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The United States Overthrew Iran's Last Democratic Leader, Mohammad Mosaddeq PDF
The United States Overthrew Iran's Last Democratic Leader, Mohammad Mosaddeq PDF
ARGUMENT
M
ohammad Mosaddeq is a name that evokes strong emotions in the
average Iranian. A charismatic French- and Swiss-educated lawyer
from an aristocratic family, Mosaddeq served two terms as prime
minister of Iran from 1951, when he led the movement to nationalize the British-
controlled Iranian oil industry, until August 1953, when his government was
toppled by a royalist military coup backed by the CIA and the British Secret
Intelligence Service (SIS).
The nationalization of Iranian oil was not only a blow to Britain’s economic
interests in Iran but to the very survival of the British Empire in the Middle East.
While U.S. President Harry Truman encouraged British Prime Ministers Clement
Attlee and Winston Churchill to compromise with Mosaddeq, even hosting the
Iranian premier in Washington in October 1951, the United States eventually lost
patience as Anglo-Iranian negotiations failed. Fearing that continuing crisis and
instability in Iran would lead to a takeover by Iran’s communist Tudeh Party, the
newly elected President Dwight D. Eisenhower authorized the CIA to topple
Mosaddeq in 1953.
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The release of Amirani’s film this fall, with its narrative of Anglo-American
culpability for the 1953 coup, is a powerful riposte to a handful of U.S. and Iranian
politicians, academics, think tankers, and pundits who have recently been using
and abusing history to absolve the United States of responsibility for toppling
Mosaddeq—a form of official historical revisionism that has reached the highest
levels of the U.S. government in the midst of Washington’s current maximum
pressure campaign against Iran.
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Iranian ex-premier Mohammad Mossadeq, accused of treason, speaks during court proceedings in Tehran’s
military tribunal on Nov. 20, 1953. STF/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
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Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif hit back on the 66th
anniversary of the coup in August, drawing parallels between the Trump
administration’s current maximum pressure sanctions policy against Iran and
the Anglo-American efforts in 1953 to overthrow Mosaddeq, despite the Islamic
Republic’s discomfort with the memory of Mosaddeq as a symbol of secular
Iranian nationalism.
Few professional historians take seriously Hook’s argument that the United
States played no role or a marginal one in toppling Mosaddeq. In fact, the CIA’s
covert operation to topple Mosaddeq, codenamed TPAJAX, was one of the worst-
kept secrets of the Cold War. Just days after the coup, the U.S. ambassador in
Tehran, Loy Henderson, reported to Washington a “widespread” rumor in
Tehran that the United States was behind the fall of Mosaddeq. Associates of
Iran’s new post-coup prime minister, Gen. Fazlollah Zahedi, had reportedly been
saying that Iran was “deeply indebted to [the] Americans” for the success of their
efforts.
For decades, both Britain and the United States publicly denied their roles in the
1953 coup so as not to embarrass the shah or endanger their close political and
economic ties with Iran. With the overthrow of the shah in 1979, U.S. and British
intelligence officers published memoirs, as detailed by the historian Shiva
Balaghi, boasting of their roles in toppling Mosaddeq.
Nonetheless, it was not until March 2000, in the midst of a brief detente between
Iran and the United States, that then-U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
officially acknowledged that the “United States played a significant role in
orchestrating the overthrow of Iran’s popular prime minister, Mohammad
Mosaddeq.” She described the coup as “a setback for Iran’s political
development” and empathized with Iranians who “continue to resent this
intervention by America in their internal affairs.”
Coincidentally, a few weeks later, the New York Times published a classified CIA
history of the coup that provided extensive details on TPAJAX. This history
leaves no doubt that the CIA played a key role in the coup—planning, financing,
and orchestrating the various Iranians who carried it out. The U.S. government
has never officially acknowledged the validity of this history. But in August 2013,
the CIA officially declassified a document acknowledging its own role in the
coup.
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While the CIA documents that have been declassified in the last few years held
few surprises for professionalSubscribe
historians,
for the historical reality of the U.S. role in
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the coup is an inconvenient truth for opponents of the Islamic Republic in the
United States who advocate regime change in Tehran.
Iranian monarchists who support the exiled Prince Reza Pahlavi, the son and heir
of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, worry that these documents refute the monarchist
narrative that the 1953 coup was a popular so-called national uprising in support
of the shah and expose the crisis of legitimacy that engulfed the monarchy after
the foreign-backed coup.
Meanwhile, current U.S. advocates of regime change in Iran fear that these
documents support Iran’s legitimate grievance that the United States violated
Iran’s national sovereignty during the Cold War. These opponents of the Islamic
Republic, both American and Iranian, worry that if the U.S. public is made to feel
guilty about the CIA intervention in Iran in 1953, they may be less likely to
support another U.S. intervention in Iran today.
Takeyh rejects the notion that the United States bears primary responsibility for
Mossadeq’s downfall. He describes this as a “mythology” that has been
“promoted by Iran’s theocratic leaders, who have exploited it to stoke anti-
Americanism and to obscure the fact that the clergy itself played a major role in
toppling Mosaddeq.”
Instead, Takeyh argues that “the CIA’s impact on the events of 1953 was
ultimately insignificant” and that “Mosaddeq was bound to fall” because he had
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alienated his alliessoon
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refused to
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compromise with the British because of his “intransigence.”
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Based on a deeply flawed and highly selective reading of the available evidence,
Takeyh has set himself the task of denying the Islamic Republic the “moral high
ground” on the history of 1953, which gives Tehran “an unearned advantage over
Washington and the West, even in situations that have nothing to do with 1953
and in which Iran’s behavior is the sole cause of the conflict, such as the
negotiations over the Iranian nuclear program.”
This revisionist history has become a powerful weapon in the hands of the
Islamic Republic’s opponents because the enduring popularity of Mosaddeq is
inconvenient for Iran’s clerical rulers. Mosaddeq was a secular liberal democrat
who steadfastly refused to abolish the monarchy in favor of a republic. Within
Iran, the official narrative has tried to credit Ayatollah Abolqassem Kashani, a
populist cleric who initially supported Mosaddeq and then broke with him to
support the shah, as the leader of the oil nationalization movement.
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After an initial coup attempt failed on the night of Aug. 15-16, Roosevelt’s team
used these assets first to undermine Mosaddeq by fomenting chaos in Tehran for
several days and then deploying military units and crowds on Aug. 19, seizing
control of Tehran and forcing Mosaddeq into hiding. Mosaddeq surrendered the
following day to the U.S.-backed forces.
The United States certainly did not act alone in overthrowing Mosaddeq. Britain
organized an oil embargo and imposed economic sanctions on Iran soon after
Mosaddeq became prime minister, damaging Iran’s economy. British intelligence
officers also worked tirelessly to undermine Mosaddeq with covert operations
throughout his time in office. These actions undoubtedly weakened Mosaddeq,
but they had failed to dislodge him from power by October 1952, when he broke
diplomatic relations with Britain.
British officials then helped to plan and finance the August 1953 coup and
contributed one of the two covert networks of Iranian agents mentioned above.
But British personnel had been withdrawn from Iran in October 1952 and
therefore did not play any direct role in the August 1953 coup or the covert
political activity of the preceding months.
Various Iranians also contributed to the coup. The shah issued royal decrees
before the coup dismissing Mosaddeq and appointing Zahedi to replace him. He
then fled to Baghdad and later Rome after the initial coup attempt failed. These
actions gave the coup a constitutional façade and helped turn Iranian military
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personnel and
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unlimited officials against Mosaddeq.
today.
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Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, and his then-wife, Queen Soraya, pose for the media in Tehran in
March 1953. AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
The shah had initially opposed a coup. He agreed to issue the decrees only after
weeks of pressure from a series of U.S. intermediaries and only after Roosevelt
threatened to proceed without him. Zahedi and his immediate allies also
contributed to the coup. However, like the shah, they acted under U.S.
leadership.
Indeed, Zahedi spent most of the period from Aug. 16-19 hiding in the U.S.
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Embassy
Subscribeand a CIA safehouse.
for unlimited No credible evidence has emerged that Zahedi
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and his allies organized the military units and crowds that acted on Aug. 19.
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While many of the military personnel for $2.25/week
members of these crowds undoubtedly
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The revisionist history of the coup downplays this incontrovertible U.S. role and
instead blames Shiite clerics for Mosaddeq’s downfall. Bayandor claims that
Grand Ayatollah Hossein Borujerdi—the most senior cleric in Iran during the
Mosaddeq era—supported the coup by sending a telegram to the shah shortly
after the coup praising the monarch and calling for him to return to Iran.
While Borujerdi does not seem to have supported or participated in the coup,
there is considerable evidence that two other Shiite clerics were involved—and
that they were funded and encouraged by the U.S. government. A recently
released document, apparently written by British officials in early September
1953, states that Ayatollah Mohammad Behbahani received a large amount of
money from U.S. Embassy personnel and then organized crowds that helped
carry out the coup. And the second CIA history mentioned above states that
Ayatollah Kashani also helped organize these crowds, though it is not clear
whether he received U.S. financial support.
Behbahani and Kashani were maverick, populist political activists, distant from
—and often disdained by—the mainstream Shiite clergy epitomized by
Borujerdi. Their involvement in the coup should not be taken as evidence that
the mainstream clergy supported or participated in the coup, as Bayandor
implies. And the clerics who did participate did so with U.S. support.
Acknowledging the role of Iranian actors, including some of the Shiite clergy, in
The1953
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responsibility for the coup.
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Many historians of the 1953 coup, most recently Ervand Abrahamian and Ali
Rahnema, have judiciously documented
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United States played a central role in toppling Mosaddeq. But their voices are
being drowned out by a shrill cacophony of opportunistic politicians and
revisionist scholars and pundits.
While British and Iranian actors played significant roles in the events before and
during the coup in August 1953, it was the Americans who organized and led the
overthrow of Mosaddeq, mobilizing and directing the Iranians who carried it out.
Roham Alvandi is an associate professor of international history at the London School of Economics and
Political Science and the author of Nixon, Kissinger, and the Shah: The United States and Iran in the Cold War
and editor of The Age of Aryamehr: Late Pahlavi Iran and Its Global Entanglements.
Twitter: @RohamAlvandiLSE
Mark J. Gasiorowski is a professor of political science at Tulane University and the author of U.S. Foreign Policy
and the Shah and co-editor (with Malcolm Byrne) of Mohammad Mosaddeq and the 1953 Coup in Iran.
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TAGS: ARGUMENT, BRITAIN, COUP D'ETAT, HISTORY, IRAN, UNITED STATES COMMENTS
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