Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132

www.elsevier.com/locate/jaa

On the frontier of empire: understanding the enclosed walls

in Northern Yoruba, Nigeria
Aribidesi A. Usman*
African American Studies, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-3802, USA
Received 18 November 2003; revised 4 December 2003

Abstract

The enclosure walls found among small-scale societies of Igbomina in northern Yoruba shared similar characteristics
with some well-known walls of large political centers in various parts of tropical Africa, particularly Nigeria. The study
of settlement walls of Igbomina provides an understanding of the nature of the Yoruba frontier region in the north. By
virtue of its location on the border with the Nupe to the north, Igbomina became a competing zone between rival core
polities, the Old Oyo and the Nupe, and later, Fulani and Ibadan states. It therefore seems that the construction of
enclosure walls was to counter aggressions on the frontier and protect local communities from invaders. However, the
functions of enclosure walls in Igbomina may have fluctuated from defensive to sociopolitical. The rise and expansion
of Old Oyo Empire into Igbomina from the 16th century and the formation of relations with the local elites brought
greater sociopolitical changes to the area, evident in settlement aggregation, large site size, and ceramic changes. Thus,
enclosure walls may have been a good indicator of the power of the local rulers and a symbol of cohesive social or-
ganization within the settlements. Ethnohistorical sources, archaeological survey, and excavation form the core of this
examination of settlement walls on the northern frontier of Yoruba.
Ó 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Nigeria; Iron age; Pottery; Enclosure; Rampart; Warfare; Yoruba; Igbomina; Old Oyo; Nupe

Walls have for some time fascinated archaeologists
and historians working on Iron Age materials from
Africa. The practice of surrounding settlements with
walls was very common in Africa over the last 3000–
4000 years (Connah, 2000). African city walls consisted
of enclosures, either single or multiple, that entirely or
partially surrounds a settlement. They are found in va-
rieties of ways and materials: sometimes of stone or
mud, earth, or with banks and ditches, timber stockades,
or naturally grown vegetation. These walls may have
been primarily a protective strategy from increased
competition for resources, caused by expanded popula-
tion or environmental deterioration (Connah, 2001).
The increasing use of horses in warfare in the West
*
Fax: 1-480-965-7229.
E-mail address: aribidesi.usman@asu.edu.
African savanna from the 13th or 14th century onwards
also forced many towns and cities to protect themselves
(McIntosh and McIntosh, 1988). However, enclosed
walls had other functions. It could represent a cohesive
social unit, and as social marker or status symbol, which
clearly distinguished dwellers from outsiders.
Overview of some West African walls
Prior to the 19th century, walls and ditches sur-
rounded every major town in the southwest of Nigeria,
the Yoruba heartland. The most common form of walls
were earthen ramparts, often consisted of both an inner
wall enclosing the living area, and an outer wall that
protected the farmland and other important resources
(Ajayi and Smith, 1971). Oyo-Ile, the capital of Old Oyo

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doi:10.1016/j.jaa.2003.12.002
120 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132

Empire, exhibited a complex multiple wall system that between 3 and 5 m high with a ditch about 2.5 m deep.
consisted of both inner and outer walls (Soper and The basic two-concentric wall system of Ife is similar to
Darling, 1980). The wall contained about 17 gates (or Old Oyo wall (Soper and Darling, 1980). At Ife, the
entrance), and the inner and outer walls were 18 and concentric walls indicates complex series of phases in
21 km, respectively. which the city grew up around the palace of the ruler
Two other Oyo settlements with enclosed walls, Ip- (Ozanne, 1969). A summary of the wall lengths of some
apo-Ile and Koso, are located near Old Oyo. Ipapo-Ile is Yoruba cities is provided in Table 1, and these compare
a single-bank, convex type that was originally con- favorably with those from Igbomina to be discussed
structed as a dump-rampart without a ditch (Agbaje- later in the paper.
Williams, 1990). Although Ipapo-Ile shared some Outside Yorubaland, the Benin city walls, which
characteristics with Old Oyo wall, the Ipapo-Ile wall was have been studied in some detail, would parallel to some
small, and the wall was probably not constructed until extent the Ife wall system. The wall system was origi-
the Fulani invasion in the first half of the 19th century nally built to delineate the royal precint of the Oba
(Agbaje-Williams, 1990). At Koso, walls probably built (king) from the surrounding area (Connah, 1975; Dar-
in loops and thick mud courses surrounded a former ling, 1976). As further land was taken under control by
northern seat of Old Oyo power. The standing wall was population increase or fusion with neighboring com-
about 1 m thick, and the average height of about 4 m munities by affiliation or conquest, additional walls were
(Agbaje-Williams, 1990). built to enclose the area (Soper and Darling, 1980). The
As described by Mabogunje and Omer-Cooper height of Benin wall, from the excavated bottom of the
(1971), the Owu Ipole, an important kingdom of the ditch to the top of the earthen bank, is about 17.4 m and
Yoruba, had at least two concentric wall circuits of total length in excess of 16,000 km (Connah, 2001).
wide-topped rampart types of about 3.6 m high. The In Hausaland the Kano city wall in the north of
outer wall is about 11 km in diameter with a circum- Nigeria was constructed of both mud-bricks and
ference of about 33 km, while the inner wall is about dumped earth. Early European travelers, colonial sour-
5 km across and roughly 14 km in circumference. Also ces, and archaeological study have provided some
associated with the walls were undetermined number of information on the nature of the city wall. In the mid-
gates, and forts constructed at intervals along the walls 1820s Captain Hugh Clapperton described the wall as
where the defenders launched surprise attacks on the about 24 km in length, over 9 m in height, with 15 entry
invaders (Johnson, 1921, p. 209). gates, and a dry ditch on both the inner and outer sides
Ife, an important Yoruba city, is a two-wall settle- (Denham et al., 1826). In 1902 during the early days of
ment with numerous added loops. According to Ozanne the establishment of European colonies, Frederick Lu-
(1969), the central area (original Afin enclosure now gard was faced with the task of storming the wall, and he
delineated only by roads and pathways) has a circum- admitted: ÔI have never seen, nor even imagined, any-
ference of about 3.8 km. The inner wall of medieval Ife thing like it in AfricaÕ (Lugard, 1903, p. 28).
has a circumference of about 7.8 km, while the outer The walls of Zaria, described by Sutton (1976),
medieval wall is about 14 km in circumference; the wall present a superficially close parallel with Old Oyo. The
height is about 4.5 and 2 m thick with no ditch. Modern Zaria City Wall has a circumference of nearly 16 km and
Ife wall is estimated about 162 km in circumference, and with Kano is the largest of the Hausa wall. The basic
Table 1
The Yoruba wall systems (length in km)
Yoruba towns Wall system Palace Inner Outer Loops
New Oyo Double wall 1.2 x 10.4 x
Ife medieval Double wall 3.8 ? 7.8 14 x
Ife modern x 9 x 16.2 Numerous
Igboho Triple wall x x 22.4 3.7
Owu Double wall x 7.8 34 ? x
Ibadan Single wall x 14.4 38.5 x
Owo x 2.8 8.4 17.8 Probable
Ado-Ekiti Single wall 1.5 x 5.5 x
Old Oyo Multiple wall 7.5 18 21 16
Igbomina
Gbagede Single wall x x 3.4 x
Iyara Single wall x x 2.08 x
x, Information not available; ?, may not be exact.
Source. Other Yoruba walls (Soper and Darling, 1980, pp. 61–81).
 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
design is of a ditch and a rounded earthen dump-ram-
part, above which stood a straighter, slightly sloping
face built of egg-shaped sun-dried bricks, and a counter-
scarp occasionally visible outside the ditch (Soper and
Darling, 1980). The construction of the city wall took
place probably between the 15th and 17th centuries
(Sutton, 1976). The Amina wall, which post-dates the
city wall was a territorial marker, linking the Kufena
inselberg to Zaria town and encloses agricultural land.
The wall is about 13.5 km long, and can stand up to
about 6 m high in some section (Soper and Darling,
1980).
A breakdown of the studies of these early West Af-
rican city walls shows they mostly represent large and
historically known sites. This has been the main focus of
archaeological research programs in West Africa until
recent. It is so much easier to investigate sites that are
known from written documents or oral traditions. Also,
the remarkable artistic traditions and massive architec-
ture associated with some of these sites made them more
attractive for archaeological field research. The overall
result is that archaeological work has been limited to
relatively large sites, remarkably the states and their
capitals, leaving out the outlying settlements.
It is presently recognized that small-scale societies,
especially those often called Ôperiphery,Õ were more dy-
namic than previously thought (MacEachern, 1993;
Renfrew and Cherry, 1986; Rowlands, 1987; Schortman
and Urban, 1992). Enclosure walls like those in large
political centers have been found among small-scale
societies of Yoruba in central Nigeria. It appears that
the same forces and needs, which made construction of
enclosure possible at large centers, were also at work in
the periphery. This investigation examines enclosed
walls of Igbomina in Yoruba northern frontier. The
main question is: What can these walls system tell us
about the Igbomina area during the Old Oyo kingdom?
In an attempt to understand this, the paper will: (1)
examine the physical characteristics of the enclosed
walls, and (2) explore the functional implications of the
walls as defined elsewhere in Africa, and as applicable to
northern Yoruba.
The making of the frontier settlements
The northern Yoruba frontier (or northern frontier
of Old Oyo) is part of the area that is today called Ig-
bomina. This area has also been called north central
Yorubaland. It is located in the Irepodun, Ifelodun, and
Isin local government areas of Kwara State, Nigeria.
The area stretches from the southern part of Ilorin in the
northwest to parts of Ekiti in the southeast. Before 1918
when the British colonial administration altered the
north–south border, the Igbomina extended to the
southeast banks of the Niger River up to Jebba, and to
121
Illa in post-colonial Yoruba state of Osun. Geographi-
cally, the area is in the savanna belt of Nigeria and is
characterized by flat plains, tall grasses, scattered trees,
and chains of hills (Fig. 1). The topography in the
northeast Igbomina is more rugged and hilly than the
western Igbomina. The hills, known as the Ire Range,
divide the northeastern from the western Igbomina.
The Igbomina land is inhabited by a group of people
who speaks a related Yoruba dialect called Igboona.
The area is divided into about nine sociopolitical units
or village-groups, such as Magbon, Ilere, Esisa, Isin,
Erese, Iyangba, Eku-mesan Oro, Eku Apa, and Ipo
(Dada, 1985; Pemberton and Afolayan, 1996; Usman,
2001) (Fig. 2). The people claimed to have arrived in the
area at different times in history and from various pla-
ces. Oral traditional accounts trace descent either from
Ife, Old Oyo, or elsewhere in Yorubaland. It appears
that the large-scale Yoruba immigration northward
witnessed in the 16th century was preceded by smaller-
scale immigration or, at least, ceramic emulation. From
the available archaeological data, establishment of set-
tlements in Igbomina by the Yoruba may have begun, at
least, by the 13th century (Aleru, 1998; Usman, 2001).
Based on the Ife and Oyo pottery types found in the
area, it appears that, either Ife, Oyo, or related groups
have settled in Igbomina, or the indigenous settlers in
Igbomina interacted with Oyo and Ife centers by that
time (Usman, 2001). However, if the thermoluminis-
cence date of 1100 AD (Stevens, 1978) obtained for Esie
stone carving is reliable, the occupation of Igbomina
may be at least a century earlier.
Igbomina has been described as a northern province
of Old Oyo (Johnson, 1921; Law, 1977), based on the
geopolitical division of the territory under the Old Oyo
administration. The Osin River east of Ajasepo may
have formed the Old Oyo boundary (Law, 1977; Usman,
2001). Old Oyo controlled or influenced several Igbo-
mina towns east and west of the Osin River (Biscoe,
1912; Burnett, 1912a,b; Law, 1977). It is also likely that
Old OyoÕs influence or establishment of administration
was limited by rugged terrain in the area east of Osin
River (e.g., Ilere, Esisa) (Usman, 2000). The Igbomina,
and certainly most of northern Yorubaland, is regarded
as the dispersal point for most groups of people now
living to the southwest of Nigeria (Obayemi, 1976;
Oyelaran, 1998; Usman, 2001). The pre- and 19th cen-
tury wars in the area had created large-scale population
displacement (Ajayi and Akintoye, 1980; Usman, 2001).
By the 16th century the frontier communities had
been established by the Old Oyo empire, through ex-
pansion and consolidation, the displacement of the
Nupe, and the occupation of the conquered land by
groups from Ife and Oyo-Yoruba speaking areas (Ade-
pegba, 1982; Obayemi, 1976). The creation of frontier
communities was for strategic purposes, be it economic
or political. The military importance of the Igbomina to
122 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132

Fig. 1. Post-colonial Yoruba states of Nigeria showing the Igbomina.

Fig. 2. Igbomina village units and archaeological sites mentioned in the text.
 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
the Old Oyo was vital, particularly its strategic position
between Old Oyo and an enemy, the Nupe. For Old Oyo
in Igbomina, military threats included the Nupe inva-
sions and the exile of the Oyo from their capital in the
15th century (Smith, 1976). The Nupe victory was short-
lived, however, as Old Oyo regained its power and es-
tablished a military outpost, Igbaja, in Igbomina on
what had been Nupe territory in order to check Nupe
raids (Law, 1977, p. 91). The presence of aggressive
groups like the Nupe, and the Ibariba to the north might
have facilitated the establishment of the frontier com-
munities, and the unification of the area under Old Oyo
control, providing a common leadership and defense
(Usman, 2000).
The walls
Beginning from the 16th century, Gbagede, Iyara,
Ila-Yara in western Igbomina, and several settlements in
northeastern Igbomina, were associated with different
kinds of walls from earthen ramparts with ditch, to mud
courses, and stone barriers. The practice of building
fortifications seems to have continued throughout the
18th century, as relics of town walls have been found at
some extant Igbomina settlements (Akpobasa, 1994;
Usman, 2001). The investigation of Gbagede and Iyara
Fig. 3. Section of Gbagede wall with ceramic protrusion.
123
walls first took place between January and June 1995.
The survey involved taking measurements between
points along the wall using tapes, ranging poles, and
prismatic compass. Due to obstruction from vegetation,
only about 90% coverage of the wall was achieved
during this period. Between January and June 2003,
further investigation of the walls was carried out using
GPS equipment, and with better ground visibility the
mapping of the walls at the two settlements was ac-
complished. The investigation was also extended to the
northeastern Igbomina where evidence of walls has
survived. The main concern here is to provide a de-
scription of the walls and examine their relevance to
northern Yoruba frontier represented by Igbomina set-
tlements. A more detailed discussion of the excavation
and analysis of materials have been provided elsewhere
(Usman, 2000, 2001).
Gbagede was surrounded by wall constructed prob-
ably of thick mud wall. All that is left of the wall are
banks in varying widths (4–6 m) and heights (1–2 m)
(Fig. 3). Stones and pottery protrusion were observed on
the wall, and it appears they were already incorporated
in the soil dug from previously inhabited areas. Three
main entry gates (A–C) probably with sentry, and two
or three minor entrances, were associated with Gbagede.
The width of the entry gate A, parallel to the west wall
was 13.4 m. Gate B is about 8.3 m wide located almost
124 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
on the northwest wall. Gate C is in the northeast corner
of gate B, and with its small size and absence of recess
walls, it could represent a small opening rather than a
major entry gate. Observed within the wall are small
ditches or pits that were randomly situated. Some of the
pitsÕ walls contained exposed granites that suggest the
pits may have been used in the past as water reservoir.
Gbagede is a single walled site with a circumference of
3.4 km (3313.86 m), and the site area approximately
612,360 m2 or 0.612 km2 (Fig. 4). Excavated charcoal
samples from Gbagede gave a radiocarbon result of
320  60 BP (Beta-88414) and 495  45 BP (A13053)
which calibrates to possible calendar age ranges of 1450–
1670 AD at 95% probability and 1324–1350 AD at
95.4% probability, respectively. The dates indicate that
at least some of the charcoal also forms part of the relics
from an early stage in the townÕs development, until
probably in the 16th century when the town wall was
constructed.
Iyara site is located about about 2 km southeast of
Gbagede, and enclosed by wall constructed of earthen
rampart (Fig. 5). The name, ÔIyara,Õ is synonymous with
the conspicuous walling system. Iy
ar
a or Y
ar
a in Yor-
uba means trench or ditch behind the walls of a town.
The estimated height of Iyara wall ranges from 1.2 to
3 m, and the width from 4.3 to 5.5 m. The wallÕs height
increased to about 3.3 m or more when measuring from
Fig. 4. Survey map of Gbagede wall and excavation units.
the bottom of the ditch. Two main entry gates were
identified. The first, gate A, is about 6.8 m wide and
located on the northeast corner of the wall; the second
gate, B, is about 4.3 m wide, located on the southwest
wall. Some small openings on the south wall were
probably minor entrance to the site. The Iyara wall is
associated with a continuous ditch located outside the
wall (Fig. 6). The depth of the ditch varied from one
section of the wall to another with the deepest about
1.3 m. Such deep ditch was unique of rampart built wall,
since their enormous sizes required considerable amount
of soil to build than freestanding mud wall. The Iyara is
a single-walled settlement, with a wall circumference of
about 2.8 km (2079.82 m). The limit of the site, which is
thought to be within the wall, was approximately
385,720 m2 or 0.386 km2 (Fig. 7).
In the northeastern Igbomina, there is a different
kind of wall characteristically different from Gbagede or
Iyara walls. These are rock piles and boulders arranged
to form a linear wall to a considerable height along
edges and entrances to hilltop sites. Sometimes, this
arrangement could extend for upward of 1 km or more
in length. In most places only stones of various sizes
were formed as walls (Fig. 8), while in some, for exam-
ple, at Aun I, stones and mud courses were combined to
form a wall (Fig. 9). The association of walls with set-
tlements in this part of Igbomina occurred from the late
 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132 125

Fig. 5. Section of Iyara exterior ditch and earthen rampart.

17th century, which was apparently connected with the
occupation of hill top sites as a result of increase raiding
of the inhabitants by the Nupe.
Functional interpretation
The rains of several seasons, the activities of land
ÔdevelopersÕ and farmers, have made it difficult to get the
actual picture of the walls from their remains today.
However, from what is left of the physical characteristics
of settlement walls, it might be possible to determine
why the wall was constructed in the first place. Several
studies have referred to enclosing walls as defensive
features (Connah, 1972; Haase, 1985; Lafferty, 1973;
Okpoko, 1987; Ozanne, 1969; Webster, 1975). Appar-
ently the encircling nature of some walls (whether partial
or complete), the height and width, and the number and
type of entry gates, were sufficient reason to call them
defensive.
Walls ranging between 0.9 and 1.8 m high provide
adequate protection against opponents armed with bows
and arrows (Lafferty, 1973). By looking at the design
and layout of Gbagede and Iyara enclosures one might
learn something about the character of the warfare in-
volved. The height of the walls estimated between 1 and
3 m may be enough to present some obstacles to cavalry
soldiers. Some comparative examples abound elsewhere
126 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132

Fig. 6. Section of Iyara earthen rampart.

Fig. 7. Survey map of Iyara earthen rampart and pottery collection/excavation units.
A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132 127

Fig. 8. Remains of stone barrier in northeast Igbomina.

Fig. 9. Mud/stone wall at Aun I, northeast Igbomina.

128 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
in Nigeria. The 4 m high walls of Owu Ipole (Mabogunje
and Omer-Cooper, 1971), and the 9 m high walls of
Kano (Connah, 2001, p. 43), were a response to the
highly mobile cavalry forces of the West African sa-
vanna. Also, the multiple enclosure walls of Old Oyo,
Ife, and Ipapo-Ile were designed to provide defense
against attackers (Agbaje-Williams, 1990; Soper and
Darling, 1980). With such walls, attackers either on
horses or on foot could be slowed down, while the de-
fenders rallied behind the wall to plan a counter-attack.
Looking at the nature of the high walls, tropical
African city walls were probably not designed to with-
stand artillery weapon, unlike some European military
structures in Africa such as the late 16th century Fort
Jesus in Mombasa, Kenya (Connah, 2001, p. 43). Fire-
arms did not become important weapon in Yoruba
warfare before the 1820s (Olutoye and Olapade, 1998;
Smith, 1967). Until the 19th century, bows and arrows
were important item in the armament of the Yoruba
armies (Smith, 1989, p. 70). There is a reference to the
use of bows and arrows by the Borgu, neighbors of the
Oyo, in the time of Alafin Ofinran, who reigned at Oyo
around the middle of the 16th century (Smith, 1967).
The recovery of iron points from excavations at Gbag-
ede, Olupefon, Obaloyan, and Apere sites in Igbomina
indicate the importance of the item in the area, and
possibly its use in warfare before the introduction of
firearms (Fig. 10).
Low or breast-work type of wall in Yorubaland was
constructed due to the increasing use of firearms, which
could be easily fired over it (Ajayi and Smith, 1971). The
high walls could offer considerable protection from bows
and arrows and opportunity for the defenders to launch
attack from inside. The Oyo cavalry who also used bows
and arrows were so skilled that their arrows could go
through a small opening in a wall ‘‘upwards of a hun-
dred yards distance’’ (Smith, 1989, p. 72). However, the
relationship between the two types of walls and weapons
as suggested above may not be that simple. It has been
suggested recently that both high and lower types of
walls were used in West Africa before the introduction
of firearms, and that availability of manpower and the
degree of urgency probably determined the size of walls
(Smith, 1989).
The surrounding ditches were an important feature
of the defenses. They seem to have been dug on both
sides of the wall, but usually found on the outside. They
were in varying depth, depending on the height of the
wall. Of the sites investigated in Igbomina, only Iyara
exhibited this characteristic the most. The ditch, which is
continuous and located outside the wall, may have
provided additional obstacle to approaching foot and
cavalry soldiers in their advance. The depth of the ditch
added extra height to the enclosing wall, making it dif-
ficult for attackers to surmount. At Ketu and Owu in
Yorubaland, the ditches were up to 5 or 6 m deep and 2
or 3 m wide (Mabogunje and Omer-Cooper, 1971; Ajayi
and Smith, 1971).
The construction of stone barriers and mud-walls in
northeastern Igbomina accompanied the occupation of
hilltop sites in the area from the late 17th century. Ac-
cording to oral accounts, the rock piles were constructed
to slow down Nupe–Fulani, and later Ibadan, cavalry
soldiers, while the hills facilitated a commanding view of
approaching invaders and provided a comfortable po-
sition for hurling rocks. Clarke, in 1854, recognized
similar stone piles among the Igbeti in northwest Yo-
rubaland, which he described as ‘‘innumerable small
rocks scattered in profusion and confusion. . . [this] was
the stratagem of mode of warfare resorted to when the
Igbeti were attacked by Ilorin’’ (Clarke, 1972, p. 76).
Several communities in this area of Igbomina, such as
Aun, Oro Ago, Ofaro, Owa, Aafin, Alaabe, Ikosin, Oke-
Oyan, and Agunjin were situated in a naturally fortified
areas and houses built on and between rock outcrops.
The Oro Ago warriors stationed themselves on hilltop
and between rock outcrops, from where they unleashed
heavy rocks and hail of poisoned arrows on the Ibadan
invaders (Akintoye, 1971).
Enclosure walls should be informative about the level
of political stress and inter-group conflict, existence,
threat or fear of military invasion. The Igbomina is lo-
cated in the frontier area between the Old Oyo and the
Nupe where competition for resources was intense. The
construction of walls for defensive purpose was therefore
a necessity. Warfare was a major and unpredictable var-
iable in Igbomina up to the early 19th century. Old OyoÕs
expansion from the 16th century involved taken land from
the Nupe. The expansion of Yoruba and occupation of
land may have placed the Yoruba groups in armed con-
flict with the Nupe. The incessant frictions between the
Yoruba and Nupe which continued throughout Old Oyo
period has been described as a attempt by the Nupe to
reclaim the lost land (Adepegba, 1982).
Enclosing walls may have functioned as spatial de-
marcations, social or territorial markers, and as a means
of social regulation (Adler, 1990; Kane, 1989; Ozanne,
1969). In describing Ife walls, for example, Ozanne
(1969, pp. 32) claimed that, ‘‘the communities. . . must
have had a more elaborate social structure than that of
autochthonous hamlets of early life. The fact of building
a wall indicated a single though probably segmented,
polity, in which relations must have been carefully or-
dered.’’ By demarcating a groupÕs ÔplaceÕ in the envi-
ronment, a boundary becomes a symbol of the social
and political group (Wilson, 1988, p. 60) and may
function to reinforce its identity. The fact that residen-
tial groups chose to demarcate their settlements with
walls implies that the space and its contents were highly
valued (Tringham, 1972, p. 470).
Some local elites in Igbomina may have taken ad-
vantage of their strategic location and relation with Old
 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132 129

Fig. 10. Excavated metal points from Igbomina.

Oyo to aggrandize power. Initially, newly emergent local
rulers may rely on contacts with core elites to establish
their power especially through affinal ties. The increas-
ing waves of migration into northern Yorubaland fol-
lowing the establishment of Old OyoÕs authority, and the
need for land to settle, may have led to immigrant
groups appealing to the local elites who acted as the
custodian of the stateÕs conquered territory. Local chiefs
then became the rallying point for these immigrants, and
could use these circumstances to promote and consoli-
date authority and power. By the 17th century, while the
Igbomina was in the Old Oyo Empire, the Old Oyo
authority boosted the prestige of Olupo, a local political
elite, by using him as local superintendent of Oyo in-
terests in Igbominaland (Akintoye, 1971). The character
of Gbagede enclosure may be related to the sociopolit-
ical importance of the settlement as a ÔcapitalÕ or head
town where the ruler, Olupo, resided (Elphinstone,
130 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
1921). The Gbagede and Iyara walls may have political
connotations, such as the presence of a highly valued
political institution, and as an enhancement of privacy
and prestige, while signaling the existence of a high de-
gree of political and social cohesion. In such a case the
status of the inhabitants and their ruler would have been
enhanced by the very existence of the enclosure walls.
Changes in the size and shape of enclosures through
time may also reflect similar changes in the settlement
(Connah, 2001). It is assumed that a reconstruction of the
history of a settlementÕs walls may provide some under-
standing of the development of the settlement. While there
are no data from Igbomina to test the sequence of walls
development, what is known from dated charcoal is that
construction of walls and ditches may have followed the
large-scale immigration into Igbominaland in the 16th
century. Elsewhere in Africa attempts to address such is-
sue have been very successful (Connah, 1975; Ozanne,
1969; Quarcoopome, 1993; Soper and Darling, 1980;
Sutton, 1976). The archaeological study of the remains of
the Kano city wall by Moody, for example, identified
three phases of growth in the wall system: in the 11th and
12th century AD, the late 15th century, and the 17th
century; a sequence documenting the growing size and
importance of the city as the second millennium AD
progressed (Moody, 1967).
Wall enclosure implies the presence of centralized di-
rection, collective effort, labor availability, and resource
surplus. The construction of the vast network of Benin
city walls, for example, would required at least
150,000,000 person hours of work over a period of several
centuries (Darling, 1984). The digging of the ditches at
Bigo in Uganda would have required the removal of over
200,000 cubic meters of earth and rock, which implies
several men hours of work (Posnansky, 1969). It is very
likely that the Gbagede and Iyara walls would require
workers smaller than those suggested above and shorter
period of construction. However, regional centers can
encourage local population concentrations, while politi-
cal elites may coerce people to live nearby, where they can
be watched more easily and be better controlled (Cowgill,
1975). Such large population could provide labor for
public works (e.g., walls, ditches), for craft production,
could be taxed, and could be organized for defensive
purposes (Anderson, 1990). Whatever the situation in
Igbomina, the enclosure walls in Igbomina, like in the
large centers, were major projects that would have re-
quired discipline and planning, as well as a respectable
leader with the ability to marshal the labor and provide
food while the work was in progress.
Discussion and conclusion
The study of site enclosures in Igbomina reveals how
an architectural feature might have functioned in regard
to prehistoric social relations. The exigencies of security
on the one hand may have prompted the walls. Old
OyoÕs expansion into northern Yoruba in the 16th cen-
tury and the creation of frontier (or periphery) settle-
ments to cater for OyoÕs interest provided the
foundation for hostilities. One important problem faced
by Oyo expansionism was how to defend and protect the
newly established frontiers from external incursions. The
Igbomina was strategically important to Old Oyo, at
least in terms of military security. Its location between
the Nupe and Oyo had the advantage of protecting
OyoÕs northern frontier from the Nupe, and probably
ensure access to northern goods, such as horses (Obay-
emi, 1976).
Equitable alliances, more or less, between social
groups can resolve the problems faced by threatened
populations (Gregor, 1990). It seems likely therefore
that the cooperation by Old Oyo with the Yoruba local
elites in the area of the Nupe must have been greatly
stimulated by the need to unite to face Nupe aggression,
which persisted until the end of the Old Oyo suzerainty
in the late 18th century. The communities may have
considered cooperation with Old Oyo as advantageous,
as their own defense would have been assured (Obayemi,
1976). The organization of Old Oyo Empire, based on
the ÔperipheryÕ or ÔprovincialÕ system, made warfare
possible. Resources were mobilized, often with the
blessing and outright assistance of local chiefs, and with
the expectation that they would serve as allies to provide
support, including food and warriors, should the state
be attacked (Law, 1977).
The competitive milieu between Old Oyo and Nupe,
which led to the consolidation of Igbomina under the
Old Oyo, may have stimulated rapid sociopolitical
changes in the area. The increased occupation of Igbo-
mina from the 16th century following the Old Oyo ex-
pansion is accompanied by changes in the frequency and
distribution of pottery motifs (Usman, 2000). The
presence of large numbers of Old Oyo pottery decorative
motifs, such as snail shell in western Igbomina, indicates
not only the contribution of new social groups but also
the dominance of certain social groups over others
(Usman, 2000). The prevalence of Oyo pottery decora-
tive motifs in Igbomina may suggest the important role
played by Oyo elements in the society. The ceramic de-
sign changes and enclosure walls may be physical man-
ifestations of these internal changes in the periphery.
Wall enclosures should be able to provide informa-
tion on cultural identity and cultural relationships,
specifically from similarities in design, materials, and
constructional methods (Connah, 2001). The Gbagede
and Iyara enclosures had in common certain character-
istics with other Yoruba and non-Yoruba walls such as
Old Oyo, Ife, Ijebu, Ipapo-Ile, Owu, and Benin. Com-
mon to all of these are the characteristics of the enclo-
sures, consisting of earthen ramparts or mud-built wall,
 A.A. Usman / Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23 (2004) 119–132
entry gates, ditches, etc. Yet, such closeness in settlement
walls may suggest clearly indigenous affiliation and
cultural similarities. The differences in the walls of Ig-
bomina and those of the large centers are in size or scale,
and depended on factors such as, the population of the
town, the intensity of the pressure necessitating con-
struction, and the influence of the ruler or war leader
who directed the project (Darling, 1984; Ojo, 1966;
Posnansky, 1969).
The Gbagede and Iyara are single wall system con-
structed of mud and earthen ramparts with ditches
placed inside or outside the wall. At Gbagede, several
small ditches or pits are located arbitrarily inside the
wall. The single ditch at Iyara is continuous, deeper,
concentric, and located outside of the wall. The differ-
ences in the ditches between the two sites may be func-
tional. The cultural deposit of Iyara is not yet well
understood. This is a result of limited excavation at the
site compared to Gbagede. Oral tradition from Ajasepo
and itÕs environ suggests that Iyara was a war camp
founded by one Balogun Adelani, a warrior from Old
Oyo. Although there is no concrete evidence to back this
claim, the Yoruba armies often constructed war camps
which both in their defenses and the laying out of houses
and farms took on the appearance of settled towns
(Ajayi and Smith, 1971, p. 28). Whatever the case, the
impressive nature of the Iyara wall indicates that its
construction was oriented towards meeting the defensive
needs of the 17th century.
Finally, the encircling nature of walls, ditches, and
excavated ÔweaponsÕ of war suggests a climate of hostility
and help defined the Yoruba northern frontier. The Ig-
bomina may have constructed enclosed walls and evolved
towards increased ÔcentralizedÕ control and ÔhierarchyÕ in
reaction to the aggressive Nupe on its borders. Thus, like
Benin, Old Oyo, Ife, Kano, and Bigo walls, the Igbomina
wall enclosures are testimony of the power of their rulers,
and indicative of a cohesive social organization in the
area. It is possible that warfare, exemplified by the wall
systems, suggests the collapse of a system of balanced but
competing Yoruba and Nupe polities.
Acknowledgments
The research work reported here is part of the Ig-
bomina project funded by the Wenner-Gren Foundation
(1994/95, 2002/03) and the Balantine Fund (1994/95). I
am highly indebted to the following people who assisted
in various aspects of the research: Jonathan Aleru, and
Raphael Alabi of the University of Ibadan, and Kayode
Adewusi of National Museum, Esie. My thanks also go
to the National Commission for Museums and Monu-
ments for providing me with a research permit and
laboratory space.
131
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