GEOMETRY, ARCHITECTURE AND THE BRIDGE BETWEEN EARLY AND POST GUPTA

STRUCTURAL ENGINEERING.

Nupur Dasgupta

Indian textual evidences support the hypothesis of an extant geometrical knowledge at least
since the Later Vedic days, what with the references to bricks, brick making, structural activities
in the Brahmana texts transcending into focussed technical discourse in the sulba texts, like the
Baudhayana, Katyayana and Apastamba Sulba Sutras The voice of the sulbas project another
problematic, which shall be briefly discussed in the main paper. Suffice it to say here that the
marked religious orientation of the building activity stressed in the sulbas delineates the scope
of geometrical and architectural knowledge within the religious sphere. This probably leads to a
lopsided view of the real world of building technology of the context we are discussing. Yet, the
sulba texts are full of details of techniques involved in the construction of yajna citi, which, when
clearly analysed, are seen to be based on extremely precise, perfect geometrical formulations.
Passing from the sulba when we enter the post vedic phase, the literary evidences of the Jataka
tales (2nd century B.C. to 2nd century A.D.) provide casual references to wood architecture and
civic builings, supported by the accounts of Megasthenes preserved in Arrian. (a 3 rd century
B.C. Greek account quoted in 2 nd and 1st centuries B.C. texts). These evidences set the picture
straight and we get ample corroborations in archaeological remains of the period starting from
the 3rd century B.C. especially. The Arthasastra of Kautilya contain discussions on city planning
and extant lay-outs, which indicate a proliferation of civic buildings in the 3 rd century B.C. to 2nd
century A.D. times. This coincides with other forms of evidences to project a picture for a spurt
of urbanization in northern India and the Deccan. Archaeological excavations reveal structural
remains at sites identified in literary notices, in Greek accounts, Buddhist and Jaina canonical
and ancillary texts, and in Sanskrit fictional literature, especially the dramas. Till the 6 th century
A.D. we have complimentary evidences in literature (the early examples in Jaina Kalpasutra
texts, Buddhist Jatakas, followed by Matsya, Vayu Puranas etc.) and archaeological
excavations for continued architectural and building activity, especially in bricks, for civic
purposes.

In the post-Gupta period a change is apparent in the thrust of architectural and building
technology. The thrust is now found to be focused on religious buildings primarily both in the
textual references and in extant archaeological remains. A number of these treatises, or portions
in them balance from bricks to stones as mediums of building. The inclusion of astrological
calculations, predictions and strictures mark this new development. From the historical viewpoint

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this stage signifies the emergence of certain social and cultural parameters within the
intellectual domain of early Indian psyche. It also reflects the trend of organized evolution at the
levels of social and political environment, which influenced the paths of science and technology.

From the fourth century AD onwards a distinct genre of textual reference takes birth. These
consist of literature containing, besides other things, discussions of religious formalities and
descriptive details and categorical charts of different types of buildings, with little bit of technical
allusions. The purana texts and the lexicons composed during these times contained specific
chapters on such discussions. Among the puranas the Matsya Purana (1):or example, deals in
chapters on temples and houses, containing names of vastu preceptors, types of houses and
temples, ceremonies connected with house building etc. This indicates to the long established
practices concerning building work. T. P. Bhattacharya comments (2) that the Matsya Purana in
fact probably reflects a more developed stage of architecture than the Brhat Samhita of
Varahamihira, composed in the fifth-sixth century AD. Not only that the Matsya Purana daubs
more in astrological aspects of vasutvidya than does the Brhat Samhita. (3) The latter is a
lexicon work, dealing in a number of subjects. Among them Vastusilpa is discussed in chapter
LIII, Temple architecture in chapter LVI and sculpture, which begins to be attached to the
science of vastu by this time, in LVIII. Neither the chapter LIII nor chapter LVI, can be said to
come close to the technical richness of the sulba texts. Some measurements and relative
dimensions are given but these by no means comprise a complete set of rules for either
architects or builders. There is also a most interesting chapter (Ch. 57) on mortar and its
composition. This work mentions four different compositions of cementing glues, made from
natural substances. Brhat Samhita belongs to the sixth century AD. But what is noticeable in the
Puranas, incuding the Agni Purana (4) and the agama texts of South India (post sixth century
AD), tantra works like, Hayasirsapancaratram (5), etc, is that they contain mere descriptions and
categorization of temples, ranging in time from the sixth to the tenth century AD. It is evident that
the post 6th century AD times had witnessed the genesis of both civic and temple architecture in
practice and in theory, although the theoretical representation of the technology was in its
rudiments. The Samarangana Sutradhara of king Bhoja of Malwa (eleventh century AD) can be
said to have contained more details, especially on the Lata or Gujatara group of Vairajadi
temple structures. The classification of temples into nagara, vairata, dravida and bhumija are
found in found in the texts. What is most noticeable about all these texts is that they all contain a
lot about religious, symbolic and astrological dimensions of building activity. Astrology is clearly
seen to have penetrated deeply into the subject of architecture.

The main interest in this work, however, is neither in classifications of temples, nor in a
chronological listing of texts containing discussions on vastuvidya. We are interested in
discerning the scientific content of these discussions, if any are to be found. We would follow up

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 these discussions with an analysis of the social framework within which the
efflorescence/decrease in scientification of vastu technology occurred.

From this angle the paper discusses the, Manasara and the Mayamata, the two most well
known texts on architecture, dealing exclusively with vastuvidya. Neither of the texts can be
called true manuals, consisting of exact details of technical processes. We have already
discussed some more technical aspects of the texts. Let us continue with more details.

Manasara (6) was composed originally around the sixth century AD. It was later compiled in the
11th century AD. The Mayamata (7) too belongs to the 11th century. The Ganitarasasamgraha
of Mahavira was composed in the late 9th century AD, Ganita Tilaka of Sripati was composed
around 1039 AD and the Lilavati was composed around 1150 AD or the 12th century AD (8).
The correlation is necessary to note how the progress of mathematics in theory might have
affected that of the technology of architecture. Arithmetic, algebra as well as geometrical
formulations related to these two developed to a considerable extent by the 11th century AD.
The tradition of computing science had been established, which is an important premise for the
development of the technology of architecture. The other point to note is that when we look at
the actual building enterprise, we come up with ample evidence of developments. The
contributions of Aryabhata II (10th century) and Bhaskara II are concurrent with the
developments in the building technology. Lilavati is substantially complex to have been
preceded by a long and eminent tradition of mathematical research in the early medieval period.
So the ground-work of expertise was prevalent when the treatises of Manasara and Mayamata
were being composed or the magnificent temple structures were being built. How then are
practical technology and developed mathematics reflected in these two texts? One thing is
certain, that a fashion was coming into prevalence of composing specific treatises on different
branches of knowledge, especially on technical subjects. This would also be evident when we
look at the number of minor treatises coming to light on stone sculpture, iconography, chemistry,
alchemy, veterinary science, medicine and herbs, music, etc. towards the end of the early
medieval period, i.e., the ninth-tenth-eleventh centuries AD.

Glancing through the text of the Manasara (9), one would find certain chapters containing
substantial amount of technical discussions or descriptions. For example, in the chapter on
"Sanku-sthapana vidhana" or "Erection of gnomons and pegs" (already discussed, see figure - 5),
or "nagara vidhana", "Bhumilamba Vidhana" and "Garbhnyasa Vidhana". But, firstly, most of
these chapters also contain a heavy input of religious, symbolic, ceremonial and astrological
predictions and prescriptions.

Let us just observe a few examples.

The text of Manasara talks about different classes of foundations for people of different castes.
It contains rules about different kinds of ritual offerings to be made to propitiate the gods before

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laying foundations for these different castes, etc. In both the texts entire chapters are devoted
purely to descriptions of rituals dealing with Grha-pravesa Vidhana or house-warming. The
chapter on Sala Vidhana (10) explicitly deals with astrological strictures about the proper
seasons and days for the building of a sala or dwelling house. Certain months and seasons are
stated to be astrologically auspicious. The unsuitability of months and days are not due to
climatic considerations but purely form astrological points. Again some classes of dwelling
houses are stated to be suitable for certain people born under the influence of certain planets
and stars. The Mayamata contains similar notes of ritualistic and astrological strictures. We may
briefly refer to the chapters on Bhuparigraha (11) to show how rituals and astrology had
penetrated into the activity of building and how this is included in the technicalities of
architecture:

" Once he has chosen a piece of land endowed with prescribed qualities of shape, colour,
sound(......etc.,), the learned architect should make an offering to the gods accompanied by
exclamations such as 'svasti' and cries of good omen such as 'jaya'. Next he pronounces this
formula 'svastivacakaghosena jayasabdaadimangala apakrantamantu bhutani devananca
sarakshasa.' 'That spirits, gods and demons depart! That they leave this place and go
elsewhere for I take possession.' Thus possession is taken of the site."

It is a natural psychology of people that is reflected here and probably performing some such
ritual is a natural part of house building procedure in every society. But what is to be noted here
that the Mayamata is a self acclaimed text on the technology of architecture. The inclusion of
these procedures in this technical treatise makes such procedures a formal part of the whole
domain of the technology itself. And the performance of rituals by the sutradhara or the chief
architect himself adds to this dimension of early Indian understanding of a holistic technology
that balances with the normative layout of the society. Without going into further details
contained in the chapter, we may note the serious tone in which the rules are emphasised and
exhorted to the architects along with other technical details. This observation would give us a
close view of the intellectual genre of the times, in which treatises on established technology
were being composed. We shall come back to this question once more towards the end of the
article.

Next let us look into the technical discussions contained in the texts.

The chapter XII of Manasara on "Garbhnyasa Vidhana" contains some technical details
concerning the depth of excavation required for foundation of villages, towns, forts etc. and also
variations in laying foundations for houses and temples. Twelve kinds of breadth and length of
the excavation to suit buildings from one storey to twelve storeys are stated with measurements
in anguli. Relative heights and breadths are given. The chapters on Stambhalakshanavidhana
(12) , Prastaravidhana (13), Dvaramanavidhana (14) etc., contain relative measurements of the

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different parts of the constructions. Mayamata is similar in nature. It contains a substantial
portion dealing with rudiments of measurements given in ratio and relative dimensions, throwing
light on the actual construction work going on in the contemporary society. In the
Vimanavidhana chapter (15) in Manasara there are comparatively extensive measurements
given discussed for different kinds of dwellings. The features discussed include those for both
civic buildings from that of the commoner to those of princes and kings, and religious structures
or temples. The Bhumilamba Vidhana chapter (16) also discusses both types of buildings with
an emphasis on palaces and temples. It would be rather interesting to observe some portions in
details.

Bhumilamba Vidhana in Manasara gives dimensions of one to twelve storey buildings. Let us
look at the proportions of three varieties of one - storey dwellings first. :"In the small type of one-
storied building the five varieties of breadth and length should respectively begin with 2 and 3
cubits (hasta) at the top and decreasing by 2 cubits at each stage end at 10 to 11 cubits at the
base. In the intermediate type length and breadth should begin with 4 and 5 cubist and end in
12 and 13 cubits. Finally, in the large type the proportion begins from 6 or 7 cubits and can
stretch up to 14 and 15 cubits.

The height, inclusive of the plinth and ending by the pinaccle is stated by tradition of architecture
to be twice the breadth in the smallest type of one storied building and in intermediate type
greater than the breadth by 3/4ths. In the large type the height should be greater than the
breadth by 1/2. /the treatise talks of five popular and traditionally accepted varieties of heights,
like the Santika and Paushtika for the largest type, Jayada for the intermediate and Adbhuta for
the small type. And that height which is equal to the breadth of the building in addition to being
twice its size is called Sarvakamika.(17)

The above picture is thus projects a relative dimensional briefing that is left to the actual builders
to measure, calculate and decide on specifications.

Let us now pass on to the dimensions of a twelve storied building.

"From 35 to 44 cubits, from 36 to up to 45 cubits and from 37 to 46 cubits, these are said to be
(the three sets) in the fifteen (3 sets of dimensions X 5 types of height formats) varieties of
dimensions. And the corresponding five heights should be as before."

The relative measures of the small, intermediate and the large varieties are thus given. The
dimensions of heights are as before, twice the breadth in case of small type, 3/4ths of the
breadth in the intermediate and 1/2 in case of the large type, thus length, breadth, including the
height are stated. (18)

A glance at these formats reveals that the technical discussions are very rudimentary, overview
sort of summary of actual work of the architect and planner. The tradition since the sulbas

5
evidently had advanced a lot among the actual technicians and the geometric proportions
appear to be just simple guidelines for an initiate. The basic trigonometry formulations had
already been founded and grounded.

Let us now look at the pragmatic balance these treatises maintained with the contemporary
society, which they exhibit when prescribing instructions for dwellings and temples. The chapter
in Mayamata on Bhumilamba (19) explicitly states that buildings up to twelve storeys are meant
for only Gods and those with eleven are for demigods and demons. Then follows in descending
order number of storeys for the different classes and castes. Here the prevalent social order of
the contemporary life is reflected with an emphasis on the requisites of social status as dwelling
quarters are said to reflect the social status of the occupant. Chapters XIX and XXIV are
devoted to temple building alone. This is another typical feature of the times. There was a focus
on temple structures in the contemporary society. This evidently had to do with the socio-
political realities of the times. The post-Gupta period witnessed the evolution of regional
identities in which, politics and the fragmentation of political authority featured as striking in
shaping regionalisation. This has been styled as a particular feature of the Kali age by the
Marxist historians (20). B. D. Chattopadhyaya calls it the most striking feature that warrants a
changeover from the Early historical to the Early Medieval phase in Indian history (21). Temples
and their whole environment played a crucial role in the varna society in these times. This is
reflected in the preponderance of discussions on temple structures in almost all of the treatises
on architecture and other literature that contained portions on architecture. In fact the multiplicity
with which vastu and iconography became a subject for discussion in the lexicons and other
texts is a sign of this growing importance of temples. The efflorescence of temple architecture
actually physically observed since the eighth century onwards in northern and especially in the
southern India is a glowing evidence of this phenomenon.

It is also interesting to note that the medium of building temples especially, shifts from mud and
burnt-bricks to stone at least from the ninth century onwards. When the Mayamata in the
eleventh century discusses choice of building materials, in the chapter on
Padapramanadravyaparigrahavidhana, it tells us:" Wood, stone and brick are the materials to be
used for (vertical) elements such as pillars etc., and (horizontal) element such as architraves
etc." (22) This actually takes in the total structure. The Mayamata categorically states that
stones are suited only to the temple of Gods and not to the mortals. "Stones should be used for
the dwellings of brahmanas and of the king as well as for heterodox (shrines) but they are
inappropriate for vaisya, and sudra and such a building so constructed will bring about the
disappearance of Dharma, Artha, Kama." (23)

Thus the whole balance of society and social order is brought at stake on the question of the
use of stone for ordinary humans. This is most assuredly an economic and resource based

6
 observation, as usual garbed in a religious tone, typical of the early Indian tradition. There is a
discussion of the suitable stones: "Suitable stones are of even colour and are hard, perfect,
pleasing to the touch and are embedded in the earth with an eastward or northward orientation."
(24). The last specification is not scientific. But overall we have reference to smooth, hard
stones retrieved from their original in-situ position in the ground.

There is a similar discussion on the bricks: "Bricks are female, male or neuter and must be
without flaw, compact and uniformly baked; they should, as well, give off a harmonious
sound............It is well-known that a building constructed out of such materials is conducive to
the growth of Dharma, Artha and Kama."(25) The gendering of bricks appears to be irrelevant
but may have signified certain categories!

However, going back to the issue of stone medium and its restricted use, we observe in
contemporary society a surge of temple building initiative taken on the directives and patronage
of dynastic kings, especially beginning in the region of Deccan and further south. Thus once more
we are back to the actual remains of structural activity, this time in the context of early medieval
India. Quite significantly, we find that the actual artisans had resorted to the natural mediums for
building structures based on local availability of the resources. The Pala rulers patronised
Buddhism on a large scale. The phase of building ascribed to them at Nalanda Mahavihara is an
example of excellent workmanship in brick architecture. The region of Bengal was dotted with
brick-built stupas. The stupas at Paharpur, Bahulara in Bankura district are excellent examples of
brick - masonry. Somapuri Vihara at Paharpur (26) and the Itakhola Vihara at Mainamati (27) are
extensive in plan and exhibit regular lay-out planning on the scales of Nalanda, which is itself an
excellent layout plan, beautifully constructed through successive periods into an extensive
complex combining residential, institutional and religious structures. Among temple structures in
the eastern India under Pala and Sena rulers, the wonderful temple at Somapuri Vihara at
Paharpur (28) stands out as a striking example.. The construction-period of this temple extends
from the 8th to the 12th centuries.

The Eastern region style of Rekha Deul is observed in innumerable temples of both small and
medium sized temple structures found all over Bengal region. They match with the structural
specifications of the beautiful temple complexes at Bhubaneshwar, which also begin to be built
from the early medieval times, i.e., in the post-eighth century onwards. (29) However, stone is
the chief medium in the Orissa group of temples. In case of most of the more prominant temple
building genre, stone became the medium for northern India too. The important group of
temples in Khajuraho (30), the capital of the Chandella rulers, belonging to the eleventh century
and afterwards, are probably the best representatives of the north Indian temple tradition, apart
from the much later built complexes in the region of Rajasthan and Gujarat (31). The medium

7
here was most conspicuously stone, especiallt marble, of a hardness suitable for intense,
intricate carving.

The picture is quite different in the Deccan and further south. Here volume, height, depth and
richness of decoration are equally balanced. The Mayamata belongs to this genre of
architecture. The earliest monuments in the Deccan are the Buddhist stupas and Chaityas (32),
for example those at Nasik and Kanheri, Bhaja, Karle, Ajanta, at Bedsa and Junnar etc. in
Maharashtra. The stupas were mainly built of bricks while the caityas and monasteries were
curved out of natural rocks and caves. These mostly belonged to the first to the fifth centuries
AD. The architecture at Ellora in Aurnagabad (33), Maharashtra, is dated between 450 and 650
AD is probably the most advanced type of rock architecture, with its twelve rock-cut halls of two
phases of building. The latter phase had two monasteries rising to three storeys with a height of
fifty feet and with wide courtyards in front. As Nilkantha Sastri comments the technique of rock
architecture reached its culmination in some of these viharas in which 'lines are straighter,
angles more correct, and surfaces more true than any other examples.' (34) Yet the rock cut
architecture continues for more than two centuries after this. The style had developed with more
elaboration and an emphasis on rock as more permanent medium probably got more and more
highlighted. This is most evident in the Aihole complex of temples of the sixth-seventh centuries.
The temple complexes comprise shrines or garbha grihas with ardha mandapa, prakara,
gopura, dhvaja stambha. The shrines are square, circular, octagonal or apsidal in shape. They
exhibit pillared halls, carrying the tradition of relief columns at Karle hall forward. The pilasters at
the exterior angles of the building is the beginning of that Dravidian style. These temples were
constructed under the Calukya rule in north Karnataka. Percy Brown finds that with the
establishment of the temple type about the 8th century AD, the people proceeded to embark on
an era of temple building. (35) We have to read here the social and political developments that
created the foundation for what can be termed the temple-culture. It was a phenomenon true for
both the south and the northern India. The magnificent structures built at the behest of minor
and major dynastic rulers, patronised in parallel by the rich merchant community, became the
centres of cultural existence. But the south preceded the northern India in vitalising this
experience. The time was one, which witnessed the shift in political and economic spheres of
history and the ascendance of the south in the contemporary life. The progress in the erection of
structural temples continued under the Rashtrakutas at Ellora in the eighth and ninth centuries.
The texts of these times, the lexicons of Varahamihira, or the Puranas do not especially focus
on stone as a medium as did the Samaranganasutradhara of Bhoja, Manasara or the
Mayamata which were composed in their final form much later. But some of them clearly
categorised the different regional styles of temples, which indicate the development of distinct
features in stone architecture.

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In this paper, however, as has already been proposed, Manasara and Mayamata are the texts,
which have been chosen for detailed study. In fact this was deliberate as the nature of these two
texts are found to be most intensely manual-like, with some limitations. These two are like two
compendiums, entirely devoted to vastuvidya which have been repeatedly referred to in later
texts also. The convergence of the date of Mayamata and the evolution of the structural
architecture in further south is not just coincidental or accidental. It would not be wrong to
assume that the composition of Mayamata was motivated by the surge of stone temple building,
which took Southern India in throes. There are a number of political, economic and social
reasons for this development. The southern region was cut up with perpetual rivalries and
political disturbances between the regional political powers, like the dynasties of Rashrtakutas,
Calukyas, Pallavas, Gangas, Pandyas, Ceras and finally the Colas. There was constant shift in
the balance of power. Meanwhile Vedic Brahmanism had culminated into bhaktivada and
different cults like Vaisnavism and Saivism and other sects as well as sub-sects had evolved
within them. Southern India had opened up to these religious influences with great fervour. The
society was under the control of Brahmanical dharma and varna folds. The sastra regulations
influenced social as well as political lives. (36) Plitical power structure gradually got intimately
concerned with the dominant religion. Temples were built and maintained by the royal patrons
with heavy inputs of donations from the mercantile community as well. A number of historical
researches have been conducted on this phenomenon in the context of both south and northern
India. (37)

Thus temple building and its technology received a lot of attention in these times. Let us now
come back to the technical discussion and see how the actual spurt of temple building can be
related to the text of Mayamata. This text is of south Indian origin, named after the traditionally
acclaimed Master Architect of early India, probably a mythical figure or an original historical
architect of olden times, who got transformed into a myth of a school in tradition. The text
discusses the dimensions and features and overall constructional aspects of temples from one
storey to twelve storeys. We start with the simplest form to understand the manner in which the
dimensions are discussed.

The parts that make a whole complex of temple discussed in simplified form and in case of a
single storied structure the dimensions are as follows (38):

a) The pavilion in front of the shrine: It is of the same width as the shrine or 3/4ths or 1/2 in width
of the shrine. The pavilion is provided with an eve number of pillars arranged symmetrically.

b) Associated with this pavilion there is a covered passage and a covered porch linking the
pavilion and the shrine. The width of this covered passage is 1 or 2 cubits or it is proportionate
to the dimensions of the temple. It should be 2 modules long. The width of the porch is 2 or 3

9
 cubits. There is a side stairway to reach the sanctum level. The thickness of the walls of both
the pavilion and covered passage is equal to that of the walls of the shrine or its 3/4th or 1/2.

c) Then comes the sanctum, which is 1/3rd or 3/5ths, 4/7ths, 5/9ths 6/11ths, 7/13th, 8/15ths,
9/17ths or a 1/2 of the total width of the temple.

d) Then there is a detailed discussion of the different sections of the elaborate roof. But once
again the dimensions are given for each feature in a comparative and ratio format, which makes
it quite confusing and leaves the door open for changes. The different features are: the finial at
the top, followed by a kudmala, supported by a slab of stone or pali, then comes the kandhara
or groove below it, followed by a vase shape or kumbha and a subsequent recess or valagna.
The diameter of the kudmala should be 2/10ths of the finial at the top. The kumbha is 1/3rd of
the kudmala. The valagna, which follows the kumbha is its 1/3rd the dimension of the kumbha,
while the kandhara, below the pali and above the kumbha is 1/3rd of the valagna. The slab or
pali which is just below the kudmala and above the kandhara is triple the size of kandhara. The
kudmala is finally seen to be 1/3rd of the pali, which is triple the size of the kandhara. Figure - 1
(a rough diagram of different parts of a cola temple type containing all general features.).

We get a clear picture of the relative dimension in height from the description of the two storied
temples in the Mayamata in chapter 20. We shall just give a short form as all the measurements
are given in relative dimensions. The floor plan of the ground floor is stated to be: "The width is
divided into 6 or 7 equal parts; there is 1 for the width (of each) of the corner aediculae, 2 or 3 for
the length of the median aediculae and the rest are for the dwarf galleries (which join them) and
in which are comprised the intermediate aediculae." (39)

The height of the temple is divided into 28 parts. 3 units are for the base, 6 for the ground floor, 3
for the entablature of the ground floor, 5 for the storey and 2 for its entablature, 1 for the
stereobate of the attic and 2 for the attic itself, 4 1/2 for the roof and 1 1/2 for the finial. In the
diagram we have taken the height of the base to represent 2 cubits, which are said to form 3
parts out of the 28 - part total structural height of the two-storied temple. Each unit then
represents approximately .6666 cubits. The total height therefore would be 28 x .6666 cubits =
18. 48 cubits approximately. Now if we go by the width - height ratio given in the chapter 9, 1 - 3
of Mayamata and select the santika variety we find that we must take the ratio to be height = 10/7
of width, then the width is 12.6 cubits approximately. For our convenience, we have taken it to be
about 13 cubits in the diagram. Thus we have a rough two - dimensional picture of the temple as
per Mayamata rules. We have also used the rule given below that for each ascending storey we
are to reduce the width by 2 cubits (chapter 19. 1 - 2). So in our grid pattern we have divided the
width of the base into 13 equal units. Then we have reduced the width by 2 cubits for the ground
floor, which is 11 cubits wide. The first floor is 9 cubits wide, while the roof is 7 cubits wide.
Figure - 2.

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 The details of the base for a structure again is available in the chapter 14 on
adhisthanavidhanam. It says that :"The base is that upon which buildings such as temples rest.
Its height may be determined according to the number of storeys or to the caste (of the
dweller)." Obviously, the first point is that with which we should begin. The text gives the rule
that for a building with twelve storeys the base should be 1 pole or 4 hasta or cubits (1 hasta =
124 anguli = 496 anguli) high. The height of the base decreases by 6 anguli for each diminishing
storey. Thus for a 11 storey building the base should be 490 anguli high. For a two storied
building the base would be 436 anguli high. Another method for calculating the height of the
smaller buildings is also mentioned. Here the rule is that the height of the base should be equal
to half that of the corresponding pillar less a 6th or an eighth. (40)

Next a variety of different types of bases are described with height dimensions. We may look
into the details of the first described. This type is known as the Padabandha base. The height of
this type of base is divided into 24 parts: the plinth takes up 8 parts, the torus 7, a fillet 1 part,
dado of 3 parts, another fillet 1 part, the upper string course 3 parts, with two flanking fillets at its
top and bottom taking 1/2 part each. (41)

If we go by the height dimension of the two - storey temple described above and shown in
Figure 12, the base consists of 3 parts out of 28 parts for the whole structure. In that case the 3
part base, if it is of the padabandha variety would be further divided into 24 parts. Let us now
make a scale for a representative diagram. The total height of the base is taken in scale to be
representing 2 cubits. Therefore, each of the parts of the base to be made up of .0833 cubits
approximately. Then the scale for the base diagram runs according to the scale: 1 unit in
diagram representing 1/12th of a cubit or .0833 cubits. Vide Figure - 3.

However, where is the 3 dimensional stage by stage rendition of a structural lay - out? It is very
difficult to cull out the exact methods for drafting the plan of the buildings from the scattered,
brief, difficult to grasp instructions arrayed in the treatises in a singularly unmethodical manner.
It is obvious both from whatever rudiments of measurements are found in the treatises as well
as from the extant monuments, which spell glory for the builders, that the technology itself had
progressed along very matured lines, with specifications of each and every structural feature
worked out in figures and numbers. Yet, the manual stops short of giving us the actual technical
details in clear formats. No stage - by - stage process is formatted and the whole text reads
apparently like a simple description of a general nature, while actually containing some valuable
information, if looked through properly. In fact it would seem that these treatises were so
ordered that only readers well - versed in the subject could gather the entire instructions given in
the texts. Only in case of pillars do we get the reference to some details including the diameters
in some parts (42). In this paper, however, we are concentrating on the total lay - out patterns
of temples.

11
The different qualities and features of the structures are discussed and the styles have been
categorized quite on the lines of earlier texts that we have already discussed. In the section on
the general appearance of the temples there is a description of the features and consequent
categorisation:

"If the roof and the attic are circular then this is a temple of the vaijayanta type; if there are
corner aediculae it is Sribhoga, if there is a forepart (in the middle of the facade) this is Srivisala,
and if the roof is octagonal it is sautabandha but if it is square it is said to be srikara. If the plan
is square but comprises an apse it is hastipristha, if the roof is hexagonal it is skandakanta.
These names are equally applicable (to plans which are similar) but elongated." (43)

As for the other individual features the text mentions: Kesara, a forepart in the middle of the
facade; Aediculae at the level of the roof, corners and in the middle, false dormer windows,
circular or square projected roof. (44)

The broad and usual classification follows next: "There are three classes of buildings: nagara,
dravida and vesara. The square or rectangular building is called nagara, the hexagonal or
octagonal one, whether regular or elongated is called dravida and the circular, elliptic or apsidal
one is called vesara. The building, which is square up to the finial, is also called nagara, that
which is octagonal from the attic dravida and the one which is circular from the attic vesara."
(45)

The texts of both Manasara and the Mayamata describe town and village lay outs and similar
rough descriptions of the palaces and other vastu structures. (46)

We get a rough picture of the structures and the lay-out that was intended, but that is in no
manner a thorough guide for a builder. The study of these two most important treatises on
architecture or vastuvidya in early medieval India indicates that the formal theory of vastuvidya
had got closely integrated with the contemporary socio-religious belief systems. T.P.
Bhattacharya had almost touched upon this issue when he remarked that: "Indian vastu-vidya,
to the scholars (of early medieval times) meant only several canons dealing with the religious
rites to be performed on the occasion of building a house and a few astrological data for
calculating the best time for house building. These portions of the vastu-vidya were incorporated
in the Puranas, Tantras, Agamas and other works on ceremonial rites and asronomy or
astrology. These have therefore been better preserved that the main topics of the vastu-vidya
dealing with the technical aspects of the subjects". (47) It is not so much that the technique was
not understood to be important for the actual task but that it was not the topic most concerning
the grammarians of the times. Knowledge was compartmentalized and technology was left to
the artisans. Such an attitude is, however, understandable, in case of the composers of the
Puranas, agamas etc. But in the instance of the Manasara, both when it was being composed in
the 6th century, as well as when it was finally being compiled in the 11 th century, and the

12
Mayamata of the same time, the same rationale does not operate. One would like to know about
the attitude of the composers and the motivations behind incorporating such rituals and
astrological calculations in a strictural spirit. It is more interesting when P. K. Acharya, in the
process of studying the extant text of the Manasara, points out the grammatical mistakes and
the poor language structure of the text. He concluded that the text was actually composed by
the artisans, who did not have the expertise in pure Sanskrit grammar or the classical Sanskrit
language composition norms. According to him, the ungrammatical style of Sanskrit revealed in
the branch of literature, of which the Manasara is a representative, is due to the want of literary
proficiency on the part of professional architects, who seem to have been the authors of it. He
talks in general about many of the silpasastra texts, the manuscripts of which he had gone
through. (48)

What then is the frame of mind of these architects turned theoreticians, if we accept the
hypothesis of Acharya? The Chapter II in the Manasara (49) discusses the origin myth of the
four classes of architects or builders, who are born of four families of architects. These four
families are created out of the four faces of Visvakarman, the Architect of the Universe. From
the eastern face Visvakarma originated, from the southern face Maya, from the northern face
Tvastar and from the western face Manu. Son of Visvakarma is sthapati or the master builder;
Maya’s son is sutragrahin or the draftsman; Tvastar's son is vardhaki or the designer; Manu's
son is taksaka or the carpenter.

Now let us look at the qualifications required of these artisans: The sthapati is one who has the
qualities of directing, who knew the veda and is deeply learned in the science of architecture.
He is the master builder and director. Under the sthapati is the post of the sutragrahin, who is
also supposed to know the Vedas, be well - versed in sastras and an expert in drawing. If we
leave out the vardhaki, who carried out the actual measurements and works of painting etc, and
the taksaka who did the carpentry, we are left with the two chief workers, sthapati and the
sutragrahin as the possible authors of the two silpasastra texts, acccording to P.K. Acharya.
Acharya had also pointed out the opinion of R.G. Bhandarkar (50) before his own. Bhandarkar
had pointed out the grammatical mistakes he found in many inscriptions of the early medieval
times which he attributed to the efforts of half educated people to express themselves in
Sanskrit. The same opinion was harboured by Kern. (51) This assumption is supported by the
tone noted in a verse of the Mayamata, which has been quoted by Coomaraswamy, in order to
show the mental genre of the early Indian craftsmen. "Builders that built houses, thus, after their
death, will be re-born in a royal family; painters, if they make images accordingly in noble
families. Cunning and skilful builders though they should die, are friends of mine, for as they do,
they become rulers and nobles. Builders and painters taking money falsely from other men,
thereby grow poor so ancient sages have declared and shewn; doubt not this saying was in the
Mayamata book of sages lore; therefore, let builders and painters study Mayamata." (52)

13
He continues to point out the mental environment of the early Indian craftsman: "A few more
words may be said to the craftsman's religious conception of his craft. I do not refer to the
application of the craft to religious ends, but to the conception of its intrinsic religiousness." (53)
So far as this frame of mind is concerned, early Indian craftsmanship had a profound religious
and social root to it. In incorporating the astrological and ritual aspects of building program in
these manuals therefore, is an extension of the whole social and moral order in which this
extremely socially relevant technology developed. A vastu or dwelling had a very special and
personal significance in the Indian mind from the very beginning. It is but natural that emotions
and faith got intertwined with vastu technology. These had crystallised into a format that is
revealed in the texts of the Manasara and the Mayamata.

The Mayamata and the Manasara deal in large parts about an important feature of civic life,
laying out of villages and towns as well as building dwelling structures. It may not be amiss to
raise the point about the nature and the process of formalizing technical knowledge that
prevailed in early medieval India in this regard. We have actual remnants of structural activities,
which talk about the extensive temple building throughout the geographical length and breadth
of early medieval India. We also have substantial remains of urban brick-built structures at the
same time, especially in the western and southern India. And these reflect that the technology
was intact in the hands of the artisans and masons, the actual workers. It is clear that the
knowledge that received a basic crystallising treatment as early as the days of the sulba texts. It
was nurtured among the technicians, outside the domain of mainstream education system.
What then makes the composers of the treatises, if they belonged to this cadre, omit the most
relevant portions of technical details from them? Does this gap in representation of the
technology indicate some sort of knowledge-control process? Or, was the treatise meant only
for a cursory reading by the intelligentsia, who would scarcely understand the rudiments but
among whom the subject had assumed the status of some academic interest?

It seems that the inclusion of religious and astrological symbolism and prescriptions constituted
the more important part of these theoretical treatises, because the artisans were not acquainted
with these rules in the normal course of things. The technical aspects of the building craft were
the domain of the artisans and were not required to be fleshed out in details for their benefit. On
the other hand if these treatises were meant to be read by interested, educated laymen, they
ought to be sufficiently simple and easy on technical details for them to glance through for a
rough understanding of the subject. This logic runs clear apart from the phenomenon of
knowledge control.

The last quotation from the Mayamata pinpoints on the question. (see footnote 52) The
manuals were meant to be studied by the actual workmen or their director, not essentially for the
technical details but for the ritual and astrological regulations. The lacuna in the treatises with

14
 regard to stage by stage technical discussion, therefore, can only be ascribed to the fact that the
technicalities were not thought to be essential for inclusion, while the rituals were. There is a
clear implication of the creation of a stylized format of knowledge, especially if we look at these
treatises, which were declared to be focussed on craft and technology. There is also a trend of
keeping specialized knowledge under control of the specialists themselves.

A research on the tradition of the technology of structural engineering, therefore, is a matter of

studying the actual works of the technicians in the form of temples and remnants of civic
buildings both in stone and mud bricks. They still feature as one of the richest aspects of Indian
cultural heritage and are more effective for study. Rather than an exclusive perusal of the textual
sources, we ought to take in each archaeological evidence of regional example, place them
within given time context and match them up as far as possible with the descriptions in the
relevant treatise.

Stella Kramrisch (54) had begun to draw up mean proportions of the different parts of different
formats of temples in a summary form from the data in Samaranganasutradhara some time
back. The research calls for a joint work of structural engineers and the text researchers to draw
ground plans as well as bird's eye view diagrams of some extant temples and compare them
with the relevant drawings made on the basis of the textual data.

REFERENCES:

1. Matsya Purana, ed. Pandits of Anadasrama, Poona, 1967; English translation by Oriental
Publishers, Delhi, 1972.

2. T. P. Bhattacharya, Canons of Indian Art, Calcutta, 2nd ed., 1963,

p. 104.

3. Brihatsamhita, Eng. Trans., M.R. Bhat, part one, Delhi, 1992 reprint.

4. Agni Purana,Baladeva Upadhyaya, Kashi Sanskrit Series, Chaukhamba, Varanasi, 1966;

English Translation in 4 parts by N. Gngadharan, Delhi, 1987.

5. T. P. Bhattacharya, op. cit., 1963, pp. 136-139.

6. Ibid, pp. 190-195.

7. Mayamata, Eng Trans and Introduction by Bruno Dagens, 1995, pp. Iv-viii.

8. B.B. Dutta and A. N. Singh, History of Hindu Mathematics A Source Book, parts I and II, single
volume edition, Bombay, 1962, part I, p.125; T.A. Saraswati Amma, op. cit., 1999; R.P. Kulkarni,
op. cit., 1998. P.1.

15
9. Prasanna Kumar Acharya, Indian Architecture According to Manasara Silpasastra, Manasara
Series, No. 2., Delhi, 1998 reprint; Acharya, Architecture of Manasara, translation, Manasara
Series Vol. IV, New Delhi, 1994.

10. Manasara, Ch. XXXV.

11. Mayamata, Ch. IV. 1-3.

12. Manasara, Ch. XV.

13. Ibid, Ch. XVI.

14. Ibid, Ch. XXXIX.

15. Manasara, Ch. XVIII.

16. Ibid, Ch. XI.

17. Ibid, Ch. XI. 1-19.

18. Ibid, Ch. XI. 98-102.

19. Mayamata, Ch. XI.

20. R. S. Sharma, "The Kali Age: A Period of Social Crisis", in S. N. Mukherjee, ed., India: History
and Thought (Essays in honour of A.L. Basham), Calcutta, 1982, pp. 186-203. D. N. Jha, ed.,
Feudal Social Formation in Early India, Delhi, 1987.

21. B. D. Chattopadhyaya, The Making of Early Medieval India, Delhi, 1997, pp. 34-36.

22. Mayamata, Ch. XV. 61.

23. Ibid, Ch., XV. 78-79.

24. Ibid, Ch. XV. 67- 68.

25. Ibid, Ch. 68- 70.

26. M.A.A. Qadir, Paharpur, Department of Archaeology, govt. of People's Republic of

Bangaldesh, Dacca, 1980 reprint.

27. A.K. Shamsul Alam, Mainamati, Department of Archaeology and Museum, Govt. of People's
Republic of Bangladesh, Dacca, 1982, 2nd ed.

28. M.A.A. Qadir, op. cit., 1980 reprint.

29. Debala Mitra, Konark, Director General, ASI, New Delhi, 1992, 4th edition.

30. A. Cunningham, Khajuraho, Asi vol. II, 1864-65. Devangana Desai, The Religious Imagery of
Khajuraho, Project for Indian Cultural Studies, Mumbai, 1996.

16
31. A. Ghosh, Jaina Art and Architecture (Monuments, Sculptures and Paintings) from 300 BC to
1800 AD, New Delhi. Ram Vallabh Somani, Temples of Rajasthan, Jaipur, 1996. Percy Brown,
Indian Architecture, Volume I, Bombay, 1942, Ch. XXII, pp. 138-141 (Rajasthan); Brown., op.cit.,
1942, Ch. XXIV, pp. 141-151 (Gujarat).

32. Percy Brown, op. cit., 1942, Ch. V, pp. 24-33 and Ch. VI, pp. 34-38. Jas Burgess, Report on
the Buddhist Cave Temples and their Inscriptions, Archaeological Survey of Western India
volume IV. Indological Book House, Varanasi, reprint 1964, pp. 3-8 (Bhaja); pp. 23-25 (Karle); pp.
26-36 (Junnar); pp. 37-42 (Nasik caves); pp. 43-60 (Ajanta); pp. 60-70 (Kanheri).

33. Jas Burgess, Rock Temple of Ellora, Bombay, 1877. Percy Brown, op. cit., 1942, Ch. XV, pp.
86-92.

34. K.A. Nilkantha Sastri, A history of South India, Madras, 1975, 4th edition, p. 449.

35. Percy Brown, op. cit., 1942, p.75.

36. An interesting discussion on this question is contained in Romilla Thapar, Cultural

Transaction and Early India, New Delhi, 1987.

37. B. K. Pandeya, Temple Economy under the Colas, New Delhi, 1984. D.N. Jha, "Temples as
Landed Magnates in Early Medieval South India (C. AD 700-1300)" in R.S. Sharma ed., Indian
Society: Historical Probings, Delhi, 1974. Heitzman and Raja Gopal, "Temple Landholding and
Village Geography in the Cola Period: Reconstruction through Inscriptions." in Tamil Civilization
(Journal of the Tamil University), vol.III, nos. 2-3, 1985.

38. Mayamata, Ch. 20, 2-3.

39. Ibid, Ch. 20, 3-5.

40. Ibid, Ch. 14, 11-16.

41. Ibid, Ch. 14, 19-20.

42. Ibid, Ch. 15.

43. Ibid, Ch. 19, 30-32.

44. Ibid, Ch. 19, 33-34.

45. Ibid, Ch. 19, 35-38.

46. Manasara, Chapters, IX, X and XI; Mayamata, Chapters, 9, 10 and 11.

47. T.P. Bhattacharya, op. cit., 1963, p.110.

48. P.K. Acharya, Indian Architecture According to Manasara Silpasastra, Manasara Series, vol.
II, Delhi, 1998 reprint, Appendix, pp. 199-214.

17
49. Manasara, Chapter, II, 1- 35.

50. R.G. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, vol. XII, pp.140-141.

51. Kern, Jaarstelling, p. 108 ff, quoted in PK. Acharya, op. cit., 1998 reprint, p. 212.

52. Ananda Coomaraswami, The Indian Craftsman, New Delhi, 2nd revised edition, 1989, p.45.

53. Ibid.

54. Stella Kramrisch The Hindu Temple, Delhi, 1976, pp. 244-260.

18