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Some More Thoughts On Petersilia
Some More Thoughts On Petersilia
Má rcio Padilha
JS 302 – Wartel
Fall/2010
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Come Home presents, in a systematic manner, different social aspects which impact the
reintegration legal and practical barriers, inmate release and recidivism, the victim’s role in
prisoner reentry and reforming parole and reentry practices, the author contrasts theory to
practical matters, leading the reader into a critical analysis regarding the antagonism
“virtually all data on in-prison program participation come from in-mate self-report”.
Whereas this validates that program participation does occur, it further acknowledges the
non-existence of a system of balances and checks regarding to how this data is compiled,
which, in turn, makes the seriousness with which these issues are looked at to be
months” which, to me, negates the importance that “prisoners should ideally make the
transition from prison to the community in a gradual, closely supervised process” where
“furloughs, work release and halfway houses basically are all designed to give the inmate
the chance to acclimate to the free world and develop work and social relationships that
will assist at release.” Furthermore, as stated by the author, socioeconomic status reflects
itself in the nature of the committed crimes which, in turn, is thence reflected by the
prisoner who have fewer needs yield greater program participation while state prisoners
who have greater needs yield lesser program participation and, as a result of that, most
prisoners at greater risk, such as those mentally ill, will eventually be released and
discontinue the medications and counseling begun in prison. With that reality on the
foreground I would agree that, more often than not, “prisoners return home with most of
contention that, at this point, the system, as it stands, is failing on its alleged purpose of
prisoner reintegration.
Other than the prerelease issues, postrealease issues also influence the successful
reintegration. As Petersilia states, the existence of a felony record implies, in most states, in
the “loss of some aspects of general citizenship” which necessarily leads on to question
whether “we are jeopardizing public safety by making it so difficult for prison releases to
succeed” in light of the fact that “29% of the United States possesses some sort of criminal
record.” Therefore, although there is the presumption that the system in place operates out
of a deep core belief in the success of prisoner reintegration, the greater society which
envelops, and legislates, this system seems to bank on sanctions destined to make the
Petersilia also weighs the delicate balance between public safety benefits and
scrutinized. One such item, which really caught my attention, was the illegality for an
employer to impose a flat ban on hiring ex-offenders while the simultaneous legality for
provisions which ban drug-related felons from receiving public assistance affects not only
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the felon in question, but also their children who, in turn, become subject to other legal
sanctions regarding child-paternal rights which subsequently affects the social fabric as a
whole. Lastly, the suspension of felons’ civil rights create a possible legislative deprivation
where felons’ particular situations will lose perspective altogether within the greater
society. Therefore, in light of all difficulties presented, it is “not surprising that most
inmates who leave prison become reinvolved in crime” with the prior arrest record being
“a good predictor of both whether or not the inmate would be rearrested and how quickly”.
With more than “two-thirds of those released from prison will be rearrested” and
that “nearly half will return to jail for a new crime or technical violation”, as Petersilia
points out, it is very interesting that “virtually all of the national discussion concerning
offender reentry has focused on the needs and risks posed by returning offender, with little
thought given to the victims”. Despite the 1997 Congressional Victims’ Rights Clarification
Act which asserts that victims should have the right to both attend the proceedings and
deliver or submit a victim impact statement, not all states have complied, i.e. “thirty-two of
the 50 states have amended their state constitutions to include victims’ rights”. That, in
part, may be caused by the fact that parole-decision making issues are inherently highly
political. Furthermore, despite the fact that “crime victims often have the most detailed
knowledge of the offender and the risks he poses to public safety”, their fear “that they may
have a face-to-face confrontation with the offender” which leads “some also question
whether notifying victims of their offenders’ activities is in their best interest.” Therefore,
despite victims being able to “assist the parole board in deciding which programs and
postprision conditions to require and parole board members report relaying heavily on
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victim statements for this task,” their role, i.e. the victims, in the process is not a clear cut
seems to fight in every aspect of the process with the greater society it is a part of. On a
personal note, I would say that I believe the issues Petersilia pointed out are very valid
ones which I believe society will only overcome with a major socio-educational adjustment.
If one’s rights are still rescinded long after their release from the penal system, how
Bibliography
Petersilia, J. (2003). When Prisoners Come Home: Parole and Prisoner Reentry. New York:
Oxford University Press, Inc.