see discussion in
C h a p t e r 3 ) . The key point here is that resistance is activated in the
cultural sphere rather than the e c o n o m i c sphere. Economically, such a
gesture will h a v e little, if any, impact, but a display of p o v e r t y is a
visual affront to c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life: 'It is a refusal of corn-
modification a n d an assertion of one's right to m a k e one's o w n culture
out of the resources p r o v i d e d by the c o m m o d i t y s y s t e m ' (Fiske, 1989:
15). A s far as Fiske is c o n c e r n e d , then, c o n s u m e r i s m is e m p o w e r i n g in
the sense that people c a n interpret the w a r e s that c o n s u m e r i s m offers in
their o w n w a y s . This a r g u m e n t is, h o w e v e r , limited a s L e e (1993) notes,
b y Fiske's (1989) tendency to equate the active role c o n s u m e r s m a y h a v e
in the r e a l m of c o n s u m p t i o n with p o w e r . Just b e c a u s e c o n s u m p t i o n is
active, it does not necessarily follow that it is liberating. C o n s u m e r
g o o d s should be seen as objects of social struggle rather t h a n as arbiters
of p o w e r (Lee, 1993). C o n s u m e r i s m trades off the d e g r e e of a g e n c y that
c o n s u m e r s invest in c o n s u m e r culture as a m e a n s of ensuring the long-
t e r m d o m i n a n c e of c o n s u m e r capitalism. C o n s u m e r capitalism is able to
assert itself as a w a y of life precisely b e c a u s e the act of c o n s u m p t i o n is
active a n d is therefore automatically equated with p o w e r . The real
p o w e r relationship between the c o n s u m e r a n d the p r o d u c e r is inevit-
ably camouflaged by the superficial appeals of a p p a r e n t l y liberating
a n d creative c o n s u m e r lifestyles.
C o n s u m e r capitalism is not about false consciousness as s u c h b e c a u s e
m a n y c o n s u m e r s a r e fully a w a r e a n d critical of the sorts of inequalities
a n d injustices that are associated with c o n s u m e r i s m . N o r is c o n s u m e r -
ism about false needs. C o n s u m e r i s m is so all powerful precisely b e c a u s e
it requires a certain d e g r e e of individuality on the p a r t of c o n s u m e r s in
o r d e r to ensure the m a i n t e n a n c e of s e g m e n t e d markets. If c o n s u m e r s
w e r e simply 'dupes' of the capitalist s y s t e m that s y s t e m could not
e x t e n d its boundaries. C o n s u m e r capitalism actively w a n t s c o n s u m e r s
to experience w h a t m i g h t be described as 'pseudo-sovereignty'. T h e
individual's experience of c o n s u m e r i s m is therefore clearly a balancing
act between structure a n d agency. The structures intent o n ensuring the
longevity of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life actively p r o v i d e r o o m within
w h i c h c o n s u m e r s c a n apply their o w n meanings. The c o n s u m e r is
offered a veneer of sovereignty a n d m a x i m i z e s his o r her p e r s o n a l
f r e e d o m within the veneer p r o v i d e d , despite a tacit a c c e p t a n c e that
c o n s u m e r i s m is a m o r e powerful beast than a n y one individual at a n y
o n e time. A t a routine e v e r y d a y level, people simply d o not feel the
n e e d to question the validity of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. T h e
d r e a m s that people e n g e n d e r in c o n s u m e r i s m give m e a n i n g to people's
lives. It is in this respect that B o c o c k (1993) a r g u e s that in the
c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d alienation has been e x t e n d e d into the r e a l m of
c o n s u m p t i o n . This h a s b e e n m a d e possible t h r o u g h the p e r p e t u a t i o n

of c o n s u m e r i s m as a m e n t a l activity, rather than a p u r e l y physical
activity that c a n only fulfil biological n e e d s .
Understanding consumerism in a risk society
If w e a c c e p t that c o n s u m e r i s m h a s a n influential role to p l a y in o u r lives

precisely b e c a u s e it is in the interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism to p r o v i d e
s o m e d e g r e e of a g e n c y within w h i c h c o n s u m e r s c a n e x p l o r e the
possibilities p r o v i d e d for t h e m b y the m a r k e t p l a c e , then this raises s o m e
issues a b o u t h o w social science m i g h t best c o m e to t e r m s with
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life. T h e ' c o n s u m i n g p a r a d o x ' is a n intriguing
issue for c o n t e m p o r a r y social theorists in the sense that it reflects the
essential stresses a n d strains that a r e characteristic of c o n t e m p o r a r y life
experience.
The first point to m a k e is that c o n s u m e r i s m is necessarily a n a r e n a of
conflict in the sense that the individual is p e r p e t u a l l y trying to c o m e to
t e r m s w i t h the sorts of stresses, strains a n d tensions that c h a r a c t e r i z e
the m u l t i - d i m e n s i o n a l n a t u r e of the c o n s u m i n g e x p e r i e n c e . T h e
c o n s u m i n g e x p e r i e n c e is multi-dimensional in so far as it plays o n the
s t r u c t u r e a n d a g e n c y question. It c o u l d i n d e e d b e a r g u e d that
c o n s u m e r i s m is the foremost a r e n a within w h i c h s t r u c t u r e a n d a g e n c y
is contested. A t o n e a n d the s a m e time, c o n s u m e r s feel constrained a n d
controlled, yet liberated a n d sovereign. This p a r a d o x represents a n
underlying influence u p o n h o w p e o p l e c o n d u c t their e v e r y d a y lives
b e c a u s e it a p p e a r s t o p r o v i d e a sense of stability in w h a t is essentially
a n unstable w o r l d . In this respect, Beck's (1992) conceptualization of the
'risk society' is especially pertinent. Beck ( 1 9 9 2 ) describes a p r o c e s s
w h e r e b y individuals ' b e c o m e the agents of their o w n livelihood m e d i -
ated b y the m a r k e t ' (Beck, 1 9 9 2 : 1 3 0 ) . In this context, the individual's life
e x p e r i e n c e is a n increasingly p r e c a r i o u s one. T h e s u p p o r t m e c h a n i s m s
that a r e traditionally associated w i t h m o d e r n i t y , s u c h as social class,
family a n d c o m m u n i t y , h a v e a p p a r e n t l y been r e p l a c e d b y s e c o n d a r y
ties s u c h a s fashion, e c o n o m i c cycles a n d m a r k e t s w h i c h in t u r n
u n d e r m i n e the individual's d e g r e e of control a n d leave h i m o r h e r o p e n
to the u p s a n d d o w n s of a n increasingly insecure life e x p e r i e n c e (Beck,
1 9 9 2 ) . In this context, predictability a n d certainty b e c o m e a thing of the
past, as a n e w set of risks is b r o u g h t into existence at b o t h a m a c r o - a n d
micro-level. B e c k ( 1 9 9 2 ) therefore identifies a n e w m o d e of socialization,
a ' m e t a m o r p h o s i s ' o r 'categorical shift' in the m a k e - u p of the rela-
tionship b e t w e e n the individual a n d society. H e suggests that in
a d v a n c e d m o d e r n i t y the individual b e c o m e s r e m o v e d from traditional
s u p p o r t m e c h a n i s m s a n d s u p p o r t relationships a n d that consequently
the constraints of e v e r y d a y life as e x p e r i e n c e d b y the w o r k e r a n d the
c o n s u m e r take o n n e w significance.
158 CONSUMERISM
In a risk society, c o n s u m e r i s m has an increasingly i m p o r t a n t role to

play as a framework within which people c o n d u c t their lives. The irony
h e r e is that, though people live in an increasingly individualized culture,
the individual experiences a less a u t o n o m o u s private existence in the
sense that he or she is subject to public criteria of individuality. In other
w o r d s , individuality is increasingly subject to external forces a n d
arguably standardization, thereby creating a situation within w h i c h the
individual is increasingly susceptible to personal crises (Beck, 1992). The
focus of an individual's life, bereft of stable sources of support, therefore
b e c o m e s focused on the m a i n t e n a n c e of an individual biography. While
c o n s u m e r i s m offers the individual an arena within w h i c h he or she c a n
seek out a n individual b i o g r a p h y , that b i o g r a p h y is inevitably t e m p e r e d
by the fact that the individual c a n never be entirely unique within this
realm. W h a t is therefore c o n s t r u c t e d is an environment within w h i c h the
individual is dependent u p o n both the standardizing and the diversi-
fying tendencies of c o n s u m e r capitalism. Such d e p e n d e n c y ensures the
constant reproduction of c o n s u m e r capitalism. T h e cost w e , as con-
s u m e r s , h a v e to p a y for c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life is perpetual
insecurity because c o n s u m e r i s m c a n n o t p r o v i d e us with the stability
that w e so fervently desire. A s Beck (1992) a r g u e s , w h a t e m e r g e s is an
ego-centred world-view. The individual is o p e n e d u p to a n increased
risk of uncertainty in the sense that a n y failure is perceived on his or her
part as implicating the inadequacies of the individual. The individual
receives all sorts of conflicting m e s s a g e s w h e n he or she c o n s u m e s . N o t
only is the individual n e v e r quite satisfied by w h a t he or she c o n s u m e s
- not only does the individual a l w a y s w a n t that bit m o r e - b u t w h e n h e
or she gets w h a t e v e r he or she m a y want, it only serves to intensify the
precarious n a t u r e of that person's e v e r y d a y existence.
If the key to an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of c o n s u m e r i s m lies in its expression at
a micro-level i n a s m u c h as the micro-level represents the arena within
which tensions over structure a n d a g e n c y are e x p r e s s e d , then the
e v e r y d a y n a t u r e of c o n s u m e r i s m as a way of life needs to be a m o r e
fundamental sociological c o n c e r n than it has been in the recent past. A s
Miller (1987) notes, both theory a n d research need to consider in
t a n d e m , not only the transformative n a t u r e of c o n s u m p t i o n , b u t also the
inherent limitations of such transformations. T h e w a y s in w h i c h con-
s u m e r s a d a p t to c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life need to be i n c o r p o r a t e d
into a critical understanding of h o w that w a y of life c a m e about.
A s s u m p t i o n s about the p o w e r of c o n s u m e r i s m , negative or positive,
should therefore not be m a d e . The time has c o m e to leave the sort of
office-bound theorizing that has c h a r a c t e r i z e d the e m e r g e n c e of
c o n s u m p t i o n as a key focus of social scientific debate behind in o r d e r
to w e l c o m e a m o r e c o n c e r t e d a n d contextualized social scientific
conceptualization of c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life.
T o conclude, it should be reiterated at this stage that the intention of
this book has not been to p o r t r a y c o n s u m e r s as objects of false
consciousness. O n the contrary, m y a r g u m e n t is that, as T h o m a s a n d

T h o m a s (1928: 5 7 2 ) a r g u e , 'If m e n [sic] define situations as real, they a r e
real in their consequences.' C o n s u m e r i s m clearly c o n s t r u c t s rules about
h o w c o n s u m e r s should b e h a v e a n d p r o m o t e s c o n s u m e r g o o d s as a
resource w h i c h individual c o n s u m e r s c a n use as a m e a n s of con-
structing their social life. Despite a n d indeed b e c a u s e of the structural
nature of this relationship, w h a t m a t t e r s is w h a t the c o n s u m e r perceives
to be real. Regardless of w h e t h e r the individual u n d e r e s t i m a t e s the
ideological i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m , w h a t is i m p o r t a n t is that this is a
subjective conception of reality. C o n s u m e r i s m is a w a y of life in the
sense that regardless of the p o w e r relationships it e n g e n d e r s it also
actively constitutes a subjective reality. W h a t I a m therefore suggesting
is that a critical a p p r o a c h to the sociology of c o n s u m e r i s m should use as
its starting point the construction of c o n s u m e r m e a n i n g s . In this respect,
the focus here should not be on the extent to w h i c h c o n s u m e r i s m is an
inauthentic focus for people's e v e r y d a y lives. If c o n s u m e r s e x p e r i e n c e
c o n s u m e r i s m as a w a y of life then that life is necessarily authentic. It is
u p to the sociologist to discover w h y a n d h o w c o n s u m e r s live within
the ideological p a r a m e t e r s that c o n s u m e r i s m lays d o w n for them. Such
a task should begin b y reflecting on the fact that c o n s u m e r i s m m a k e s us
feel w e belong in a w o r l d w h e r e w e p e r h a p s v e r y rarely feel that w e
belong otherwise. It is in the interests of c o n s u m e r capitalism to
m a s s a g e o u r individualistic desire to e x p r e s s ourselves to others
through w h a t w e c o n s u m e a n d w h y w e c o n s u m e it. In d e c a d e s a n d
centuries to c o m e people m i g h t well think about implementing n e w
w a y s of constructing social life that d o not prioritize c o n s u m e r i s m as a
w a y of life. Given the ideological p o w e r of c o n s u m e r i s m , h o w e v e r , the
likelihood is that they will d o so t h r o u g h a pair of designer-tinted
spectacles w h i c h ultimately taunt t h e m into focusing on nothing m o r e
than the countless n e w w a y s in w h i c h they c a n achieve p s e u d o -
sovereignty t h r o u g h the g o o d s p r o v i d e d for t h e m in the m a r k e t p l a c e .
Recommended reading
Zygmunt Bauman (1988) Freedom. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. One of
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Ulrich Beck (1992) Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage. The
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Looks at the nature of consumerism from an impressive array of angles.
Frederic Jameson (1984) 'Postmodernism, or the cultural logic of late capitalism',
New Left Review, 146: 53-93. A highly influential and well-contextualized
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Serge Latouche (1993) In the Wake of the Affluent Society. London: Zed Books.
Considers the global implications of consumerism.
160 CONSUMERISM
Conrad Lodziak (1995) Manipulating Needs: Capitalism and Culture. London: Pluto
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Mica Nava (1991) 'Consumerism reconsidered: buying and power', Cultural
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consumerism.
Don Slater (1997) Consumer Culture and Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press. A
theoretically minded book which considers the relationship of consumer
culture to modernity.
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Slater, D. (1997) Consumer Culture and Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press.
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INDEX
Adidas, 127 capitalism, 4, 9, 16-17, 42, 46, 61, 88, 101,

Adorno, T., 33, 110, 111, 112, 120, 152 109, 122, 143, 154, 156, 158, 159
advertising, 9, 42, 47, 82, 114, 126-7, 135, Chancellor, Α., 77
136 Chaney, D., 53
aestheticization, of everyday life, 24, Church of England, 1
39 Closed Circuit Television (CCTV), 60
alienation, 17, 119, 156 Coakley, J., 133, 145
Ang, I., 78-9 Cockburn, C , 82
Anthony, Α., 138 commodification, 16-17, 145
of fantasy, 65
Barnard, M., 98-9 of music, 117, 120
Barnett, J., 119 of sport, 143-4
Barnett, S., 140-1 commodity, 16-17
Barthel, D., 39 changing form, 3, 9-10, 16-17
Baudrillard, J., 25-6, 29, 46-7, 80 compulsory obsolescence, 38-9
Bauman, Z., 32, 151, 155 computers, 75-7
Beatles, 110 Conran, T., 43
Beck, U., 157-8 consumer choice, 28, 79
Bell, D., 72-5, 80, 85, 86, 88, 100 consumption
Benetton, 94, 96, 97 of city, 20
Benson, J., 6 and class, 6-9, 17-18, 18-19, 20-1, 22, 32,
Bocock, R., 4, 9, 156 54, 55
body, 102 and classical social theory, 15-20
Body Shop, 44-5 cross-disciplinary approaches, 28-31
Bourdieu, P., 21-2 definitions of, 2-3
'boy bands'. 111 and design, 36-51
Brewer, J., 6 divisive nature of, 56, 68, 71
'Britpop', 124 of home computers, 75-7
Bulos, M.A., 60 and identity, 21, 31, 41, 114, 153
Braun, E., 83-4 and meaning, 24, 124, 154, 156, 159
broadcasting, 54 and postmodernism, 23-8
Brohm, J.-M., 129-30 sociology of, 20-3
Bromley, D.F., 58 of television, 77-9
Bryman, Α., 66 urban, 52-69
BSkyB, 140-2 virtual, 71-2
Bulos, M.A., 60 consumerism
Burnett, R., 108-9 definitions of, 3-6
ideological dimensions of, 5, 32, 102,
Callinicos, Α., 74 103-6, 126, 129, 145, 152-7, 159
Campbell, C , 18, 49, 151 and inequality, 148-52
172 CONSUMERISM
consumerism, cont. fitness, consumption, 102-3

and media, 48 flâneur, 67-8
and power, 156 flexible specialization, 9
and pseudo-sovereignty, 156, 159 football, English, 136-40
politics of, 10-11, 57 Fordism, 7, 94, 95, 96
in a risk society, 1 5 7 - 9 Forty, Α., 39, 43
consumer goods Friedman, M., 33
as status conferers, 18-19, 98 Friedman, R.D., 33
symbolic value, 7, 18 Frith, S., 112-14
consumer society, history, 6-10
consumer sovereignty, 155 Gabriel, Y., 31, 33, 104, 148-9
consuming paradox, 5, 17, 147, 157 Gap, 97
Craik, J., 101-2 Gardner, C, 56-7
credit card, 8 gentrification, 54, 56
Cross, G., 7-8 Giddens, Α., 105
'cultural intermediaries 25
,
/
Giedion, S„ 48
Glasgow, 53-4, 55-6
dance music, 120-1 globalization, 11-12, 67, 68, 100-1, 105,
Davis, F., 100-1 149-50
Davies, H., 129 Goodwin, Α., 122
de-differentiation, 48 Gray, P., 75-6
design Great Britain, 8, 10, 11, 12, 39, 57, 58, 65, 93,
green, 4 4 - 6 148
historical emergence, 37-40 Gruneau, R., 130, 133
and postmodernism, 46-8
'designer fallacy', 41-4 Habitat, 39
Disney, 64-6, 153 'habitus', 22
and postmodernism, 66 Harvey, D., 53, 54, 96
Dittmar, H., 29-30 Hall, S., 32, 40-1
Dorfles, G., 49-50 Harris, F., 63-4
'dominant ideology', 154 Hartmann, P., 75-6
Douglas, M., 29 Harvey, D., 67, 68
du Gay, P., 40-1 Hebdige, D., 155
Dupuy, J.-P., 80 Hinde, S., 58
Dunkerley, M., 87 Hirsch, E., 70, 77-8
Druckery, T., 70, 81-2 home computers, consumption, 75-7
Horkheimer, M, 33, 110, 111, 112, 120, 152
economic change, 11 hyper-commodification, 145
education, 36-7
Ewen, E., 90 industrialization, 6
Ewen, S., 10-11, 90 Internet, 71, 149
Isherwood, B., 29
fashion
communicative role, 97-100 Jackson, P., 53
consumption, 90-106 Jaeger, M., 54
definitions, 9 1 - 2 Jameson, F., 26-7, 152, 153, 154
fashion and class, 94, 98 jeans, 41-4, 95, 96, 156
and gender, 98, 102-3 Jones, S., 40-1
global impact of, 100-1 Jordan, M, 134
historical emergence, 9 3 - 4
ideological dimensions, 101 Kumar, K., 74-5
system, 100, 105
Featherstone, M, 2 4 - 5 , 54, 68, 90 Lang, G., 104
film, 47 Lang, K, 104
Fiske, J., 41-2, 155-6 Lang, T., 30, 33, 104, 148-9
INDEX 173
Layder, D., 32 Papanek, V., 44, 50

Lasch, C , 142-4 pay-per-view, 141
Lash, S., 4 7 - 9 , 122 Plumb, J., 6
Latouche, S., 150-1 Plymouth, 53-4
Lee, M., 3, 9-10, 16, 17, 46, 155, 156 popular music
Leopold, E., 96 'branding', 115
lifestyles, 8, 37 as communication, 113
Liska, Α., 66, 68 consumption, 1 0 7 - 2 5
Livingstone, S.M., 9, 30-1 and design, 47
Lodziak, C , 154-5 and gender, 123
'loft living', 54-5 and image(ry), 114-15
Longhurst, Β., 112, 116-17 industrialization, 112-16
Lunt, P., 9, 30-1 industry, 1 0 8 - 9
Lyon, D., 24, 74-5, 79 and meaning, 116-19, 124
standardization, 109-12
McCracken, G., 3-4, 92 post-Fordism, 9, 27, 86, 94-5, 96
McDonaldization, 62-3 post-industrial society, 7 2 - 5 , 81, 88
McDowell, C , 90, 97 postmodernism
Mackay, L., 40-1 and city, 55, 58
McKendrick, N., 6 and consumption, 2 3 - 8 , 153
MacKenzie, D., 72 and design, 4 6 - 8
Madonna, 123 and technology, 77
malls, 59-64 production, relation to consumption, 2,
Manchester United, 137 9-10, 15, 16, 27
Marcuse, H., 107 publishing, 47, 54
market segmentation, 115, 156 punk, 109
Marx, K., 16-17
and sport, 128-30, 142 Reebok, 131
mass media, 26, 114 religion, 1, 17
Masauda, Y., 80-1 REM, 109
'materialism-idealism' paradox, 30 Research and Development (R&D), 47
mass production, 7 retail provision, 57-9, 95
'mass society', 6 Richards, B., 108
Microsoft, 48, 76 risk society, 104, 1 5 7 - 8
Middleton, R., 112, 114 Ritzer, G., 49, 62-3, 66
Miles, S., 33, 42, 104 Rolling Stones, 110-11, 115
Miller, D., 33 Rottenberg, S., 127
Minchinton, W., 93 Rowe, D., 109, 117-19, 145
modernity, 2, 19, 157
money, 93 Sack, R.D., 64-5
Morley, D., 77-8 Sanjek, D., 108
Mueller, C , 96 Sanjek, R., 108
Murdoch, R., 140-1 Saunders, P., 2 0 - 1 , 23
Murdock, G 75-6
v
Schiller, H., 75
music industry, 107-12 Schlossberg, K , 134-5, 136
Music Television (MTV), 122 Sheppard, J., 56-7
shopping mall, 59-64
Nava, M., 148 Silverstone, R., 70, 77-8
Negus, K, 114-15 Simmel, G., 19-20, 91, 105-6
Newby, P., 67 Simmonds, D., 104
Nike, 127, 131, 134, 143 Slater, D., 152
nostalgia. 111 Smiley, E., 96
'soccer', English, 136-40
O'Brien, L., 63-4 social change, 11
Olympic Games, 130-3 Sony Walkman, 40-1
174 CONSUMERISM
Sparke, P., 37-9 Tooher, P., 139

Spice Girls, 123 tourism, 54
sport, 126-46
and class, 128-30 USA, 8, 10, 39, 57, 58, 59, 93
commodification of, 143-4 sport in, 126, 133-6, 141, 143
consumption of, 126-46 Urry, J., 47-9, 61-2, 122
Marxist approach, 128-30, 142
and television, 132, 133, 1 3 6 - 7 , 1 4 0 - 2 Veblen, T., 18-19, 98
structure and agency, 31-3, 91 Versace, 42
Sudjic, D., 64
surveillance, 60 Wajcman, J., 72, 82-3
Swingewood, Α., 33 Weber, M, 17-18, 62
Webster, R, 75, 79
technology, 95
Whiteley, N., 8-9, 38, 44-6, 50
consumption, 7 0 - 8 9
and power, 8 1 - 3 Willis, P., 22-3, 64, 116
retail of, 86 Willis, S., 66, 102
television Wilson, E., 99, 153
consumption of, 77-9 Winner, L., 84
and sport, 132, 133, 136-7, 140-2 Wolson, E., 99-100
Thomas, C.J., 58 world music, 113, 119-22
Thomas, D.S., 159 Winner, L., 84-5
Thomas, W.I., 159
Thornton, S., 120 young people, 22-3, 93, 102, 113, 116
Thrift, N., 53
Toffler, Α., 71 Zukin, S., 54-5, 68
Lightning Source U K Ltd
Milton K e y n e s U K
2 8 February 2 0 1 1
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CONSUMERISM

First published 1998

SAGE Publications Ltd.

SAGE Publications Inc

SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication data

A catalogue record for this book is available

Library of Congress catalog card number 98-060536

3 Design for Life or C o n s u m p t i o n Designed 36

Several people offered their invaluable s u p p o r t a n d a d v i c e while I w a s

CONSUMERISM THEN AND NOW

The Church of England is to adopt a corporate logo in an attempt to

point of view, it could well be a r g u e d that w e a r e indeed w h a t w e

In recent years, a sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n has developed w h i c h has

a series of trends which have led to an overwhelming concentration on the area

C o m m e n t a t o r s h a v e traditionally focused o n d e v e l o p m e n t s in the

h a v e an active a n d significant role to play in the e x p e r i e n c e of social life

A n y a t t e m p t to define the relationship b e t w e e n ' c o n s u m p t i o n ' a n d 'con-

in Western developed societies culture is profoundly connected to and

M c C r a c k e n argues that any s t u d y of c o n s u m p t i o n should take into

structural expressions of c o n s u m p t i o n c o m e to affect o u r e v e r y d a y lives

tensions of late twentieth-century social life in the d e v e l o p e d w o r l d a r e

How did the consumer society come about?

In o r d e r to m a k e further sense of s o m e of the a b o v e debates w e n e e d to

to s o m e extent o n the principles of F o r d i s m . F o r d i s m refers to the ideas

latter half of the twentieth century. Focusing in particular on the

families' m o r e basic n e e d s (Bocock, 1993). A c c o m p a n i e d , indeed e n c o u r -

L e e therefore suggests that if there h a v e been a n y significant c h a n g e s to

The politics of consumerism

T h e t r e n d s that h a v e been identified by a u t h o r s s u c h as L e e (1993) h a v e

to be that g o v e r n m e n t influence o v e r c o n s u m e r s ' e v e r y d a y life is

Consumerism as social, economic and cultural change

1 Social change M o d e r n society a p p e a r s to be c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y

t h r o u g h the influence of multinational c o m p a n i e s s u c h as C o c a - C o l a

The above trends combine to e n s u r e that c o n s u m e r i s m is not only

Structure of the book

In o r d e r to illustrate the i m p a c t of c o n s u m e r i s m u p o n social life, I will

focus for the e v e r y d a y e x p r e s s i o n of c o n s u m e r i s m . W h a t c a n tech-

question m u s t then c e n t r e on w h e t h e r or not c o n s u m e r i s m c a n p r o v i d e

A l t h o u g h the intention of this book is to a v o i d a n o v e r l y theoretical

Consumption in classical social theory

While historically the sociology of c o n s u m p t i o n h a s i n c o r p o r a t e d w h a t I

A l t h o u g h it c o u l d b e a r g u e d that the t e n d e n c y has been to e x a g g e r a t e

the fact that capitalism w e n t on, u n d e t e r r e d , to d e v e l o p e v e r m o r e

Other theorists offer valuable contributions not only to a n u n d e r -

(see C a m p b e l l , 1987). In effect, as a p r o d u c t of his time m u c h like M a r x ,

Campbell's w o r k represents an illuminating a t t e m p t to e x t e n d W e b e r i a n

O n e of the m o s t significant classical contributions to a sociological

century, Veblen (1899) described a 'new leisure class' intent o n m i m i c k -

In order to avoid stultification . . . must . . . cultivate his tastes, for it now

Veblen therefore identifies a n elaborate s y s t e m of r a n k a n d g r a d e s ,

G e o r g Simmel is a n o t h e r theorist w h o r e c o g n i z e d the increasing signifi-

metropolis is determined by the need for a n o n y m o u s m a r k e t relation-

Despite the contributions of a u t h o r s such as Veblen a n d Simmel, an

A s far as the e m e r g e n c e of the m o v e t o w a r d s an a c a d e m i c considera-

this respect are differences in access to c o n s u m p t i o n . A s s u c h , f r o m his

Pierre B o u r d i e u , one of the m o s t p r o m i n e n t sociologists of the late

u s e d as a m e a n s of m a r k i n g off one social g r o u p from another. W h a t is

T h e habitus, which can therefore be defined as a group-distinctive

Consumption as a negotiated realm

Equally significant in this r e g a r d a r e a variety of other a p p r o a c h e s to

experience, identity a n d expression. T h o u g h Willis c o u l d b e criticized

People bring living identities to commerce and the consumption of cultural