Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Learner Proficiency and Focus On Form During Collaborative Dialogue
Learner Proficiency and Focus On Form During Collaborative Dialogue
55–81
II Background
1 Language-related episodes and L2 development
A number of studies investigating the relationship between
language-related episodes and second language learning have
found that LREs positively affect L2 development. For example,
LaPierre (1994, reported in Swain, 1998) sought to address the
relationship between L2 learning and the LREs of grade 8 early
French immersion students in Canada. When learners correctly
solved a linguistic problem that occurred while reconstructing a
passage (dictogloss task), they also individually replied correctly to
79% of the items in dyad-specific post-tests that were administered
one week after completing the original task. In addition, in cases
where learners solved a problem incorrectly during the task,
approximately 70% of the answers to the corresponding items on
the post-test were also answered incorrectly. Similar results were
found when learners from this same population worked together
on a jigsaw task (Swain and Lapkin, 1998). As with the LaPierre
(1994) study, post-test items were developed that were based on
the LREs that occurred during the task. Although time on task
and number of LREs produced varied greatly among the dyads, a
significant, positive correlation was found between the post-test
score and the number of LREs produced.
In a study investigating the LREs of adult ESL learners, Williams
(2001) found that when LREs were solved correctly, these learners
correctly resolved between 40% and 94% of tailor-made test items
that had the same focus as the LREs. In another study examining
ESL learners, Basturkmen, Loewen and Ellis (2002) found a
significant, positive relationship between the occurrence of
learners’ use of metalanguage (‘language used to analyse or
describe language’) and subsequent uptake. Taken together, the
findings of these studies on adolescent French immersion and adult
58 Learner proficiency and focus on form
who had a slightly different map. They found that when the higher
proficiency member had the more dominant ‘sender’ role, little
negotiation occurred. However, when the lower proficiency
member was responsible for giving directions, these dyads were
more likely to engage in negotiation meaning, interactive turn
taking, and they were more likely to solve referential conflicts to
successfully complete the task. Both proficiency and the role of the
learner affected the task outcome as well as the interaction
between dyad members.
How learners’ proficiency affects focus on form has been
considered in the literature on input processing and interaction.
For example, VanPatten’s model of input processing (1990, 1996,
2003) states that in communicative exchanges, learners process
language for meaning before anything else and that learners will
be able to process certain grammatical forms only when processing
the overall meaning of an utterance does not drain available
processing resources. The implication is that it should be easier for
more proficient learners to process grammatical form better than
less proficient learners given that learners with a higher proficiency
do not have to struggle as much with processing meaning during
communicative exchanges. Similarly, the literature on
‘developmental readiness’ suggests that learners will be able to
process and use particular grammatical forms only when they have
acquired less complex structures (see, e.g., Lightbown, 1998;
Mackey and Philp, 1998; Spada and Lightbown, 1993, 1999;
Williams and Evans, 1998). Again, the implication is that more
proficient learners should be developmentally more advanced to
notice and produce certain forms during communicative tasks. Less
proficient learners, in their struggle to grasp meaning, may have a
difficult time focusing on form at all. If they do, their focus may
be primarily on those linguistic elements that carry the most
meaning (i.e., content words or lexical items).
The research on input processing and interaction shows how
proficiency can affect learners’ processing of form in the input and
the emergence of forms and structures in communicative
exchanges. But how might it influence those instances in which
they explicitly talk about form (i.e., produce LREs), and sometimes
in the L1 (e.g., Swain and Lapkin, 2000)? It is important to note
that LREs are not decontextualized discussions about language;
60 Learner proficiency and focus on form
2 Participants
The participants included 42 L2 Spanish learners from the fourth
semester content-based course. To determine the grouping of
learners according to proficiency level, the instructors of the course
were asked to rate each learner as either possessing higher or
lower proficiency relative to other students in the class.
Researchers investigating focus on form in SLA have determined
learners’ proficiency based on class level (Williams, 1999, 2001) or
according to an instructor rating of ‘overall ability’ (Swain and
Lapkin, 1998). Because the present study investigated learners of
one level (fourth semester Spanish), instructor ratings of overall
ability were used. Instructors were told specifically to rate the
learners’ overall Spanish proficiency and not their performance in
the geography class, given that learners could be relatively high in
terms of proficiency but perform below average in the course (and
vice versa). Once learners were classified according to proficiency,
62 Learner proficiency and focus on form
IV Results
The first research question in this study addressed whether adult
L2 Spanish learners in the foreign language context would focus
on form during the dictogloss task. The findings presented in Table
1 displaying the average, total and type of LREs produced by the
21 dyads suggest that learners did indeed focus on form. Overall,
138 LREs were identified in the 21 transcriptions.
The second question asked whether the learners would focus
primarily on lexical or grammatical items. Table 1 indicates that
39.86% of the total LREs for all dyads were lexical. Over half of
these lexical LREs focused on a word’s meaning. Of the total
LREs, 60.14% had a grammatical focus. These grammatical LREs
dealt with a variety of forms, but problems with verb morphology
Michael J. Leeser 67
Type of LRE
Dyad type
Lexical
n 25 23 7
% 32.89 46.00 58.33
M 3.12 2.56 1.75
SD 2.10 1.24 1.26
Grammatical
n 51 27 5
% 67.11 54.00 41.67
M 6.38 3.00 1.25
SD 1.77 2.29 1.89
Total
n 76 50 12
% 100 100 100
M 9.50 5.67 3.00
SD 3.51 2.24 2.94
Note:
n = total number of LREs; % = percentage of total LREs.
Lexical
Grammatical
Total
(outcome 1), those left unresolved (outcome 2) and those that were
solved incorrectly (outcome 3) across the three dyad groups. Figure
2 charts these percentages for the three groups. Both Table 4 and
Figure 2 show the decline in the number of correctly resolved
LREs between the H–H dyads (88.16%) and the other two groups
Dyad type
1 (correct)
n 67 32 7
% 88.16 64.00 58.33
M 8.38 3.67 1.75
SD 3.89 1.66 2.06
2 (unresolved)
n 3 8 4
% 3.95 16.00 33.33
M 0.38 0.89 1.00
SD 1.06 1.27 1.16
3 (incorrect)
n 6 10 1
% 7.89 20.00 8.34
M 0.75 1.11 0.25
SD 0.71 1.17 8.34
the learners in the dyad not only affected the amount and type
of form they focused on, but also how successful they were at
doing so.
The findings of this study support those of Williams (1999, 2001),
who also found a similar trend that learners in higher proficiency
levels produced more LREs than those at lower levels. In Williams’
studies, the language course in which the learners were enrolled
determined their proficiency level. In this study, however, we see
that differences in ability levels among learners enrolled in the
same course influence how often learners spontaneously focus on
form and which forms are the focus of their LREs. One
explanation for the variation in the number and type of LREs
according to proficiency could be related to the relative difference
in task demands for the higher and lower proficiency learners.
Although no measure of comprehension was used to determine
how much information individual learners understood from the
dictogloss passage, it could be the case that the lower proficiency
learners were struggling just to extract meaning from the passage.
Swain and Lapkin (in press) reported the difficulty that ‘average’
students encountered in comprehending the dictogloss passage
used in their study. It is therefore understandable that lower
proficiency learners would find it difficult to comprehend the
passage used in the present study. The few LREs that the low–low
pairs did produce focused on those elements that carry the most
meaning (i.e., lexical items). Whether the focus of their lexical
LREs involved a word’s meaning or preposition usage (72%) or
the spelling/pronunciation of a word (28%), their focus was
primarily on the most meaning-bearing elements of the dictogloss
passage, that is, on lexical, not grammatical items. For the more
proficient learners, it could be that the task demands of
comprehending the passage were much less, and therefore they
might have been able to direct more of their attention to
grammatical form as VanPatten (1990, 1996) has suggested.
Because no measure of comprehension was used, this line of
reasoning remains speculative. Future research could therefore
incorporate some measure of comprehension to examine how
comprehension of the dictogloss passage impacts the LREs
produced during the reconstruction phase.
If it is true that language-related episodes represent L2 learning
Michael J. Leeser 73
versa). For this reason, Yule and Macdonald (1990) found that
when higher and lower proficiency learners had certain roles
within the task, more negotiation of meaning and turn taking took
place. With the dictogloss task used in this study, it is unlikely (but
not confirmed) that lower proficiency learners understood much
(if any) information from the passage that the higher proficiency
learners did not. If this is true, how can lower proficiency learners
contribute to discussions of form in a highly contextualized
situation when they barely understand the context (i.e., the
dictogloss passage)? It is not surprising, then, that in this study,
higher proficiency learners had to attempt to resolve themselves
92% of the LREs they initiated. In order to adequately address
the ‘usefulness’ of this task to lower proficiency learners, more
studies are needed that utilize more than one dictogloss passage.
Yet, might these learners contribute and benefit more (in terms of
focus on form) from other information gap tasks in which they
have information that the higher proficiency learner does not?
Although Swain and Lapkin (2001) found no significant
differences in the number and type of LREs between the dictogloss
and jigsaw tasks, perhaps it may be worthwhile to examine LREs
across different tasks involving mixed proficiency dyads.
A final point should be made here regarding the
operationalization of proficiency in this study. An anonymous
reviewer correctly pointed out that basing learners’ proficiency
solely on the instructors’ intuition renders the concept of
proficiency elusive. Although true, the use of instructor ratings in
the present study realistically reflects how L2 instructors may
organize learner pairs according to proficiency. That said, future
research could use a variety of more ‘objective’ or standardized
proficiency measures, in addition to instructors’ ratings, to perhaps
obtain a more ‘concrete’ evaluation of learners’ proficiency.
While we wait for future studies to provide further insight into
the issues raised above, the findings of this study suggest that for
this group of learners, the dictogloss task is one way in learner
pairs can direct their attention to form while conveying meaning,
but the proficiency of learners impacts not only how much they
are able to focus on form but also how well they resolve language
problems they encounter.
76 Learner proficiency and focus on form
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Diane Musumeci, Merrill Swain, Kim
McDonough, as well as Rod Ellis and two anonymous reviewers
for Language Teaching Research, for their helpful and insightful
comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Additionally, I wish to
thank Daryl Rodgers who helped with the coding of the data and
Susanne Aref of the Illinois Statistics Office for help with the
statistical procedures used in the study. Any errors and omissions
are, of course, my own.
VI References
Alanen, R. 1995: Input enhancement and rule presentation in second
language acquisition. In Schmidt, R.W., editor, Attention and
awareness in foreign language learning, Honolulu: University of
Hawaii Press, 259–302.
Basturkmen, H., Lowen, S. and Ellis, R. 2002: Metalanguage in focus on
form in the communicative classroom. Language Awareness 11:
1–13.
Donato, R. 1994: Collective scaffolding in second language learning. In
Lantolf, J.P. and Appel, G., editors, Vygotskian approaches to second
language research, Norwood, NJ: Ablex, 33–56.
Doughty, C. 1991: Second language instruction does make a difference:
evidence from an empirical study of ESL relativization. Studies in
Second Language Acquisition 13: 431–69.
Doughty, C. and Williams, J. 1998: Focus on form in classroom second
language acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Genesee, F. 1987: Learning through two languages: studies of immersion
and bilingual education. Rowley, MA: Newbury House.
Hadley, A. 2001: Teaching language in context. Boston: Heinle and Heinle.
Izumi, S. 2002: Output, input enhancement, and the noticing hypothesis:
an experimental study on ESL relativization. Studies in Second
Language Acquisition 24: 541–77.
LaPierre, D. 1994: Language output in a cooperative learning setting:
determining its effects on second language learning. Unpublished
master’s thesis, Ontario Institute for Studies in Education,
University of Toronto, Ontario, Canada.
Lightbown, P. 1998: The importance of timing in focus on form. In
Doughty, C. and Williams, J., editors, Focus on form in classroom
second language acquisition, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 177–96.
Mackey, A. and Philp, J. 1998: Conversational interaction and second
Michael J. Leeser 77
Appendix A
Dictogloss passage used for practice session
En 1976 hubo un terremoto desastroso en Guatemala que afectó a gran
parte de la población. Más de 22.000 personas murieron. La gente de clase
media y alta que vivía en sitios seguros fue apenas afectada. En cambio,
miles de indígenas mayas que tenían sus viviendas en tierras altas
perdieron sus casas y sus vidas.
Appendix B
REPASO DE GRAMÁTICA: EL PRETÉRIO Y EL IMPERFECTO
El pretérito se usa para enfatizar (emphasize) que la acción o el evento
que describe el verbo está terminada o completa, como en los siguientes
ejemplos:
Juan nos visitó el mes pasado.
Compré un carro nuevo.
Murió el 15 de febrero.
Tuve dos ofertas de trabajo.
Hubo un huracán en el Caribe.
El imperfecto se usa para describir la acción o el evento que describe el
verbo como un proceso que ocurrió en el pasado. El comienzo y el final
no son importantes.
En clase, escribía muy rápido.
De niño miraba muchos dibujos animados (cartoons).
Tenía dinero, pero no quería dárselo a nadie.
En una narración, podemos usar el pretérito y el imperfecto para
distinguir entre los verbos que describen las acciones (‘foregrounding’ =
pretérito) y los verbos que describen la escena (‘backgrounding’ =
imperfecto).
Ejemplos:
Yo escuchaba a la profesora, cuando entró en la clase Jorge.
(describe la escena; imperfecto) (describe la acción; pretérito)
Hacía buen tiempo, cuando salimos de viaje.
(describe la escena; imperfecto) (describe la acción; pretérito)
Hubo un terremoto desastroso en Guatemala.
(describe la acción; pretérito)
Había mucha gente en la fiesta.
(describe la escena; imperfecto)
Cuando se escribe una narración en el pasado, se puede hacer 2 preguntas
para decidir si se debe usar el pretérito o el imperfecto:
1. ¿Describe una acción o evento principal?
Sí = PRETERITO
2. ¿Describe información de fondo (background information)?
Sí = IMPERFECTO
(English translation of grammar hand-out)
Michael J. Leeser 81
Examples:
I was listening to the professor when Jorge entered the class.
(describes the setting; imperfect) (describes the action, preterit)
The weather was nice, when we left on a trip.
(describes the setting; imperfect) (describes the action; preterit)
There was/occurred a disastrous earthquake in Guatemala.
(describes the action; preterit)
There was a lot of people at the party.
(describes the setting; imperfect)
When writing a narrative in the past, we can ask two questions to decide
if the preterit or the imperfect should be used:
1. Does it describe an action or a principal event?
YES = PRETERIT
2. Does it describe background information?
YES = IMPERFECT