The International Journal of the History of Sport

ISSN: 0952-3367 (Print) 1743-9035 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fhsp20

Small Nation, Big Sport: Basque Ball – Its Past and

Present Cultural Meanings for the Basques

Bartosz Prabucki

To cite this article: Bartosz Prabucki (2018): Small Nation, Big Sport: Basque Ball – Its Past and
Present Cultural Meanings for the Basques, The International Journal of the History of Sport, DOI:
10.1080/09523367.2017.1415328

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2017.1415328

Published online: 12 Feb 2018.

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The International Journal of the History of Sport, 2018
https://doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2017.1415328

Small Nation, Big Sport: Basque Ball – Its Past and Present
Cultural Meanings for the Basques
Bartosz Prabucki
Section of Traditional Sports and Ethnology of Sport, University School of Physical Education, Poznań, Poland

ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
The Basques are a nation living in the Basque Country – a territory The Basques; ‘traditional’
that is divided between two states – France and Spain. Isolated in the sport; Basque ball; sport;
mountainous terrain they have preserved their original culture and culture and identity;
collective identity. However, they still need to struggle for recognition, ethnology of sport
using some elements of their own culture to promote their identity
and reject their status as a peripheral region of Spain or France. One
of such elements is sport, especially so-called ‘traditional sports’ which
this nation has preserved over centuries. The aim of this paper is thus
to analyze one example of such a sport – Basque ball and its historical
and present situation, connections with other elements of culture and
its socio-cultural importance for the Basques.

It is not easy to say what it really means to ‘be a Basque’. Basques are themselves divided
on this issue. A specialist in Basque culture, Katarzyna Mirgos, distinguishes three basic
ways to define ‘Basqueness’: a Basque is either a person speaking the Basque language or a
person coming from the Basque Country. The third possibility is that a Basque is everyone
who considers himself or herself a Basque.1 Many Basques prefer the last interpretation as
Basque culture and identity is more open to the external world than in the past:
Being a Basque is a perspective from which I look at the world. The perspective from which
I open myself to the other cultures and nations. I do not want to be closed in my Basqueness,
but I understand, that being a Basque and belonging to the Basque culture is a base which I
want to protect and which help me further build myself as a human being.2
The Basques are still struggling to be recognized as a nation with their own identity, and
not just a peripheral region of Spain and/or France. The making of the Basque nation and
the creating of their current, cultural identity was a long-lasting and complicated process.3
Nowadays, one of the most important elements in helping them maintain and express this
identity is sport. Some interesting examples of sport disciplines that function in the Basque
Country in the above-mentioned context are bull-fighting and football.4 Here, however, I
would like to focus on one of the so-called ‘traditional sports’ which is the Basque ball (pelota
vasca in Spanish, Euskalpilota in Basque) and to give an overview on the cultural meanings
and social significance of this game for contemporary Basque people.5

CONTACT  Bartosz Prabucki  bartosz241@op.pl

© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
2   B. PRABUCKI

The word ‘pelota’ (the ball in Spanish, pilota in Basque), as I have explained elsewhere,
includes many games, which were developed in the Iberian Peninsula … The impact of these
games covered also the Pyrenean Peninsula, mixed with other regional modalities of ball games,
being both hit against the wall as well as over a net or a string between partners.6
Pelota is thus the name of a family of similar games, the origins and various modalities
of which researchers have found in Western Europe, South and Central America, and the
Middle East.7
At the same time, however, in the Basque Country a special type of this game called
Basque ball was invented: ‘The Basques knew how to maintain the contribution of other
civilisations. The biggest tribute they paid to them was to adapt this sport to their own
traits, introducing numerous modifications and creating various modalities, venues and
equipment for playing’.8 Taking advantage of the sporting inventions of ancient civilizations,
the Basques have thus created the most commonly played modality of Basque ball – their
traditional sport, an important element of their culture.
This study is based on the field research conducted in two Basque cities: Bilbao and San
Sebastian in year 2013. In narrative interviews conducted with twenty people of various
ages and backgrounds from Basque country, I posed 12 open questions referring to the
Basque Ball and Basque identity, among them: Do you know what is pelota vasca? Which
type of pelota is the most important in your opinion and why? Whether pelota is important
for you personally? Why? What is the meaning of pelota for the Basques in your opinion?
What does it mean, in your opinion, ‘being Basque’? The quotations from interviews are
marked by names of the interviewees with their age given in parentheses.

A Brief History of Basque Ball

The history of Basque ball ranges back to mediaeval times and its origins can be found
in the traditional Basque feast jad’ alad’. Some researchers also link the origins of Basque
ball with the decline of the ‘ball game’ jeu de paume around 1700 AD. While the latter was
converted to its modern type, and then to English tennis, the traditional communities of
the Alps and the Pyreneans have preserved the old way of playing jeu de paume. Instead
of hitting the ball over a net while standing face to face, they created a type of ball game,
called in their language pilota, with origins in local modalities of jeu de paume (pasaka and
laxoa), consisting of hitting the ball against a wall by the players alternately. According to
the historian Chipitey Etcheto, the first matches in this new type of game were played in
Napoleonic times.9 In the nineteenth century, the popularity of this sport grew rapidly. In
the same century, Basque ball was distinguished from other ball games through the creation
of the typical equipment for this game (gloves, rackets, balls), the building of infrastructure
and the establishment of its specific traits and rules.10 In the nineteenth century, a special
type of glove was invented and then a specific half-moon basket shaped racket called a
chistera as well as a new type of rubber ball. Thanks to this new ball the delicate surface of
the rackets was no longer destroyed . The Chistera was further developed in the following
years, thanks to its popularization in the Basque Country and abroad, especially by the
Basque, I. Sarasqueta, who brought this racket to France and South America to play Basque
ball with famous local players of this sport. Over time, the short racket was elongated and
deepened. It was named cesta punta. Today, this is also the name of one of the modalities
of Basque ball.11
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   3

In the nineteenth century, there were also matches in Basque ball between Basques and
Spaniards. One match was played by a team of famous Basque Eratchun against a Spanish
team in 1846 in Irun. The Basques won. These matches were important for strengthening
Basque identity and the players were highly respected in the Basque Country. In this century,
there were also families of Basque ball players called ‘dynasties’, playing an important role
in building the status of this sport. In the nineteenth century, the Begones family ruled over
this sport and the Juaristi in the following century.12

The Meanings of Basque Ball

In the past, Basque ball was considered a ‘tribal’ game. It was seen by the Basques as a
specific ‘continuation’ of the fights between medieval Basque factions (families). The colours
of Basque ball teams (blue and red) symbolized the colours of those factions. According to
P. Woodworth, however, this symbolism has changed. Currently, it symbolizes something
different: the rivalry between Basques and Spaniards.13
Nowadays, Basque ball is an important element of Basque cultural identity. As one Basque
claims, ‘Basque ball is an element inside something that we can call culture or the essence
of Basqueness, together with Euskara and Basque customs’.14 Basque ball is considered as
something essential to the Basques and is combined with Basque language (Euskara in
Basque) and customs. The sport is thus an important part of Basque culture. For Ane (age
19), Basque ball is ‘a part of the Basque Country. This sport identifies us as Basques, makes
our culture unique and makes us proud’.15 For her, Basque ball is a distinctive element of
culture, enabling the Basques to identify themselves on the basis of their unique heritage and
to be proud of being Basques. For Irene (age 53), Basque ball is simply ‘a part of our culture’.16
These are important, but general remarks. There are also significant, deeper contexts that
make this sport so important for the Basques.

Betting in Basque Ball

Betting constitutes a part of many sports. It can be viewed as something morally questionable,
but from a cultural perspective, they are an important element of play. There is some
interesting research on this issue, conducted by the famous anthropologist, Clifford Geertz,
in Bali, on the system of betting during cockfights. He found that the bets at these fights
have important social meaning for the Balinese people as the way of betting reflects, more
or less, the social stratification of this community.17
Betting is also an element of various types of Basque ball. The system works like this:
if you start a match with a bet on the favourite, but the underdog begins to make the running,
you are allowed to make a second bet, to cover at least some of the losses you are now likely
to incur on your original punt. But the bookie will only accept this bet if he can find another
punter in the crowd to take you on. If the tide turns again, you can seek out another wager,
and yet another, right up to match point.18
As Paddy Woodworth claims ‘half or more of the fun of attending a pelota match can come
from watching the hectic flow of the betting’.19 According to Rafael Aguirre Franco, betting
had an important impact on the evolution of Basque ball. ‘This originally rural game has
become a spectacle for people in cities, who could take a risk by betting during the game’.20
There were even so-called ‘honour’ Basque ball matches during which the stake of some bets
4   B. PRABUCKI

was high, including thousands of ounces of gold etc. According to this author, the Basques
are passionate about betting.21
Bets are a particularly important part of a modality called a mano. ‘The Basques like
betting. This is a local tradition and it is impossible to imagine a match in a mano without
bets’, observes Juan (age 38).22 As Joseba (age 58) notices:
one of the most important reasons why this game is so fascinating, is that the possibility of
betting is dynamic and forces the viewers to always be aware of the changes in play. During
the match you can meet ‘bookmakers’. They scream, announcing what is the current situation
of a given bet, which adds to the huge emotions of the game.23
According to Oihana (age 26), ‘At local Basque feasts, it is common to watch Basque ball
matches. In San Fermin there are events every year and it is usual to go there to drink and
bet’.24 Betting at Basque ball matches is thus a kind of social tradition in the Basque Country.

Basque Ball and ‘National Traits’

Basque ball is also important for the Basques due to another interesting issue, which is
controversial in the social sciences. These are the so-called ‘national traits’ which are
supposed to define a ‘typical’ member of a given community.
The Basques are supposed to have always appreciated physical strength as an important
trait, useful in their everyday work in difficult environment (mountains, forests). On the
other hand, they are also supposed to be smart, clever or even cunning in their everyday
life.25
These ‘national traits’ are supposed to be reflected by pelotaris – Basque ball players.
Researchers have noticed that they have some specific physical and mental traits, enabling
them to efficiently compete in this sport which are at the same time considered as the above-
mentioned, Basque ‘national traits’. ‘In Basque ball – writes Olatz Gonzalez-Abrisketa – basic
traits needed to fight are strength and cleverness (cunningness)’.26
All of them rarely occur together in one player. Usually, some players are strong and others
clever, cunning, and agile. In consequence, the cooperation of such players is important
during matches played in pairs (as in a mano). In this case, the above-mentioned traits can
be fully implemented. Such situations still exist. As O. G. Abrisketa writes:
competing in pairs is a play par excellence in Basque ball. It is here that strong defenders “cover”
rear courts. Their most important traits are endurance and strength, called indarra. The strikers
on the other hand need to brake the balls played by the defenders, by “inventing” such a shot
that ends a play. For them, the most important traits are agility and cleverness. The collection
of such traits defines the perfect pelotari: “clever as a fox, strong as a lion.27
The matches of Basque ball played in pairs are also attractive for the spectators: ‘This
archetypical scheme, which materializes in the bodies of pelotaris, attracts many fans who
come to see these conflicting dialectics occurring between two opposite sides’.28
In the past, strong defenders were more appreciated by the spectators. However, when
modern media appeared, they preferred strikers as they were playing more attractive,
dynamic balls. However, ‘strong players embody the prototypical image of pelotari’.29 During
field studies of Basque ball (a mano) it was possible to notice that the spectators indeed
appreciated fast shots played by the strikers, but when some defenders were able to strongly
hit a difficult ball from the back side of the court, a specific admiration for this could be
heard in the stands.
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   5

According to Irene (age 34), Basque ball is ‘a sport which defines the Basque character:
toughness, nobleness, pride, brutality and stubbornness’.30 As Juan (age 38) claims, ‘when
the Basques play Basque ball, they can express their way of being Basque that is you must
be strong when living in small, mountainous villages in the Basque Country, but you also
need to be intelligent’.31 These specific traits of Basque ball players, such as, on the one
hand, strength, and cleverness on the other, were needed for them across their history in
the struggle to survive in difficult natural and historical environments.32 Basque ball enables
them to maintain and express these traits.
It is always risky identifying so-called ‘national traits’. However, it is worth noticing that
Basque ball is considered a sport, reflecting, even if in a stereotypical way, some Basque
‘national traits’.

Basque Ball and Gender

Another important issue, associated with a vision of the ‘typical’ Bask and Basque ball, is
gender and its connections with Basque culture. The ‘strong, clever’ Basque ball player is
mostly a man who has a strong body. Physical fitness is something that the Basques admire.
Such a male player is a specific kind of representative of the Basque ‘national’ body – the
above-mentioned cult of strength, pride and cleverness. But what about women?
According to O.G. Abrisketa, relations between genders are essential to understanding the
phenomena of nations. The making of a nation is frequently achieved through wars, in which
soldiers (mostly men) become heroes. In consequence, there is a process of ‘masculinization’
of the nation. It becomes a ‘communion of fraternity’ between men’s bodies. ‘In the Basque
Country only a man’s body can be contemplated and can achieve the highest degree of
Basqueness called a plaza-gizon, that is, a person distinguished in these activities that are
collectively approved’.33
This is analogical in the world of sport, which has always been in most cases a male
realm. There is still a strong stereotype of sport as a ‘man’s world’ in which (or at least in
some disciplines) women should only be spectators, supporting their ‘brave, male heroes’.
An important example of fighting against such prejudices towards women’s participation
in sport is an essay by of Jeremy MacClancy on women-toreadors in Spain. They struggled
with strong criticism from men, who did not want to see them as active heroes of Corrida
(bullfighting).34
It is similar with Basque ball. There is no professional modality of this sport for women.
When they are children, they usually play with boys at local courts (frontons), and train in
special Basque ball schools (Las Escuelas de Pelota in Spanish). However, they need to end
their adventure at a certain age. Their parents often force them to do that due for socio-
cultural reasons (such as the ‘cultural role’ of women and a kind of taboo regarding their
participation in Basque ball) as well as biological ones (puberty).
There were actually in the past outstanding female players who rejected this socio-cultural
pressure, but they were still excluded from participating in professional modalities of Basque
ball. They played only amateur forms, but did not achieve such social respect in the Basque
Country as male professional players.
One such female player was Maite Ruiz de Larramendi. From her childhood she was
a great Basque ball (a mano) player. However, when she was 13, her parents encouraged
her to resign from the sport. She returned to practice it at the age of 19, but it was only an
6   B. PRABUCKI

amateur type of this sport called paleta de goma (played with a wooden racket and a rubber
ball). Although she was a five-time world champion, she did not earn much money from
playing nor did she achieve the same social prestige as her male counterparts.
Despite these successes, her face is not recognizable outside her city. Nobody asks her for an
autograph when she is in Bilbao or San Sebastian which would definitely happen if she played
pelota a mano, which was her dream in childhood.35
Relations between Basque ball and gender issues show us again the meaning of this
sport for the Basques. It is inscribed into the stereotype of the ‘masculine’ world of sport,
still existing in Basque culture. Although Paddy Woodworth notes that many women
play Basque ball, she immediately adds that they do that only informally and as amateurs.
Although she draws attention to the fact that in the past there were some professional
female players, currently this sport is mostly male, and women are still excluded from its
professional modalities.36
In 2013 at Basque ball matches and workshops in Bilbao, it was possible to notice that the
instructions were provided by two men and one woman. Another woman was only invited
to play, helping with equipment and giving information about this sport. When asked if she
played Basque ball, she was surprised and a little frightened. She said that she had never
played. Her friend plays but only the amateur modality paleta de goma.
In recent years, however, there is a growing process of popularization of women’s active
participation in Basque ball in the Basque Country. Currently, women can only take part in
two out of fourteen official modalities of this sport – paleta de goma and frontenis (played
with tennis rackets and rubber balls).37 Nevertheless, there are some attempts to increase
the participation of women in other types of Basque ball and to appreciate their significance
to the history and present development of this sport. An example of such an initiative is a
series of activities run by the Higher Council of Sport and Spanish Federation of Pelota in
cooperation with the International Federation of Basque Ball aimed at promoting the role
of women in the world of sport. One of them is a kind of exhibition organized in Madrid
(6–28 February 2015), dedicated to female players who played the above-mentioned type
of pelota – frontenis – in the middle of the twentieth century. It was a starting point for
reflection on the value of women playing Basque ball. It aimed at creating a professional
attitude towards this issue – finding a balance between the historical and current role of
women, their strengths, clubs, federations, the schools in which they can practice this sport,
recruiting young players to play it as a form of ‘leisure’, ‘health-oriented’ or ‘competitive’
sport etc. There were also workshops on the business capacities of women in sport and a
report from the international project ‘A woman and a Basque ball’.
In addition, some female players talked about the history of women’s Basque ball. As early
as at the beginning of the twentieth century, the first professional female players appeared.
They played with tennis rackets on frontons in Bilbao and Madrid, receiving salaries.
These players had to struggle for recognition as they were considered – their uniforms,
way of playing etc. – as a kind of connection between sport and eroticism. According to
the historian Ellena Caballero, they were considered as almost prostitutes by men.38 They
had to fight both to be allowed to participate in sport in public as well as to not be viewed
as merely ‘sexual objects’ but as rightful participants in sport.39
Thanks to such initiatives, the history of female Basque ball can be recognized, and its
professional significance for women in the past (along with the difficulties they had to face)
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   7

can be better understood. In consequence, the need to create equality in sport in general
and in Basque ball in particular can be promoted.

Basque Ball and Religion

Religion was, in the past, an important element of collective identity. In the Basque
Country, the Catholic faith was one of the main components of Basque nineteenth century
nationalism. Across history, however, this element lost its significance, replaced by other
elements (language, culture etc.).40
As far as the connections between religion and sport are concerned, they can be found
even in ancient forms of physical culture. The symbolic, religious fight between ‘good’ and
‘evil’ was reflected in many games. An interesting example comes from ancient Egypt,
where the fight between a god Osiris (symbolizing ‘good’) and Set (a symbol of ‘evil’) was
reconstructed by a quasi-sporting ritual performed by two teams, representing these opposite
forces. In ancient Greece ‘sport’ and religion were inseparable – Greek games were, in fact,
religious ceremonies honouring the patronizing gods. Even in early Christianity, while on
the one hand many games were condemned by the church as ‘pagan rituals’ or ‘immoral’
activities, on the other, there were those which were assimilated by the church aiming at
symbolically including them in the new religion. Later, Christianity also contributed to
the development of sport. Examples are the movement called Muscular Christianity or the
appreciation of sport by Pope John Paul II41.
Nowadays, however, the connections between sport and religion usually have a different
character. Especially ‘modern’ sports, but also some ‘traditional’ ones, are losing their
profound, religious dimension, having a quasi-religious or purely ludic character.
When it comes to Basque ball, the situation is similar. This sport had stronger links with
religion in the past, which, according to many Basques, it is now losing. As Juan (age 38)
notices:
we are now losing the connection between pelota and religion but in the 1980s and 1990s,
there was the tradition of playing the final game on Sunday morning, and at 12:00 o′clock, the
referee stopped the game and a person came onto the court to pray the Angelus.42
As Joseba (age 58) claims, ‘25 years ago our competitions took place at noon and there was
a tradition of stopping the game at 12:00 to pray the Angelus’.43 According to Jose (age 52)
there were three breaks in the game for praying: at 6:00, 12:00 and 18:00. But as he adds, ‘it
was popular in past epochs when people also stopped their work, hearing the church bells
at these hours’.44 Amaia (age 26) says that this custom was common 40 years ago.45
The religious practices are thus an element of ‘past epochs’. Nevertheless, according
to Joseba (age 58), ‘this tradition is still a part of feasts in Bilbao, San Sebastian, Vitoria,
Pamplona, Bayonne, Maule, Logroño’.46 As Jose (age 52) notices: ‘Feasts are these moments,
when this tradition is vivid, as Basque ball is still a ludic-feast act’.47
As some Basques note, Basque ball was also connected with religion by the fact, that
there were (and still are) frontons situated next to churches or seminars for priests. As Luiz
Antonio (age 67) claims: ‘currently, there are frontons next to the seminaries for those who
want to become priests and play Basque ball’.48 Asier (age 39) adds: ‘in the Basque Country,
there is always a fronton, even next to small churches’.49 As Juan (age 38) notices:
8   B. PRABUCKI

the priests were passionate about Basque ball. Children from small villages of the Basque
Country were usually playing this game by hitting the ball against the walls of the church. In
the central squares of Basque villages, a church was usually close to the court. Young players
were trying to play their best as when people were going out of the church after mass, they
were watching their matches.50
Amaia (age 26) notices: ‘each village, town and city of the Basque Country has in its central
place a church, a square and a court for Basque ball. These are basic buildings’.51
During research in the Basque Country, it was possible to see a small fronton situated
next to a church in San Sebastian. It consisted of three walls (front, side and back). There
were children playing, using both rackets (probably playing pala or paleta) as well as hitting
the ball with their bare hands (a mano). According to many Basques, this is a typical scene
in many Basque areas.
It can thus be indicated that some Basques still recognize the past and present connections
between Basque ball and religion. However, as many of them claim, they are presently
usually limited to Basque feasts (fiestas), being probably more an element of tradition than an
authentic religion. All the more so nowadays as these feasts have a more ludic than religious
dimension. As Amaia (age 26) notices: ‘connections between Basque ball and religion are
mostly connections with feasts: always, when there is a feast in some area, a tournament
of Basque ball is organized’.52

Basque Ball and Fiestas

An interesting example of such a feast, an inseparable part of which is Basque ball, has been
since 1978 Aste Nagusia (La Semana Grande in Spanish, or ‘Great Week’). In 2013 there
was a special edition of this feast and in the inaugural speech the mayor of Bilbao said: ‘As
usual in August Marijaia [the main goddess in Basque mythology – B.P.] comes back to
Bilbao with her festive spirit, the very one we need today more than ever to face each and
every difficulty that we are going through’.53
The Aste Nagusia observed by the author was full of attractions. Every day you could
watch and participate in exhibitions of Basque ‘traditional’ sports, culinary contests, street
theatre, concerts, sophisticated Basque dances, processions with Giants and Big Heads
(huge puppets, symbolizing Basque provinces), listen to Basque singers (bertsolaris) etc.
Inseparable parts of this event were also matches and workshops of Basque ball.
From the second until the last day of this feast there was a tournament of Basque ball.
Players were dressed in white uniforms and blue or red belts. They were playing the most
popular modality of Basque ball – a mano, with bare hands covered only with thin, thong
protectors. They were playing in pairs up to one winning set (to 22 points). As one of the
players said: ‘playing Basque ball demands endurance, resistance to pain, physical fitness,
strength, speed, agility, and coordination’.54
During the matches, watched from the stands, it was possible to notice the huge
engagement of the spectators in the play. The stands were full of people, mostly elderly
men, but also women, youngsters and children. They were really focused on the game. They
knew the rules and the players. They commented, cheered and supported their teams. They
admired not only fast hits played by the strikers from the front court (the above-mentioned
‘foxes’), but also the defenders in the rear court (‘lions’). Many supporters were dressed
in Basque national colours (white, red and green). One of them, when asked why Basque
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   9

ball is interesting to him, answered that it is simply a good way to spend your free time. A
second person indicated the deeper meaning of this sport for him: ‘it is a part of our own
culture. I have known it since my childhood. When I was stronger, I was playing it and it
was a part of my life. It is culturally rooted’.55 Basque ball was thus a sporting element of a
feast, being also here inscribed into Basque culture.
There were also workshops, at which everyone could try to play various modalities of
this sport, for instance cesta punta, played with chistera. It is really difficult to hit the ball
with this equipment. Another type of this sport there was a mano. It is really hard to play
this type. After only a few hits your hand is painful. It is understandable why the Basques
so admire their professional a mano players.
At these workshops, Basque instructors were demonstrating how to play various types of
this sport. There was also a stand at which everyone could get familiar with the equipment
(rackets, balls, helmets), and buy souvenirs and books associated with Basque ball. This
was an exemplification of the process called ‘commodification’ of culture. Many cultural
elements nowadays become market goods. When visiting shops in Bilbao, it was possible
to see many motifs associated with ‘traditional’ Basque sports (Basque ball, so-called ‘rural
sports’, Basque rowing etc.) and to buy, for instance, a figure of a Basque ball player, a Basque
‘strongman’, T-shirts, mugs, scarves, and many other goods with Basque ball and Basque
Country motifs. It is common in the world, where ethnic identity is often ‘for something’,
also ‘for sale’.56 It can be stated that this mechanism should not be viewed as definitely
negative. If the attitude of both the Basques (as sellers) as well as tourists (as buyers) is
proper (that is respectful to the culture and its creators), it can be an element of cultural
tourism which is satisfying for both sides.57
Basque ball as an inseparable part of Aste Nagusia tells us much about its significance for
the Basques. This fiesta is in fact a great feast of Basque culture recognized as a treasure of the
cultural heritage of this nation. Basque ball, as its important part, becomes in consequence
an element of Basque cultural legacy. Moreover, the workshops on this sport make it more
and more a genuine ‘sport for all’ and at the same time a ‘treasure’ of Basque culture which
they can share with others.
Basque ball is thus an important element of Basque culture and a component of their
identity, although, to avoid some exaggerated generalizations, it should be stated that there
are certainly some Basques who do not like it, who do not take active part in it, maybe who
do not even know anything about it.

The Internationalization and ‘Sportification’ of Basque Ball

Basque ball is an important element of Basque culture, especially on a regional level. At the
same time, however, this sport is becoming more and more internationalized.
In the twentieth century, Basque ball was more and more internationalized and
consolidated. As early as in 1900 this sport was included in the programme of the Games
of the IInd Olympiad in Paris. Basque ball was also an Olympic sport in 1924 when the
games were again in Paris, as well as in 1968 in Mexico and, as an exhibition sport, in 1992
in Barcelona.58
There are 14 types of this sport officially recognized by the International Federation of
Basque Ball (Federación Internacional de Pelota Vasca, FIPV). Among the most popular
are: a modality called a mano – played with bare hands, by individual or double teams on
10   B. PRABUCKI

special courts (called frontons) with three walls: front, back and side or on trinquets with
four walls (the wall from the viewers’ side is made of glass to allow them to watch the
game). They played only one set (to 22 points). Another important type is cesta-punta,
called Jai-Alai outside the Basque Country. Here, the players use a special type of the
above-mentioned racket (chistera) with which they can throw the ball with great speed. For
safety, the players wear helmets. They play on 54-metres-long frontons. Another modality
of Basque ball is pala, played with shorter (pala corta) or longer (pala larga) rackets up to
35 or 50 points. Other types of this sport are, among others, remonte, trinquete, sare (also
xare). Detailed description of all these modalities can be found in Wojciech Lipoński’s
World Sports Encyclopaedia.59
In 1929, the Federación Internacional de Pelota Vasca (FIPV) was founded. Since
2003 the FIPV’s headquarters have been in Basque Pamplona. The FIPV has its own
website, where there is a lot of information about the history and the rules of this sport, its
modalities, calendar of competitions, and other details.60 Since 1952 there have been world
championships in this sport organized under the auspices of the FIPV.61 Basque ball was also
included in the programme of the Olympic Games. Currently, it is not an Olympic sport, but
there are attempts to reintroduce it there. This sport is practiced on many continents and
some of its types are played in South and North America – especially cesta punta, outside
the Basque Country called Jai Alai. According to Paddy Woodworth, ‘with the possible
exceptions of ETA and Euskara, pelota is the best-known sign of Basqueness in the world’.62
As Juan (age 38) claims, many people know where the Basque Country is only because
they have seen Basque ball matches.63 According to Ibon (age26), this sport is not only an
element of regional Basque identity, but also their marker in the world.64 Leire (age 26)
thinks that Basque ball is the Basques’ hallmarks on each level, from local to international:
This is representative for the Basque Country as in all villages and cities there are frontons and
there are always groups of aficionados, who are engaged in play in different ways. Not only in
the Basque Country, but also all over the world people practice various types of Basque ball.65
According to the French researcher, Jean Jacques Barreau, ‘sportification’, that is, the
acquisition of traits of the modern sporting event (spectacularity, professionalization,
commercialization, globalization, standardization, competitions etc.) is a tendency towards
which many ‘traditional’ sports are moving.66
The ‘sportification’ of Basque ball has been developing for many decades. The
professionalization of some of its modalities started at the beginning of the twentieth century,
even in female Basque ball. Currently, there are professional players, especially in a mano.
When it comes to its commercialization, there are commercial matches and tournaments
of this sport. The entrance fees are sometimes high. This sport was also standardized to
a certain degree. Standard rules of the game, equipment, dimensions of courts, regional
and international competitions (including world championships) are important factors
in this issue. This features, however, only some modalities of Basque ball (a mano and
internationally cesta punta-Jai Alai).
The internationalization of this sport, along with its ‘sportification’, may be further
developed in different ways. On the one hand, Basque ball has already been touched by some
deviations typical for ‘modern’ sports. As R. A. Franco notes, along with the introduction
of a new type of racket (chistera), the players have started to act against the rules. ‘Pelotaris
stopped the ball in the basket of his racket to hit it back with great power. This was against
the rules and the viewers disapproved of it’.67 W. Lipoński claims that ‘at the beginning of the
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   11

twentieth century the rapidly developing pelota vasca experienced the numerous problems
characteristic of professional sports. Matches were rigged and the players played for time by
keeping the ball in the chisteras’.68 It seems that this situation applies mostly to professional
modalities of Basque ball. The power of money, the expectations of the public, the need for
spectacularity sometimes force such behaviours.
On the other hand, the development of this sport can bring many profits to the Basques.
Thanks to its popularization, they can promote their culture in the world, by creating a
cultural and sports tourism attraction from their own sport.69
It seems that the power of Basque ball is also the variety of ‘proposals’ that this sport
offers. It contains many modalities and some of them are professional. These are needed
in the contemporary world, giving professional players a chance to build their social status
among the Basques, actively participate in sporting rivalry and earn from their passion.
Women can also do that, which was difficult for them in the past. Amateur types of Basque
ball can in turn function as a ‘sport for all’, an element of school and university education
(which already happens through the schools of Basque ball), an element of active recreation,
health-oriented physical activity or family and social integration of the Basques thanks to
the many opportunities for taking active part in workshops, exhibitions and matches of
this sport etc.
Basque ball is, after all, an important element of Basque cultural identity and a living
part of their physical culture legacy, which they can, in addition, bring to the collective
cultural heritage of Europe.

Basque Ball as ‘Cultural Sport’

Basque ball has evolved from a local, ‘tribal’ game to an international sport.70 Created in
the Basque Country on the basis of various ancient ball games, it was then transferred to
other continents through cultural diffusion. It has many social and cultural functions (social
integration, elements of cultural identity, identification with one’s own sport, a hallmark in
the world). Despite its internationalization, it remains a deeply symbolic (‘national’ traits
reflected in Basque ball players, relation with religion, art and feasts) element of Basque
cultural identity. The Basques themselves have made it meaningful on the regional, national
and international levels.
Basque ball is thus a significant ‘sporting tool’ for Basques fighting to be considered a
separate nation with the right to be independent and distinctive, and not just a marginalized
region of Spain or France. As Amaia (age 26) claims: ‘I definitely think that this sport is
another cultural manifestation in the Basque Country thanks to which it can be seen that
the Basque identity exists beyond all political divisions’.71 According to J.L.I. Marcos, Basque
ball ‘is more than sport, it is also culture that is very closely tied to the Basque Country and
the Basque lifestyle’.72
Moreover, Basque ball shows how in the contemporary world traditional forms of physical
culture connect tradition with the modernity. On the one hand, this sport still constitutes an
important part of ‘traditional’ culture and identity, connected with other cultural spheres,
such as religion, feasts, national character, gender or art. On the other hand, Basque ball is
being inscribed into components of so-called ‘modernity’: it is internationalized, it appears
in the modern media, is ‘sportified’ to a certain degree etc. Thanks to this ability to efficiently
combine these two ‘worlds’, Basque ball is becoming an example of a new kind of sport that
12   B. PRABUCKI

we can call a ‘cultural sport’. It functions in the reality ‘between globalization and cultural
identity’ and ‘between tradition and modernity’, becoming a symptomatic sign of our times
– times of ‘postmodernity’.
What is equally important is that Basque ball not only functions as a regional element of
Basque culture, but it can also be a Basque contribution to the common cultural heritage of
Europe and a factor in creating a very difficult, but needed, form of identity – a European
cultural identity.

Notes
1.  Katarzyna Mirgos, ‘Archipelag baskijskiego nacjonalizmu [Archipelago of Basque
Nationalism]’, Sprawy narodowościowe 27 (2005), 171–84.
2.  Interview with Amaia, conducted on 17 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
3.  A detailed and interesting analysis of the process of creation of the current Basque nation can
be found in: Joanna Orzechowska-Wacławska, Baskowie: Powstawanie współczesnego narodu
[The Basques: The Making of the Current Nation] (Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu
Jagiellońskiego, 2015).
4.  Bartosz Prabucki, ‘Sport, globalizacja i etniczna tożsamość: Przykład baskijski [Sport,
Globalization and Ethnic Identity: The Basque Case]’, Kultura-historia-globalizacja 14 (2013),
261–78.
5.  Traditional sports are defined as regional sports, tied with the cultural and ethnic identities
of given communities, individual or collective, competitive or not, based on regular or
spontaneous rules, connected sometimes with ritual, fun and leisure. UNESCO, Collective
Consultation to Promote and Develop Traditional Sports and Games, 16–20 January.2009,
Teheran (Iran). An official document received from Guy Jaouen.
6.  Wojciech Lipoński, Encyklopedia Sportów Świata [World Sports Encyclopedia], vol. 9 (Poznań:
Oficyna Wydawnicza Atena, Biblioteka Gazety Wyborczej, 2008).
7.  A detailed description of non-Basque (although associated with it) types of Basque ball can
be found in: Ibid., 223–34.
8.  Federación Internacional de Pelota Vasca [International Federation of Basque Ball], http://
www.fipv.net/index.php/en/el-juego/historia, (accessed January 30, 2015).
9.  Rafael Aguirre Franco, Deporte Rural Vasco [Basque Rural Sport] (San Sebastian: Editorial
Txertoa, 1983), 147–51.
10. Gobierno Vasco-Secretaria General de Acción Exterior (ed.), ‘Basque Pelota from the Ground
Up’, Euskal exteak 74 (2006), 5.
11. Lipoński, Encyklopedia Sportów [Sports Encyclopedia], vol. 9, 249–51.
12. Ibid.
13. Paddy Woodworth, The Basque Country: A Cultural History (Oxford: Signal Books, 2007), 67.
14. Interview with Asier, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
15. Interview with Ane, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
16. Interview with Irene, conducted on 16 February 2014 via the Internet. Interview notes in the
author’s private archive.
17. Clifford Geertz, Interpretacja kultur: wybrane eseje [The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected
Essays], przekł. M. M. Piechaczek (Kraków: Wydawnictwo UJ, 2005), 475–91.
18. Woodworth, The Basque Country, 67.
19. Ibid.
20. Aguirre Franco, Deporte Rural Vasco [Basque Rural Sport], 129.
21. Ibid., 21.
 THE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF SPORT   13

22. Interview with Juan, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
23. Interview with Joseba, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
24. Interview with Oihana, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes
in the author’s private archive.
25. Woodworth, The Basque Country, 70–1.
26. Olatz Gonzalez-Abrisketa, ‘Cuerpos desplazados [Displaced Bodies]’, Revista de Antropología
Iberoamericana, 8, no. 1 (2013), 94.
27. Ibid., 95.
28. Ibid., 96.
29. Ibid.
30. Interview with Irene, conducted on 16 February 2014 via the Internet. Interview notes in the
author’s private archive.
31. Interview with Juan, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
32. Jorge Ruiz Lardizabal, Mity, wierzenia i obyczaje Basków [Basque Myths, Beliefs and Customs],
(Pruszków: Oficyna Wydawnicza Rewasz, 2002).
33. Ibid., 98.
34. Jeremy MacClancy, ‘Female Bullfighting, Gender Stereotyping and the State’, in Jeremy
MacClancy (ed.), Sport, Identity and Ethnicity (Oxford: Berg, 1996), 69–85.
35. Gonzalez-Abrisketa, ‘Cuerpos desplazados’, 101.
36. Ibid.
37. Federación Internacional de Pelota Vasca [International Federation of Basque Ball], http://
www.fipv.net/index.php/es/el-juego/modalidades, (accessed June 25, 2015).
38. La web del deporte femenino Deporte y Mujer [Website of Women’s Sport – Sport and a
Woman], http://yo-tambien.com/2015/03/01/cuestion-de-pelotaris-el-origen-del-deporte-
femenino-profesional, (accessed June 25 2015).
39. El Pais. Deportes (Sports), http://deportes.elpais.com/deportes/2015/03/02/actualidad/
1425312964_683644.html, (accessed September 3, 2015).
40. Katarzyna Mirgos, ‘Archipelag baskijskiego nacjonalizmu [Archipelago of Basque
Nationalism]’, 176.
41. Wojciech Lipoński, ‘Sport: From Profound Religious Expression to Secular Ritual’, Stadion:
International Journal of the History of Sport 35, (2009), 67–86.
42. Interview with Juan, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
43. Interview with Joseba, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
44. Interview with Jose, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
45. Interview with Amaia, conducted on 17 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
46. Interview with Joseba, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
47. Interview with Jose, conducted on 19 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
48. Interview with Luiz Antonio, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview
notes in the author’s private archive.
49. Interview with Asier, conducted on 01 October 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in the
author’s private archive.
50. Interview with Juan, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
51. Interview with Amaia, conducted on 17 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
14   B. PRABUCKI

52. Ibid.
53. Iñaki Azkuna, Inaugural Speech (Bilbao: Official folder of Aste Nagusia, 2013).
54. Information based on personal conversation with Eneko (age 25) – a professional Basque Ball
player – during the workshops on this sport (Bilbao, 19–24 June 2013).
55. Questions asked during the research in Bilbao, Basque Country, 19–26 August 2013. Notes
in the author’s private archive.
56. Jean, John L. Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009).
57. Bartosz Prabucki, ‘Etyka turystyki kulturowej na przykładzie Kraju Basków [Ethics of Cultural
Tourism: The Basque Example]’, in Marek Kazimierczak (ed.), Etyczny wymiar podróży
kulturowych (Poznań: Akademia Wychowania Fizycznego, 2014), 190–99.
58. Gobierno Vasco-Secretaria General de Acción Exterior, ‘Basque pelota’, 6.
59. Wojciech Lipoński, World Sports Encyclopedia (Poznań: Oficyna Wydawnicza Atena, 2003),
412–15.
60. Federación Internacional de Pelota Vasca [International Federation of Baque Ball], www.
fipv.net, 03.09.2015.
61. Lipoński, Encyklopedia Sportów [Sports Encyclopedia], vol. 9, 251.
62. Woodworth, The Basque Country, 65.
63. Interview with Juan, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
64. Interview with Ibon, conducted on 18 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
65. Interview with Leire, conducted on 05 April 2014 via the Internet. Interview notes in the
author’s private archive.
66. Jean Jacques Barreau, ‘L’actualité des jeux populaires et de tradition [Actualities on Popular
Games and Tradition)’, in Jean Jacques Barreau, Guy Jaouen (eds), Les jeux traditionnels en
Europe [Traditional games in Europe] (Plouguerneau: FALSAB, 1999), 16.
67. Aguirre Franco, Deporte Rural Vasco [Basque Rural Sport], 145.
68. Lipoński, World Sport Encyclopedia, 416.
69. Bartosz Prabucki, ‘Basque Festival Aste Nagusia as an Interesting Example of Cultural and
Sport Tourism Attraction’, in Francisco Dias, Simão Oliveira, Joanna Kosmaczewska, Ângela
Perreira (eds), New Trends in Tourism Research. A Polish Perspective (Leiria: GITUR, 2014),
90–7.
70. Prabucki, ‘Sport, globalizacja i etniczna tożsamość’, 14 (2013), 261–78.
71. Interview with Amaia, conducted on 17 September 2013 via the Internet. Interview notes in
the author’s private archive.
72. Information based on personal correspondence with Juan Luis Ibarretxe Marcos via the
Internet. Available in the author’s private archive.

Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on Contributor
Bartosz Prabucki is a current Museum Adjunct in the Museum of the First Piasts at Lednica, Poland.
He holds a PhD in physical education and is a specialist in traditional sports and games. He has
published several scientific papers on this subject and has participated in many conferences in several
countries.