Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Quentin Smith - The Metaphilosophy of Naturalism (Philo 4 (2) - 195-215 (2001) )
Quentin Smith - The Metaphilosophy of Naturalism (Philo 4 (2) - 195-215 (2001) )
by Quentin Smith
Originally Published in: Philo: A Journal of Philosophy, Volume 4, Number 2
By the second half of the twentieth century, universities and colleges had
been become in the main secularized. The standard (if not exceptionless)
position in each field, from physics to psychology, assumed or involved
arguments for a naturalist world-view; departments of theology or religion
aimed to understand the meaning and origins of religious writings, not to
develop arguments against naturalism. Analytic philosophers (in the
mainstream of analytic philosophy) treated theism as an antirealist or non-
cognitivist world-view, requiring the reality, not of a deity, but merely of
emotive expressions or certain “forms of life” (of course there were a few
exceptions, e.g., Ewing, Ross, Hartshorne, etc., but I am discussing the
mainstream view).
This is not to say that none of the scholars in the various academic
fields were realist theists in their “private lives”; but realist theists, for the
most part, excluded their theism from their publications and teaching, in large
part because theism (at least in its realist variety) was mainly considered to
have such a low epistemic status that it did not meet the standards of an
“academically respectable” position to hold. The secularization of mainstream
academia began to quickly unravel upon the publication of Plantinga’s
influential book on realist theism, God and Other Minds, in 1967. It became
apparent to the philosophical profession that this book displayed that realist
theists were not outmatched by naturalists in terms of the most valued
standards of analytic philosophy: conceptual precision, rigor of
argumentation, technical erudition, and an in-depth defense of an original
world-view. This book, followed seven years later by Plantinga’s even more
impressive book, The Nature of Necessity, made it manifest that a realist theist
was writing at the highest qualitative level of analytic philosophy, on the same
playing field as Carnap, Russell, Moore, Grünbaum, and other naturalists.
Realist theists, whom hitherto had segregated their academic lives from their
private lives, increasingly came to believe (and came to be increasingly
accepted or respected for believing) that arguing for realist theism in scholarly
publications could no longer be justifiably regarded as engaging in an
“academically unrespectable” scholarly pursuit.
Despite the fact that this cultural predicament is what many naturalist
philosophers find dissatisfying, this predicament and dissatisfaction does not
concern naturalist philosophers insofar as they are philosophers. Naturalist
philosophers share with theist philosophers the desire to obtain knowledge for
its own sake, whatever the truth happens to be (e.g., be it naturalism or
theism). Whether the truth be naturalism or theism is irrelevant to these people
qua philosophers; all that matters to them insofar as they are philosophers who
are philosophizing is truth or, more fully, knowledge. Why should naturalist or
theistic philosophers care whether academia is mainly secularized or not?
There are at least two reasons. First, normative goals, both individual and
cultural, are among the objects of comprehension or belief in the
understanding of naturalism and theism and their respective truth values.
Whether or not academia ought to be mainly secularized is a normative issue
that philosophers, be they theists or naturalists, care about if they understand
the normative component of the objects of their comprehension or belief.
Second, at any given time that a philosopher is philosophically inquiring about
naturalism and theism, she will be in a certain epistemic state, such that if she
ocurrently understood the proposition, academia ought to be mainly
secularized, she will either find it more plausible than implausible, more
implausible than plausible, or neither of these two alternatives (e.g., equally
plausible with its negation, or having an uncertain epistemic status). The
naturalist finds the proposition, academia ought to be mainly secularized,
more plausible than not. (Given the ambiguity and vagueness of the word
“naturalist,” this characterization of “the naturalist” is stipulative, but it is
intended to capture a part of what many or most philosophers believe “she is a
naturalist” means or implies.) The naturalist philosopher will have arrived at
this epistemic state through pursuing the philosophical (not social activist)
goal of obtaining knowledge about the truth or falsity of naturalism. In fact, it
is because she arrived at this state rather than some other epistemic state that
she is characterized as a “naturalist” philosopher.
N (a thesis). Naturalism, i.e., the thesis that there exist inanimate or animate
bodies, with animate bodies being either intelligent organisms or non-
intelligent organisms, but there exists nothing supernatural. The example of
something supernatural of most interest to contemporary analytic philosophers
is an unembodied mind that is the original and/or continuous creator of the
universe and has the omniattributes described in perfect being theology.
[4] Other examples of hypothesized supernatural realities that govern or create
in some sense the universe are the governing mind posited by the Stoics or the
“Absolute I” posited by the early Fichte.
Note that N does not imply that there are no abstract objects, such as Quine’s
sets, Armstrong’s universals, Tooley’s laws of nature, or Moore’s or
Butchvarov’s values. Nor does N imply that there are abstract objects. This
issue is left open by N since my interest is in contrasting N (defined in terms
of bodies and intelligent organisms) with supernaturalism. If abstract objects
exist, uncreated by and not related in any way to a supernatural reality, they
are natural, but the naturalist need not posit their existence. Given this, (i.e.,
that if there are abstract objects, they are natural) it follows that naturalism
and supernaturalism are the only two possible ontologies. This requires us to
allow the possibility that the governing supernatural realities be understood
polytheistically or in other religious or philosophical ways that are not
explicitly mentioned in N. (Despite this, Gorgias would object that these are
not the only two possible ontologies since he argues that nothing exists.
However, since this implies his argument does not exist, we have no need to
refute it. More generally, any theory that is clearly and explicitly self-
contradictory or nonsensical cannot be counted as a “possible ontology,” or at
least I so stipulate.)
1.A.
2.A justifies N.
3.Therefore, N is justified.
4.DA.
5.DA defeats A.
10.DB.
11.DB defeats B.
13.C.
14.C justifies N.
15.Therefore, N is justified.
Some naturalists believe they are informed naturalists. But whether they are in
fact informed naturalists is not an issue I am addressing in this paper. This
paper is a metaphilosophy of naturalism, not a philosophical argument that
naturalism is true. Such philosophical arguments can be found in other papers
and books. In this paper, I am (in part) characterizing the contemporary
epistemic situation about naturalism from the point of view of a real or
hypothetical informed naturalist.
1. The first task that the informed naturalist would place on the
contemporary naturalist agenda is to retrieve naturalism from its de facto
reclassification by the medieval philosophers and, second, reverse this
“reclassification move.” Naturalism originally began with the pre-Socratics,
most clearly with Leucippus and Democritus, but also with Anaximander,
Aneximenedes, Heraclitus, Protagoras, Empedocles, Theodorus, Diagorous,
Critias and others (the two main exceptions being the monotheists
Xenophanes and Anaxagorous). Some of these pre-Socratics sometimes used
the word “god” (theos), but insofar as the existence of a so-called god or gods
was embraced, they meant by “god” a non-human intelligent organism that
was a part of and governed by (rather than governing) natural processes. The
first task is based on the fact that naturalism began as a distinct, holistic
world-view, was in effect subsumed as a skeptical subfield of natural theology
by the medievals (for example, in some cases it might appear in the
“objections section” under the heading “arguments for God’s existence based
on natural reason”), and today is “torn in half” into two domains of thought.
One of these two domains is “atheism,” which is a negative philosophy, “God
does not exist,” that is attributed to the small number of naturalists who have a
specialization in the philosophy of religion. The second domain, different than
“atheism,” is a positive philosophy which, mainly, but not exclusively,
involves using “non-reductive physicalism” as the topic or presupposition of
most naturalists who work in the areas of philosophy of mind, philosophy of
science, metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, etc. and who (for the most part)
are uninformed about the philosophy of religion. The naturalist goal is to
terminate the isolation of these two domains of thought from each other and to
reinterpret them. Atheism should be considered as a defense of naturalism
against skeptical attacks, and thereby to play a foundational role in justifying
the presuppositions of positive naturalist philosophy. As a subfield of the
philosophy of religion, atheism is usually classified as a body of counter-
arguments against the cosmological, teleological and ontological arguments,
and counter-arguments against the arguments from religious experience and
(alleged) miracles. The first task is in part to remove atheism from its
placement as a subfield of the philosophy of religion, where it is merely an
extrinsically important theory that is parasitic on the intrinsically important
theory, theism. This theistic classification of atheism implied that atheism is
important merely as a skeptical attack on theism that serves the theistic
purpose of stimulating further development of the argumentative defense of
theism. But, according to the informed naturalist, atheism should now to be
integrated with the specialized naturalist research programs (philosophy of
mind, epistemology, etc.), as a defense of their naturalist assumptions against
skeptical attacks, so that the result of the integration is a single, holistic world-
view.
If my earlier remarks about philosophy and cultural activism are reread, one
may see that they imply that if it turns out that some supernaturalists come to
know that supernaturalism is true, then naturalists ought to become
supernaturalists and ought to be helped to become supernaturalists by the
supernaturalists who know supernaturalism to be true.
3. The accomplishment of these two tasks of the informed naturalist,
retrieving and reversing the medievals de facto reclassification of original
naturalism, would result (as the third goal of the informed naturalist) in a
contemporary reflection of the original naturalism of the pre-Socratics. More
exactly, it would reflect Greco-Roman naturalism from the period from about
600 B.C.E. to the sixth, fifth or fourth century C.E., depending on whether we
wished to identify the end of original naturalism with the time when
neoPlatonism became the pre-eminent philosophy, or later, when Augustine
did his work, around 400 C.E., or whether we wished to pick an exact year,
say, 529 C.E., which is the year a Christian, the Roman Emperor Justinian,
shut down the Athenian Academy, ending officially permitted promulgation
of non-theist world-views. (Perhaps 529 is a late date, since among the last of
the heads of the Athenian Academy, successively Marinus, Isidorus and
Damascious, only Marinus, in the late fifth century a.d., clearly defended a
non-theist philosophy in his commentary on Plato’s Parmenides.) The last
significant Greco-Roman naturalist philosopher was Sextus Empiricus (c. 250
C.E.). But naturalist philosophy still flourished up to about 300 B.C.E. in the
Epicurean school and the school of Pyrrhonist Skeptics (founded by
Aenesidmus of Knossos around 43 B.C.E., continued with Agrippa, and with
Sextus Empiricus being its last main, philosophically creative, proponent). By
the time Plotinus was flourishing in Rome (c. 250 C.E.), neoPlatonism was
becoming the predominant Greco-Roman philosophy and naturalism was on
the way to being “overwhelmed.” The most reasonable estimate is probably
that Greco-Roman naturalism lasted as a vital field from approximately 600
b.c.e to approximately 300 C.E.
Q1. Why do these things exist and why do these laws of nature
obtain rather than some other possible things and other possible
laws of nature?
Q2. Why is it the case that there is not only nothing? (The reason
for formulating the question this way will become apparent when
I discuss the atomists.)
Since this fourth goal is based on the first three goals, and is the least
understood goal in contemporary times (where most naturalists assume that
theists are correct in thinking these two why-questions, if answerable, have
answers that belong to the philosophy of religion), if will be most fruitful to
outline this goal at the greatest length.
We can see why I formulated Q2 rather than the more familiar analogue
“why is there something rather than nothing?” The formulation, “Why is
there something rather than nothing,” begs the question against Leucippus and
Democritus by assuming without argument something they deny. They would
criticize this question as based on a false presupposition, viz., that there is or
even can be something without nothing. There can be no beings (atoms, which
move) without non-being (empty space). More precisely, there cannot be
things that move and fill up what had been an empty place (nothing) unless
there are empty places.
The second basic ontological why-question, why are there these things
and laws rather than others, can be answered in one of two ways by the
atomists. The universe (“the All” or “the unlimited”) is a causally
deterministic, discrete, infinitely old sequence of atomic events; each of these
atomic events, of the smallest discrete size, has its sufficient cause in the prior
state of that size (in conjunction with causal laws). The uncaused “swerve” is
a later invention of Epicurus in his attempt to explain free will; at that time,
philosophers did not know the conceptual distinction between compatibilism
and hard determinism. Further, we should not suppose they had a clear
conceptual distinction between causal laws and instances of these, as we have
today. Rather, this seems to be what they vaguely had in mind. Given this, we
can say this much: Each basic law is a regularity, i.e., atomic events of a
certain type nomically causing other atomic events of a certain type. The
obtaining of a basic law at any given time is a causal consequence of the
obtaining of the law at an earlier time. In this way, not only the states of the
universe are causally explained, but also the causal laws. Notice how Aristotle
strawmans Democritus and mis-states his causal explanation as a temporal
pseudo-explanation in Physics VIII. 252 a.32. Aristotle’s strawman
Democritus is represented as holding that “something happens in a given way
because it has always happened that way.” Note that Aristotle drops causality
from the explanation Democritus gave. If we state Democritus’ theory the
right way, in terms of a causal explanation, the burden of proof is then on
Aristotle to tell us why the statement, “for any given time t, the causal law L is
caused to obtain at that time, and it is caused to obtain at that time by the
obtaining of L at an earlier time t* < t,” is not an answer to the question, “why
does the law obtain at all times (in an infinite past)?” The supernaturalists
often respond at this point by equivocating, claiming their real question is not
“why does the law obtain at all the times in an infinite past?” but “why does
this law actually obtain, rather than some other law that could have obtained,
but which in actuality does not obtain?” which is not a question about
temporality but about modality.
The atomists discuss the two basic ontological why-questions and provide
answers (with more or less degrees of explicitness) in a purely naturalistic
context, without reference to anything supernatural or religious and without
saying the “real importance” of their answers is that they “imply atheism.”
The atomists did not treat atheist arguments, or arguments against the
religion of their times, as a subfield of natural theology; rather, atheist
arguments were rebuttals of skepticism about naturalismthat comprised one of
the fields of naturalism, along with epistemology, philosophy of the mind,
ethics, etc. The atomists did discuss religion, but religious belief was not
sufficiently interesting to warrant anything more than a few rebuttals of its
skeptical attack on the atomistic world-view. The Roman atomist, Lucretius,
discussed atheism in the course of presenting his cosmology and sociological
theory, and gave an explanation that was most similar to Democritus’ (even
though Lucretius purported to be explaining Epicurus, who himself purported
to be explaining Democritus, who himself adopted his basic ideas from
Leucippus.) Lucretius writes: “Let us now consider why reverence for the
gods is widespread among the nations. . . . The explanation is not far to seek.
Already in those early days people had visions when their minds were awake,
and more clearly in sleep, of divine figures, dignified in mien [way of carrying
and conducting oneself] and impressive in stature.”[9] In other words,
reverence for gods is widespread because people’s epistemic faculties are not
functioning properly, to borrow a phrase from Plantinga. (As a minor aside,
“mien” is indeed a word in the English language, as the translator knows but
which many philosophers have denied to me. For example, see page 900 of
the 1974 edition of Webster’s New World Dictionary, edited by David
Guralnik.)
Epicurus merely said that the persons called “the gods” were in fact
extraterrestrial, intelligent organisms, composed entirely of atoms, who were
governed by the laws of nature, and who had no influence or even interest in
human affairs. They were like happy Martians who were indifferent to
Earthlings (except Epicurus’ extraterrestrials existed in the interstices between
“worlds,” where a world is very roughly a planetary system).
Democritus did not have such a sanguine view. Democritus, who was
basically alone in his time (as were other pre-Socratic philosophers) in
rejecting religion and embracing naturalism, was said by Hippocrates to have
had a less than a rosy-eyed view of human affairs: “This man ridiculed
everything as if all human interests were ridiculous.”[10] Democritus’ pursuit
of naturalist knowledge and his naturalist normative goals was presumably a
second level interest that provided this perspective on first level interests.
(Otherwise his interest in ridiculing everything is itself ridiculous; if all
human interests are ridiculous, Democritus’ interest in ridiculing all human
interests is ridiculous. Perhaps his interest is ridiculous because it fails to
attain the obviously unattainable goal of transcending the human condition).
In any case, Democritus’ remarks on religion certainly made religious
interests seem ridiculous: he said that people mistook an appearance of there
being mortal and destructible phantoms, an appearance that traveled about and
could be seen and heard, as the “god.”[11] Since this appearance does not fit
the definition of a deity, Democritus concluded, people’s religious beliefs
were false. Now it may well be that the religious views Democritus’ criticized
were not supernaturalist views, as I defined supernaturalism, but false
naturalist views (“there are traveling phantoms,” etc.). But if my symbols are
used to represent the formal structure of his and other atomists’ thinking, so
that B (for example) represents a religious justifier they criticized, even if
these religious justifiers are not “supernaturalist” in my sense, we may call the
atomists’ arguments against religious justifiers defeaters of justifiers of
religious beliefs, and thus to provide the original naturalists with their version
of DB (where DB is the defeater of an argument B for the truth of certain
religious beliefs.).
Plato, who mentions almost all the early philosophers, never once alludes to
Democritus, not even where it is necessary to controvert him, obviously
because he knew that he would then have to match himself against the prince
of philosophers.[15]