An Identity Based On Being Different: A Focus On Biethnic Individuals in Japan

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An identity based on being different: A focus on Biethnic individuals in Japan
Article in International Journal of Intercultural Relations · November 2007

DOI: 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2007.05.001
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International Journal of Intercultural Relations

31 (2007) 633–653
www.elsevier.com/locate/ijintrel
An identity based on being different: A focus on

Biethnic individuals in Japan
Sara Oikawa, Tomoko Yoshida
Keio University, Raiousha Room 608, 4-1-1 Hiyoshi, Kohoku-ku, Yokohama-shi 223-8521, Japan
Abstract
Three focus groups of Biethnic1 individuals who, for the most part, grew up in Japan were
conducted. A total of 13 Biethnic individuals participated. Cooley’s Looking-glass Self Theory was
used as our theoretical framework. Cooley argued that in the same way we look into a mirror to
discover our appearance, we see ourselves through the eyes of other people. Therefore, other people’s
reactions largely influence the way we see ourselves. This hypothesis was supported by our focus
group data; all respondents regarded themselves as Biethnic only after others pointed it out to
them.
Our results were in some ways similar to existing Biracial identity models. We, too, found that
there were multiple responses to being Biracial. We called them: Unique Me, Model Biethnic, and
Just Let Me Be Japanese. Like other researchers, we also found that various factors were influential
in shaping Biracial identity. Ethnicity of the non-Japanese parent, family structure, and living
environment seemed to have largely shaped our respondents’ experiences.
r 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Biracial/Biethnic identity; Multiracial/multiethnic identity; Cooley’s Looking-glass Self Theory;

Doubles; Marginality; Focus group
Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: oikawa.sirite@gmail.com (S. Oikawa), tyisogai@fbc.keio.ac.jp (T. Yoshida).
1
The term ‘‘Biethnic’’ was chosen because we are referring to individuals who have parents of different
ethnicities. In Japan, these individuals are called ‘‘Halfs.’’ Some, however, argue that this makes them sound like
they are only half a person and therefore suggest using the term ‘‘Doubles’’ as they are not only Japanese but also
another ethnicity (Life, 1995). Perhaps because of the familiarity as well as the positive image associated with the
term ‘‘Half’’ in Japan, we have found that some Biethnic individuals have a strong negative reaction to the term
‘‘Doubles’’ and prefer the term ‘‘Half.’’ We chose the term ‘‘Biethnic’’ as we thought it was more neutral. As the
literature in this field, however, uses the term ‘‘Biracial’’ more often, this paper will use the term ‘‘Biracial’’ and
‘‘Biethnic’’ interchangeably.
0147-1767/$ - see front matter r 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ijintrel.2007.05.001
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634 S. Oikawa, T. Yoshida / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 31 (2007) 633–653
1. Introduction
I don’t know where I come from. When people ask me, I have to stop and wonder
what it is they really want to know about me. Do they want to know where I was
born, where I grew up, where I have lived as an adult, where I live now? It troubles
me to be so scattered, so fragmented, so far removed from a center. I am all and I am
nothing. At the same time. (Danquah, 1998, p. 99)
With the world becoming more global, many individuals are finding themselves growing
up in the interstices of cultures. Some are born in their passport countries and later move
to another country while others are born and raised outside of their passport countries
(Schaetti, 1999). Some maintain their original nationality while others do not. For these
individuals, understanding and constructing their identity is often very complex (Bennett,
1993; Seelye & Wasilewski, 1979, 1996; Wasilewski, 1982; Yoshida-Isogai, Hayashi, &
Uno, 1999).
Another group of individuals who live in a culturally complex world has grown in recent
years, that is, the number of multiethnic individuals. The number of interracial marriages
in the US has increased greatly. It grew from 310,000 in 1970 to 1,161,000 in 1992
(US Census Bureau, 1993). It expanded from being only 0.7% of all marriages in 1970 to
becoming 4.9% of all marriages in 2000 (US Census Bureau, 2000). Japan followed a
similar pattern. The number of international marriages in Japan in 2004 was seven times
that in 1970 (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, 2005). The number of Biracial and
multiracial individuals seems to be increasing dramatically in Japan as it is in the rest of the
world.
According to Erikson (1968) one of the most important tasks for adolescents is to
establish their identities. For multiethnic individuals, however, this struggle can be
considerably more complicated than for those with a single ethnicity (Gibbs, 1987;
Herring, 1992; Ladner, 1984; Sebring, 1985). Multiethnic individuals often feel pressured
to choose one ethnicity over the other, yet when they do, they feel guilty about their choice
(Poston, 1990). Some are forced to identify with the minority ethnicity (Nash, 1995), while
others are rejected by both.
I knew that I wasn’t white. I never had any desire to be white. I knew that whites
would probably view me as a Negro. But trying to be a Negro among Negroes was a
constant struggle. (Weisman, 1996, p. 153)
Some feel pressured to identify with an ethnic group based on their appearance, even
when they do not have any connection to that ethnicity. For example, a black American
and Japanese Biracial writer writes ‘‘occasionally I would be Puerto Rican or even
Polynesian because of my looks’’ (Thornton, 1996, p. 102). Still others feel they do not
belong to any preexisting cultures.
One and one don’t necessarily add up to two. Cultural and racial amalgams create a
third, wholly indistinguishable category where origin and home are indeterminate.
(O’Hearn, 1998, p. xiv)
Although many studies have examined Biracial identity development (e.g., Kerwin &
Ponterotto, 1993; McRoy & Freeman, 1986; Nishimura, 1998; Poston, 1990; Winn &
Priest, 1993), these studies have almost exclusively examined Caucasian American and
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S. Oikawa, T. Yoshida / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 31 (2007) 633–653 635
African American Biracials. In fact, Biracials have often been defined as those with one
black parent and one white parent (e.g., Rockquemore, 1998).
As Asians were often seen as one racial group in the USA, combinations of different
Asian groups were not considered Biracial and have not been studied. Therefore, very few
studies have examined such populations as Chinese-Japanese and Korean-Japanese
Biethnic individuals living in Japan. In other words, the experiences of different types of
Biethnic children remain largely unknown. This study seeks to fill this gap. It is unique in
the population that it examines (i.e., Japanese and Other Biethnic Individuals) and also in
the environment in which this population lives (i.e., Japan is a relatively closed society with
a dominant paradigm of homogeneity). This section will first introduce Cooley’s Looking-
glass Self Theory as our theoretical framework. This will then be followed by a brief review
of the literature on Biracial identity models. Finally, an overview of the minority
experience in Japan is provided.
1.1. Theoretical framework
Cooley’s (1902) Looking-glass Self Theory was used as our theoretical framework.
Cooley (1902) argues that an individual and society do not exist separately, but rather that
one is the product of the other: ‘‘each to each a looking-glass reflects the other that doth
pass’’ (p. 184). In the same way we discover our appearance through our reflection in a
mirror, we learn about our personality by looking at the reaction of others. If many people
flock around us, we think we are popular. If people laugh at our jokes, we think we
are funny. In other words, the way we see ourselves is strongly influenced by the way others
see us.
Although many studies have examined Cooley’s Looking-Glass Self Theory, the results
have been mixed (Hensley, 1996; Yeung & Martin, 2003). Yeung and Martin (2003) argued
that one of the reasons for this incongruence was that many of the studies were
experimental designs in which the variables manipulated were too artificial to create the
looking-glass effect. They argued that the best way to examine this theory was in a natural
setting with longitudinal data on a fairly impressionable age group. Yeung and Martin’s
(2003) study of individuals living in urban communes fulfilled these conditions and
supported the hypothesis.
Similarly, Biethnic individuals living in a relatively homogeneous society like Japan,
with foreigners making up only 1% of the population (Statistics Bureau, 2006), provide an
ideal natural setting for examining this theory. Because Biethnic individuals will naturally
stand out for being different in a society like Japan, being Biethnic is the independent
variable. Society’s reactions to the Biethnic individual compose the first set of dependent
variables and the individual’s responses to society’s reactions make up the second set. By
interviewing teenagers to young adults we were hoping to better understand the
mechanism between identity formation and society.
1.2. Biracial identity models
Although many racial identity development models exist (e.g., Atkinson, Morten, & Sue,
1979; Atkinson & Sue, 1993; Cross, 1987, 1995; Helms, 1990, 1995), these models explain
how monoethnic individuals develop their ethnic identity. For example, Cross’s (1987,
1995) model explains how African Americans develop their ethnic identity, while Morten
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and Atkinson (1983) try to show how (single-ethnicity) minorities, in general, develop their
identities. As these models do not capture the struggles experienced by Biethnic individuals
who must constantly negotiate between their two ethnicities, scholars have created Biracial
identity models to describe their experiences.
Some Biracial identity models described a series of stages that individuals go through in
succession (e.g., Kerwin & Ponterotto, 1995; Kich, 1992; Poston, 1990). For example,
Poston’s (1990) model suggested that Biracial individuals go through the following five
stages: personal identity, choice of group categorization, enmeshment/denial, appreciation,
and integration. The final goal was to feel pride in one’s racial and cultural identity
(Sue, 1981).
According to Poston (1990), young children first develop a personal identity that is more
or less independent of their ethnicity. At this point they see themselves as a person, not
necessarily as a member of an ethnic group. Choice of group categorization refers to the
external pressure to choose an ethnic identity. Many Biethnic individuals are constantly
asked the question ‘‘What are you?’’ forcing them to choose one ethnicity over the other
(Nash, 1995; Williams, 1996). Choosing one ethnic group can feel like a choice between
one’s parents—choosing one can feel like a rejection of the other. Their peers, family
members or society as a whole can pressure them to choose one ethnicity. Choice can also
be affected by the status of the parents’ ethnic group within the school or community
(status factors), parents’ attitudes (social support factors) and personal factors such as one’s
appearance, language competence and knowledge about one’s ethnicity (Hall, 1980). For
example, a child might choose to ‘‘be’’ African American because she lives in a primarily
African American community (status factors), because her parents have raised her to be
proud of her African American heritage (social support factors), or because she ‘‘looks’’
African American and others think of her as African American (personal factors).
During the Enmeshment/Denial stage, the child feels guilty that the identity she chose
might not include their entire ethnic heritage. During the Appreciation Stage, the
individual continues to identify with one ethnic group but starts to appreciate
characteristics of the other. Finally, in the Integration Stage, the individual is able to
appreciate both ethnicities.
Wardle’s (1992) Ecological and Developmental model is also based on the idea of
progression through stages. What makes it unique is that it places equal importance on
external variables (ecological factors) that influence the individual’s experiences. Wardle
(1992) argues that there are two stages. The first one is the early stage (ages 3–7) when
children start to explore physical differences between themselves and others. During this
stage, they might note that their skin color, eye shape, or hair texture is different (Derman-
Sparks, 1989; Goodman, 1964; Katz, 1982). During this period, they become more aware
of how society perceives racial differences and how they label the different groups
(Brandell, 1988; McRoy & Freeman, 1986; Wardle, 1988b). During the second stage
(adolescence) they must negotiate between the way they perceive themselves and the way
society perceives them.
Wardle (1992) argues that various ecological factors influence whether the Biracial
individual is able to ‘‘successfully’’ complete the two stages. The five factors are: minority
context, majority context, family, community, and group antagonism. As Wardle’s model
defines a Biracial as the offspring of one white parent and one minority parent, minority
context refers to the cultural attributes of the minority parent while majority context refers
to the cultural attributes of the white parent. Family refers to various ways in which the
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family impacts the child’s identity, for example, their attitude toward Biracial identity,
their parenting style, their parenting competence, and whether or not their family is
divorced. Group antagonism refers to the negative racial tensions that exist between the two
ethnic groups. Community refers to the school, church, peers, and neighbors.
Some researchers (e.g., Root, 1996; Wallace 2001) argue that identity does not follow a
linear progression. For example, Root’s model suggests that there are four ways in which
Biracial individuals can feel comfortable crossing racial borders. She argues that
individuals can ascribe to more than one pattern and that the patterns are not in linear
order. The four are: (a) having or merging multiple perspectives; she calls this having
‘‘both feet in both groups’’ (p. xxi, italics in the original); (b) bringing one ethnic identity
to the foreground while leaving the other in the background depending on the context;
(c) a conscious decision to be on the border, to be ‘‘multiracial;’’ and (d) identifying mainly
with one identity but moving into others when necessary.
Clearly, Biracial identity formation has been a well-explored topic in the USA. One
limitation, as mentioned earlier, is that most studies were based on the black–white
paradigm. Whether these models also describe the experiences of Biracial individuals living
in Japan is unknown. Japan, as a cultural context, tends to be a fairly closed one that is
wary of anyone who is different. The following section describes the cultural context that
surrounds cultural and ethnic minorities in Japan.
1.3. Experiences of ‘‘Otherness’’ in Japan
Although many minorities have existed throughout the history of Japan (e.g., Ainu,
Burakumin, Chinese, Koreans), there is an expectation of homogeneity and conformity
among those who live in Japan (Sugimoto, 1997; Weiner, 1997). For this reason, those who
differ in terms of lineage, culture, or nationality are considered less ‘‘Japanese’’ or even
‘‘non-Japanese’’ (Fukuoka, 2000) and can experience many difficulties. This section will
introduce the experiences of a few ‘‘minority’’ groups in Japan. The intention is not to
provide a thorough discussion of all ‘‘minority’’ groups in Japan but to describe how those
who are different in any way tend to be treated differently in Japan.
Japanese returnees are a good case in point. Returnees are Japanese who grew up
outside of Japan. In terms of lineage and nationality they are Japanese but culturally they
are mixed. Returnees can often be identified by the way they walk, talk, dress, or behave
(Kidder, 1992). Recent studies have shown that the pressure to conform to society is still
strong and that many feel different or even ostracized by society (e.g., Kanno, 2000;
Yoshida et al., 2002). Yoshida et al. (2002), however, suggests that conditions are
improving with recent returnees less likely to feel different and less likely to experience
adjustment difficulties compared to those who returned many years ago. Yoshida et al.’s
(2003) study on peers of returnees also found that younger Japanese seemed to be more
accepting of differences.
Another group that is Japanese by lineage and nationality but has the ‘‘other’’ status in
Japan is the Japanese orphans who were left behind in China during World War II
(WWII). Many Japanese who were left behind in China could not return to Japan until
about 1972 when the relationship between China and Japan improved (Nakanishi, 2001).
As it has been over 60 years since the end of WWII, many of these individuals have
children and grandchildren who were born and raised in China and are now returning to
Japan. As many of these individuals grew up in China, culturally and linguistically they
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were Chinese. As a result, many have a hard time getting along with their Japanese peers,
causing feelings of isolation, sometimes even resulting in them dropping out of school
(Nakanishi, 2001).
Yet another group is the Koreans who emigrated to Japan, some of them forcibly
removed from their homeland after Japan annexed Korea in 1910 (De Vos, Wetherall, &
Stearman, 1983; Fukuoka, 2000). Overt discrimination such as name calling, refusal to sit
next to Korean children, and ostracization are still reported at schools (Iwata, 2001).
Although conditions are improving, according to Korean male adolescents who were
recently surveyed, 42% claimed to have experienced some form of discrimination
(Fukuoka & Kim, 1997). Discrimination continues into their adult years as many Japanese
companies only hire Japanese, preventing these individuals who are linguistically and
culturally ‘‘Japanese’’ from entering many companies (De Vos, Wetherall, & Stearman,
1983; Fukuoka, 2000; Sugimoto, 1997).
Due to a shortage in the labor force, starting in the 1990s, the Japanese government gave
priority to nikkeijin (individuals of Japanese descent) over other immigrants to work in
Japan (Roth, 2002). This coupled with a severe economic depression in Brazil, led to an
influx of Brazilian-Japanese moving to Japan (Gunde, 2004). Again, these individuals, by
lineage, are Japanese but are culturally, linguistically, and nationality-wise Brazilian. For
this population, problems with neighbors, employers, cultural conflict, and discrimination
abound (e.g., Kawamura, 2000; Maeda, 2006; Murata, 2001). Identity is also an issue as
many came to Japan thinking they were Japanese only to be called a gaijin (foreigner)
(Kawamura, 2000; Kojima, 2006). The experiences of all the above groups together suggest
that Japan is a closed society that is sensitive to anyone who is different in any way.
In addition to the above-mentioned groups, Japan is now experiencing an increase of
foreigners living in Japan and many of them are marrying Japanese and having children in
Japan. Few studies have examined the experiences of multiethnic individuals in Japan. We
found a few articles (e.g., Adachi, 1986; Murphy-Shigematsu, 2000; Takino, 1999) and a
video (Life, 1995) that described the experiences of a few Biethnic individuals, but we were
not able to find any systematic study of multiethnic individuals in Japan. This study seeks
to fill this gap.
2. Method
2.1. Focus group as a method
According to Morgan (1997), a focus group is ‘‘a research technique that collects data
through group interaction on a topic determined by the researcher’’ (p. 6). Krueger and
Casey (2000) add that the focus group is a ‘‘way to better understand how people feel or
think about an issue, product, or service’’ (p. 4). The use of focus groups was chosen due to
the nature of this topic. Due to the exploratory nature of the study, we thought a
qualitative study would be appropriate. At the same time, because participants may feel
uncomfortable and may have trouble disclosing in a one-on-one interview, we concluded
that focus groups would be best. Within a group of Biethnic individuals, they would feel
more comfortable and a discussion would help them share their perceptions in a more
natural way. Members in the focus groups can also ‘‘respond to each other: providing
agreement and disagreement, asking questions and giving answers, and so on’’ (Morgan,
1997, p. 20).
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2.2. Participants in the study
Four to five Biethnic individuals participated in each focus group. Although the rule of
thumb for groups was 6–8 participants per group (Krueger & Casey, 2000), we felt that the
emotional nature of the topic necessitated more time for each participant and thus we created
smaller groups. Three focus groups were held, amounting to a total of 13 participants.
According to Krueger and Casey (2000), the rule of thumb for the number of focus groups
was three to four with more added if the point of ‘‘saturation’’ (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was
not reached. After three groups we decided that we had reached saturation and did not need
to conduct further focus groups. Participant ages ranged from 15 to 22 (mean ¼ 20); nine
(69%) were male and four (31%) were female. All participants were from the Tokyo area.
Criteria for participation included having one Japanese biological parent, having lived in
Japan most of their lives, and being between the ages of 15 and 25 (see Table 1).
Table 1
Participants’ background
Name Age Sex Mother’s Father’s Parents’ Overseas Fluency in non- Current Type of school
nationality nationality divorced experience Japanese occupation/ attended (K-12)
ethnicity ethnicity languagea education
Yuukib 23 M Swedish Japanese No None No College Japanese

(White) student
Lisa 20 F Japanese Italian No None No College Japanese/
(White) student Internationalized
high school
Daisuke 15 M Japanese American Yes None No Jr. High Japanese
(African) school student
Kenji 21 M Chinese Japanese No None No College Japanese
Student
Chris 18 M Japanese British No England English College International
(White) College student school
(1 year)
Mika 21 F Japanese American No Italy, US English College Japanese
(White) College student
(1 year,
1 year)
Alex 20 M Japanese American Yes US English College International
(African) College student school
(1 year)
Yong 22 M Japanese Korean No None No Office worker Japanese
Jeen
Mayumi 19 F Japanese American Yes None No College Japanese
(African) student
Sun 21 M Taiwanese Japanese No None No College Japanese
student
Jason 19 M Japanese American Yes None English College Japanese
(White) student
Abba 17 F Japanese Ghanaian Yes US, No High school Japanese/H.S.
Canada student abroad
(1 year,
1 year)
Shuto 22 M Australian Japanese Yes Australia English Office worker Japanese
(White) (10 years)
a
This is based on participants’ self reports.
b
Pseudonyms were used to protect the identity of our participants.
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2.3. Sample recruitment and design
The Biethnic participants were recruited either through acquaintances (23%) or through
Mixi (http://www.mixi.jp) (77%), the largest online social network system in Japan.
Through Mixi, messages were sent out to individuals who belonged to a Biethnic
community (e.g., HAPA Japan) at random. Once participants were inclined to participate,
one researcher corresponded with them about the study, answered their questions and
concerns, and arranged a date for the focus group. According to Krueger and Casey
(2000), this initial contact was important in that it made the relationship between the
researchers and the participants more personal.
All focus groups were conducted at one of the researchers’ homes. This location was
chosen because it was convenient for most participants and because it provided the privacy
and the comfort necessary for discussing private issues (Krueger & Casey, 2000). The two
researchers met the focus group participants at a train station in Tokyo and walked home
with the participants. The participants were encouraged to get to know each other during
the 10 minute walk to the house and during the light dinner that was provided. The dinner
was intended to help ‘‘promote conversation and communication within the group’’
(Krueger & Casey, 2000, p. 104). It also served as an incentive to participate (Krueger &
Casey, 2000). As identity issues were very personal in nature, we tried to create a very
relaxed atmosphere in which participants would be more comfortable self-disclosing. The
interviews were conducted in Japanese because that was the language with which all
participants were fluent and comfortable.
The rule of thumb with focus groups is to use homogeneous groups (Krueger & Casey,
2000; Morgan, 1997). Our groups were homogeneous in one way and heterogeneous in
another. Our participants were all Biethnic, with one Japanese parent, were close in age,
lived in Japan for most of their lives, and had all grown up in the Tokyo area. In that sense
they were homogeneous. The rationale behind having homogeneous groups is that
participants are more likely to feel comfortable because they share a similar background
(Krueger & Casey, 2000). Although their non-Japanese ethnic background made the
groups heterogeneous, we felt our groups were homogeneous enough to create an
environment conducive for discussion. We also felt that having a mixture of ethnic groups
represented would seem more natural to the participants and make them feel more
comfortable.
2.4. Focus group structure
As one of our overarching goals was to examine Cooley’s Looking-Glass Self Theory,
we wanted to examine the relationship between identity and society, especially its effects
in a society that proclaims to be homogeneous. At the same time, as this was an
exploratory study we did not want to ‘‘lead’’ the participants unnecessarily. As a result, we
took a less structured approach (Morgan, 1997), which centered around three general
questions:
1. Have you ever thought about your ethnic identity? When was the first time you were
conscious about your ethnicity?
2. Do you appreciate the fact that you are Biethnic? Are you comfortable with your ethnic
identity?
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3. Do you think there are more positive or negative aspects of being Biethnic in a
homogeneous society like Japan?
2.5. Analysis
Each focus group was videotaped and complete transcripts were made. The two
researchers also took field notes independently after each of the focus groups. The two
researchers then jointly coded the transcripts (Strauss, 1987). Coding was done using the
software program Atlas ti to analyze the data. Codes were created as they emerged from
the data (Glaser & Strauss, 1967; Strauss, 1987). This approach was chosen because this
was an exploratory study and we wanted the themes to emerge from the participants. The
two researchers used the following criteria to determine the themes: frequency,
extensiveness, and intensity (Krueger, 1998).
3. Results
This section will begin by discussing the impact of being Biethnic in a relatively
homogenous society. Next, it will discuss the three main ways in which our participants
reacted to being Biethnic. Finally, we will discuss variables that differentiated their
experiences.
3.1. Being different in a society that values homogeneity
What tied all our participants together was the fact they were treated differently for
being Biethnic. Even the participants who looked Japanese were treated differently once
others discovered that they were not ‘‘pure’’ Japanese. For example, Kenji, who had a
Chinese mother, was embarrassed when his mother came to school. Once the other kids
found out that his mother was not Japanese, their attitudes towards him changed.
When I was in elementary school and my mom would come to open house, because
her Japanese was not so good, people could tell she was not Japanese. And I could
sort of tell that people looked down on other Asian countries. It’s not that they said
anything in particular but I somehow felt it. Until then I was considered Japanese,
and wasn’t treated differently but after that some people would make comments.—
Kenji
For Kenji, the discrimination was not overt but the message was clear—that he no
longer belonged. Because Japan has the paradigm of homogeneity, anyone who is different
in any way stands out and is made to feel foreign. It did not matter whether he looked
Japanese or acted Japanese; he was ‘‘different.’’ Alex, an African American-Japanese
Biethnic, complained that he was tired of people wanting to touch his hair or asking him to
speak English. By doing this they were, in essence, telling him that he was different from
them, that he was not one of them. And because Japan is relatively homogeneous, it is less
common to see people with different hair texture.
Yuuki, whose mother was Swedish, explained that when he was a child, he thought
people were staring at him and his mother in Japan because they were speaking in English.
After begging her to speak in Japanese, he realized that more people were staring. That
was when he realized that it was not just the language—it was his appearance. But what
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attracted even more attention was that somebody with his appearance was speaking the
Japanese language. He realized that he did not have a choice—no matter what he did,
people would stare.
When I was little I was really ashamed. Because my mom was Swedish and we were
speaking in English, people would stare at us. Actually, they were looking not
because we were speaking in English, but because of the way I looked. So I would try
to talk to my mom in Japanese but then I would be getting more attention and people
would say ‘‘Look at that kid, he’s speaking Japanese!’’ But I still didn’t get it so I
would say to my mom ‘‘Please talk to me in Japanesey in Japanese.’’ My mom
would say ‘‘No, they will look at us more.’’—Yuuki
Many of our respondents had to accept the fact that they will be seen as ‘‘different’’ all
their lives. And those who have experienced being different know that ‘‘Being different
wears you down’’ (Hongo, 1998, p. 4). Being stared at, being pointed at, and having people
talk about them right in front of their eyes in their own language (i.e., Japanese) was a
daily occurrence for many of our participants. In fact, more than half of the participants
mentioned being called a gaijin (foreigner). Along with the idea of being a gaijin were
stereotypes that they could not speak Japanese or were ignorant of Japanese customs and
manners. Being called a gaijin was painful for most of our respondents because Japan was
the only home they knew.
Back in elementary school, the kids would call me gaijin even though I wasn’t. The
boys, especially, kept calling me gaijin even though I kept telling them that I was half-
Japanese.—Jason
At work (an ice cream shop), our customers don’t expect me to speak Japanese
because of the way I look. So when I do, they gasp and bow at me. They compliment
me when I use honorifics properly. Even little kids compliment me.—Abba
Jason clearly did not consider himself a gaijin and was hurt by his classmates’ comments.
Abba’s sense of humor enabled her to laugh at such situations but the underlying cynicism
in her statement was also very clear in her comical depiction of the way people reacted
to her.
Being different meant that they stood out no matter what. Abba gave examples of how
standing out could be positive or negative.
Even if I don’t remember people’s faces, they’ll wave at me and say ‘‘Hey!’’
They’ll even remember my name because it’s rare. When I go to matsuris2 they
call my name. They say ‘‘Abba, Abba, Abba, Abba!’’ And it makes me feel good.—
Abba
(In junior high school) there were a bunch of kids making trouble and I was just
standing nearby and later someone said, ‘‘That black kid was there’’ and I got called
in by the principalyEverything about me stands out.—Abba
Abba pointed out that any time she said something different or acted differently society
blamed it on the fact that she was Biethnic. Sun as well as other participants voiced their
agreement as they had also experienced this situation numerous times.
2
Matsuris are Japanese traditional festivals held in various local communities.
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When I say something that is a little different from everyone else, people say that I
think differently because I am Biethnic.—Sun
A society that believes in its homogeneous nature tends to create more stereotypes and
expectations of those that are different in any way. Stereotypes that the focus group
members encountered were that Biethnic individuals were bilingual, athletic, and better
looking. Some of the respondents felt the need to live up to those stereotypes or
expectations by, for example, learning the language they were expected to know according
to their appearance. Abba, who had a Ghanaian father, went to the USA and Canada to
study English because people expected her to be fluent in English.
Yong Jeen mentioned that his parents were very aware of the closed nature of Japanese
society and felt that he needed to conform to society as much as possible. As a result, his
parents’ changed his name to a Japanese one the day before he entered elementary school.
Until I graduated from kindergarten I was Yong Jeen Kim and that name was used
even in my school yearbook. But right before I entered elementary school my dad
called me in and said ‘‘Starting tomorrow you will be Koichi Terasawa.’’ I just
thought that I was lucky to have two names but then I also thoughty oh I’m Koichi
Terasaway maybe I’m Japanese.—Yong Jeen
The above quote suggests that Yong Jeen thought of himself as Korean up to this point.
His parents raised him to be proud of his Korean identity until he was ready to enter
elementary school. At that point, they decided that he needed to conform to fit in with
Japanese society when he left the house. Jason and other respondents shared the same
experience—entry into elementary school was when he switched from his foreign name to
his Japanese one.
Mayumi, Yong Jeen, Abba, Alex, and Mika mentioned their parents taught them very
strict Japanese manners so that they could act more properly than the ‘‘average’’ Japanese.
Their parents were clearly aware of the closed nature of Japanese society and felt it was
their children’s responsibility to conform.
My mom felt when I get older, society would say things like ‘‘You can’t do something
because you are a foreigner.’’ So she would always say, act properly so people won’t
say ‘‘You can’t do something because you are a foreigner.’’ My mom would teach me
manners and the proper use of keigo.3 Because I’m Biethnic my mom would be very
strict about these things. So, now that I am working in a restaurant, people
compliment me on my use of keigo.—Mayumi
It is worthy of note that Mayumi’s Japanese mother uses the term ‘‘gaijin’’ (foreigner) to
describe her own daughter—someone who shares her own blood. It is also clear from the
above quote that Mayumi’s mother accepts, as a fact of life that Mayumi will have to
overcompensate in her ‘‘Japanese-ness’’ to make up for her foreign appearance.
Overall, it appeared that the homogeneous nature of Japanese society did have a strong
effect on the respondents’ experiences. Being Biethnic meant that they were treated
differently from others. Many were seen as ‘‘foreign’’ and were always treated that way.
3
When speaking Japanese, one must be aware of the other person’s age and title and change the way one speaks
accordingly. Keigo is a polite form of Japanese used when speaking to people who are older than you, customers,
or anyone to whom you should show respect.
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At the same time, some of our respondents felt quite comfortable in Japan and felt that life
might be worse in other countries.
I think racial discrimination exists everywhere. Even if I am treated as a foreigner in
Japan, it’s probably worse in the United States. Even though I’ve never really lived in
the United States, I think it’s more extreme there. Japan is not as extreme. They don’t
say things like ‘‘Foreigner, go home!’’—Mayumi
3.2. Reactions to being Biracial
Throughout the three focus groups, we heard voices of agreement and disagreement,
similarities and differences. Overall, all of the participants agreed that they shared similar
experiences because they were Biethnic. At the same time, some used their Japanese names
while others used their foreign names; others had names that could transcend several
languages. For some, being Biethnic seemed to be an integral part of their identity while it
was not for others. We felt that there were three main reactions to being Biethnic and
called them: ‘‘Unique Me,’’ ‘‘Model Biethnic,’’ and ‘‘Just Let Me Be Japanese.’’
3.2.1. Unique me
These were individuals who did not like to be stereotyped and who wanted to be seen as
unique individuals. They felt that ethnicity did not really have an effect on their identity.
Ethnicity was not a big issue; they felt that they were unique individuals. As Tiger Woods
aptly put it, ‘‘I’m just who I am’’ (Kamiya, 1997).
I stand out. The way I look is different. The way I act and the way I think are
different. But this has nothing to do with being Biethnic. It’s just me.—Shuto
When Yuuki spoke about the stereotype of Biethnics being more athletic than the
average Japanese, Daisuke asserted that there are some Biethnics who are slow, and some
who are fast. He also added that he was half African American, but was slow. He strongly
felt that people should not group all Biethnics into one category. When asked about
whether they were glad to be Biethnic, Reina responded: I am glad to be me!
3.2.2. Model Biethnic

In contrast to the first group, these respondents were pleased to be associated with the
prevalent stereotypes, most of them being positive, of Biethnic individuals in Japan.
Currently, there are many models and celebrities who are Biethnic and many Japanese
believe that Biethnic individuals are better looking and more cosmopolitan than the
average Japanese. Respondents in this category either capitalized on the fact that they were
Biethnic or wanted to look and act more Biethnic so they could take advantage of this
stereotype.
Being Biethnic is extremely popular lately. On TV there are many celebrities that are
Biethnic. For selfish reasons, I want to look more Biethnic because of that.—Chris
3.2.3. Just let me be Japanese

Some of our respondents just wanted to be like everyone else. They wished they looked
more Japanese so that others would not think of them as being different. Participants in
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this category did not see themselves as being any different from others and wished that
people would just let them be—they simply wanted to be Japanese.
I’ve always wanted to become a ‘‘normal Japanese.’’ I would constantly think about
what I could do to not stand out’’.—Lisa
These three reactions summed most of the participants’ reactions to being Biethnic. We
also believe that these reactions are by no means permanent; they may change over time or
with a change of environment. Some of the participants had already experienced being in
two of these categories.
When I was in elementary school, like I said earlier, people used to tease me a lot so I
really wanted to be Japanese, to look Japanese, but since nothing I could do would
make me look Japanese, I really didn’t like being Biracial. After entering high school,
people stopped teasing me. Now I really want to be thought of as an American;
I don’t want to be thought of as Japanese.—Mayumi
This shows how one can have a completely different thought about being Biethnic by
leaving one environment and entering another.
3.3. What differentiates their experiences
We wondered which background variables caused such different reactions to being

Biethnic. Analyses of the transcripts suggested that there were three main background
variables that influenced their experiences: Ethnicity, Family Structure, and Living
Environment.
3.3.1. Ethnicity
The ethnicity of our respondents could be grouped into three main categories: Asian,
Caucasian, and African (American). This determined their appearance and what society
expected of them and how they treated them.
For example, the Asian (e.g., Chinese, Korean, and Taiwanese) Biethnics were often
invisible in the sense that people could not tell whether they were Biethnic until they said
something that would identify them as such. In other words, they often had the choice of
revealing their ethnic identity or not. Some chose not to because of negative stereotypes
Japanese have of other Asian countries.
If I didn’t say I was Biethnic, no one would notice so they wouldn’t say anythingy
Until I was in junior high school I didn’t want to tell people that my mom is Chinese.
If I did, they would treat me differently.—Kenji
The Caucasian Biethnics were the closest to the mold that Japanese society made for the
Biethnic individual—that is, they spoke English and they were part white. While some in
this group felt it was prestigious to be Biethnic and liked the attention they were given,
others were bothered by the unfair treatment other Biethnic groups were given.
When you look like us (Caucasian-Japanese Biracial) the Japanese have this
admiration for anything Western whereas they look down on developing nations like
those in Asia or Africa. I can sense that through my experiences. So when they say
things like ‘‘Can you speak English? You’re so lucky you’re Biracial!’’ I wonder why
ARTICLE IN PRESS
they admire Europe so much and it doesn’t make me happy at all. On the other hand,
when they look down on Filipino-Japanese Biethnics, it really bothers me. It seems
like they treat Biethnics very differently depending on our ethnic background. It’s
still true today and also true in the media.—Yuuki
Jason mentioned that society expected all Biethnic individuals to speak English, and felt
sorry for those Biethnics who could not speak English. Even when the parent was
Caucasian but not from an English speaking country, there would be an expectation for
them to speak English. This made things even more frustrating as is illustrated by Lisa’s
quote below.
I studied really hard for my English tests but people thought that I did not need to
study because I was Biethnic. But I can’t speak English. I’m Italian!!!—Lisa
The African (American) Biethnics faced different kinds of stereotypes. For example
Daisuke, who had an African American father, claimed that all his friends thought he was
from Africa and was, therefore, poor. They also felt that he should be faster at running and
more athletic.
There are a lot of famous African American boxers in Japan lately. So people tend to
think that all African Americans are strong.—Daisuke
Alex faced racism within his family. His Japanese grandparents were very critical of his
African American father and constantly made derogatory remarks about his skin color. At
the same time, they insisted that even though Alex was black as well, they loved him. The
unfair treatment his father received and the mixed messages Alex received was consistently
a source of inner conflict for him making him think about his identity at a young age. The
fact that he is currently attending a famous Historically Black University in the United
States may suggest that understanding his ethnic identity is still an important part of
his life.
My dad and all my relatives on my mom’s side pretty much hate each other. So ever
since I was little I would hear nasty comments about my dad from my mom’s
relatives. Since I am the son of the guy they are criticizing, I would think ‘‘How about
me?’’ They would say ‘‘Don’t worry, we’re always on your side.’’ So I’d always
wonder why they had to treat my dad differently.—Alex
3.3.2. Family structure

Respondents whose parents were separated tended to live with the Japanese parent.4
This often meant that they were only exposed to Japanese language and culture and most
likely did not have an opportunity to learn a second language or culture. These
participants, therefore, tended to be more Japanese than the others.
(My dad’s name is) Tonyythat might have been his middle nameyI’m not really
surey My parents divorced when I was around three. If they hadn’t, I would have
been able to speak EnglishyHe could speak five languages including French,
Chinese, and Japanese.—Abba
4
This is probably because we collected our sample in Japan. Naturally, those with divorced parents who live in
Japan are those who live with their Japanese parent.
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Not having the foreign parent around often made it hard for people near them to
understand why the respondents did not look Japanese. For example, when Daisuke’s
mother, who was Japanese, went to his school, his friends asked him why he had a
Japanese mother even though he was black. Abba mentioned that her Japanese mother
sometimes hid the fact that she had a daughter because it was too much trouble to explain
why her daughter had a different skin color. Abba even jokingly mentioned that some of
her neighbors thought that she was a foreign exchange student who was home staying with
her mom for an extended period of time. Although continuing to maintain her positive
attitude, the hurt in Abba’s voice was apparent.
In contrast, those who lived with both parents were more likely to be influenced by both
cultures and languages at home. For example, Lisa was exposed to three languages at
home. Others were explicitly taught about their cultural background at home or had the
chance to meet their relatives who lived abroad.
In Shuto’s case, after his parents’ divorce, he and his mother moved to Japan. Had he
lived in Australia all his life, he probably would not have learned the Japanese language
and culture. In other words, family structure influenced the Biethnic individuals’
experiences in many ways.
3.3.3. Living environment

The respondents’ living environments also shaped their experiences. For example, those
who lived in a community where there were many Biethnic individuals felt more accepted
than those who did not. The school they attended was also an important factor. Biethnic
individuals were common at some schools while not at others.
Once I left my house, in kindergarten, elementary school, middle school, and high
school there were lots of Biracial and Multiracial kids around. There were American as
well as Asian Biethnics, including Taiwanese and Korean Biethnics like me. So it was a
fairly inclusive environment and the color of your skin or how you looked didn’t
matter. I felt accepted and didn’t think much about my race or nationality.—Yong Jeen
One of the participants who had attended a public elementary and middle school finally
felt accepted in an international high school due to there being many returnees5 and
Biethnic individuals there. She finally felt at home with herself.
Until I entered my high school I felt alone. When I entered my high school there were
many returnees who lived in many countries and it didn’t matter if you spoke any
English or any Japanese. So I was no longer different. I was just one of them. There
were many types of people and I was just me. So I thought ‘‘Being Biethnic isn’t a big
deal!’’ and I felt comfortable and I was happy to be Biethnic.—Lisa
Whether they lived outside of Japan or not also seemed to be of importance. For
example:
I started thinking deeply about my identity after entering college in EnglandyAt my
international school (in Japan) it was so normal to be Biethnic we didn’t have to
think about our identity.—Chris
5
Returnees are Japanese who grew up abroad. They are Japanese by blood, but because of their overseas
experience, other Japanese often treat them differently because their mannerisms and behaviors are foreign.
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In sum, these three background variables—ethnicity, family structure, and living

environment—were central in shaping our respondents’ experiences. Their reactions to
being Biracial were categorized into three types: Unique Me, Model Biethnic, and Just Let
Me Be Japanese. Overall, their experiences were influenced by the homogeneous nature of
Japan, which made them stand out.
4. Discussion and conclusion
This study was unique in that it examined Biethnic individuals other than those with one
African American and one Caucasian American parent. It was also unique in that it
examined Biethnic individuals living in Japan, which is a very closed and relatively
homogeneous society. In this section, we will begin by summarizing the participants’
reactions to being Biethnic. Then, we will discuss ramifications for theory, practice, and
future research.
4.1. The participants’ reactions to being Biethnic
A few of the participants had never thought about their identity prior to our focus group
while others were in the midst of exploring who they were. Some of the participants had
already gone through an identity crisis. One participant, Yuuki, was writing his senior
thesis about Biethnic individuals in Japan.
Some wanted to be seen as unique individuals (Unique Me), others enjoyed fitting into
the stereotypic mold of the Japanese Biethnic (Model Biethnic) while others wanted to
blend in with the rest of society (Just Let Me Be Japanese). The three reactions to being
Biethnic seemed to be closely tied to the three background variables we identified
(i.e., Ethnicity, Family structure, and Living Environment).
Throughout the three focus groups, we saw individuals who are (currently) or were
(at some point in their lives) very Japanese at heart, who simply did not fit into the
stereotyped mold of the ‘‘Japanese.’’ Some looked more white, some looked more black,
some looked Japanese, while others did not look like they belonged to a particular race or
ethnicity. In their hearts, they all started out ‘‘Japanese’’6 but as society imposed
stereotypes and expectations on them, they reacted. We felt that although Japan is still a
fairly homogeneous society, things are changing. The respondents represented a new and
more multicultural Japan.
4.2. Ramifications for theory
The focus group data seemed to support Cooley’s (1902) Looking-glass Self Theory. All
participants did not notice they were different or Biethnic until other people, including
family members or classmates, started treating them that way. In other words, they saw
themselves as Biethnic because other people saw them as Biethnic. Some even learned
another language or went to another country to live up to society’s expectations. This
study thus shows how powerful societal expectations are in shaping individual identities.
In the same way, Root (1996) found multiple approaches to dealing with Biethnic
identity, we found three main responses to being Biethnic: Unique Me, Model Biethnic,
6
This is because they all grew up in Japan.
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and Just Let me Be Japanese. Moreover, some of our participants seemed to change their
attitudes toward being Biethnic. For example, Lisa and Mayumi started out hating the
foreign-part of them but as they entered a more inclusive environment, they grew to
embrace that part of themselves. Whether this was a developmental growth or simply a
reaction to a different environment was unclear.
One way to understand this is to use Lifton’s (1993) paradigm of the Protean Self. Lifton
(1993) argues that in today’s complex society ‘‘We are becoming fluid and many-sided.
Without quite realizing it, we have been evolving a sense of self-appropriate to the
restlessness and flux of our time. This mode of being differs radically from that of the past,
and enables us to engage in continuous exploration and personal experiment. I have named
it the ‘protean self’ after Proteus, the Greek sea god of many forms’’ (p. 1). Perhaps
Biethnic individuals, more so than others, have had to develop a Protean self.
Finally, in the same way some researchers (e.g., Hall, 1980; Poston, 1990; Wardle, 1992)
found that certain factors were key in shaping the Biethnic individuals’ experiences, we too
found that certain background variables (i.e., ethnicity, family structure, and living
environment) largely defined these individuals’ experiences.
4.3. Ramifications for practice
There are three main ramifications for practice. The first is that it is important to know
that not everyone reacts to being Biracial in the same way. One type of reaction is not
necessarily better than another. A society that is more willing to accept various reactions to
being Biracial may be an easier place for these individuals to live in.
The second ramification comes from Cooley’s Looking-glass Self Theory. The fact that
all our respondents saw themselves as ‘‘different’’ only because others saw them as
‘‘different’’ was well worth noting. This suggested that societal attitudes played a major
role in Biethnic identity development; the implications to parents, family members,
schools, friends, and society as a whole were enormous. In other words, if society as a
whole did not treat these individuals as different, they may not have seen themselves as
different. As a parent of Biethnic children aptly put:
We are not the problem, but because society sees us as a problem, it creates problems
for our children. (Nash, 1995, p. 35)
The third ramification is the importance of the environment. Those who lived in areas
with many Biethnics or those who attended schools with many Biethnics seemed to feel
more accepted and more comfortable with their identity. Parents, therefore, should take
this into consideration when choosing a community to live in or a school for their children
to attend.
4.4. Ramifications for research
We have four main suggestions for future research. First, we would recommend using
focus groups in future studies. In some of our focus groups, the participants had difficulty
coming up with examples but once they heard other participants’ accounts theirs flowed
easily. The focus group was also good in that the members could compare their experiences
with each other (Morgan, 1997).
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Secondly, future studies on Japanese Biethnic individuals might want to segment the
groups (Morgan, 1997) by age or ethnicity. In a worldwide study, it might be interesting to
compare different combinations of various nationalities (e.g., Korean-Chinese Biracials,
Filipino-Mexican Biracials, Japanese-German, etc.).
Thirdly, another interesting study would be to examine the Biethnic experience in a
heterogeneous environment like Hawaii. This would serve as an interesting contrast to the
current study, which focuses on their experience in a relatively homogeneous environment.
Finally, a quantitative study that examines the relationships between the background
variables and the different reactions to being Biracial that this study identified should be
worthwhile.
In today’s increasingly global world, people and cultures are mixing in many ways.
Being Biethnic or Multi-ethnic may soon be the norm rather than the exception. Currently,
however, being Biethnic is still an anomaly in a relatively homogeneous society like Japan.
A better understanding of Biethnic identity and the Biethnic experience not only aids in
our understanding of human identity but also in creating an environment and society that
is welcoming of various individuals.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Dr. Chikako Kashiwazaki, Dr. Mariko Muro-
Yokokawa, Dr. Melinda Wood, Professor Kyoko Yashiro, Mr. Christopher Jones, and
Ms. Mariko Chivari for their helpful comments and advice on an earlier draft. We are also
grateful to the two anonymous reviewers and Dr. Dan Landis for their constructive
feedback. A thanks also goes to Ms. Naoko Masuyama, Ms. Nozomi Oka, and Ms. En
Kaku for videotaping our focus groups. Last but not least, we would like to thank all our
participants who were so open, willing, and enthusiastic in their participation in our focus
groups.
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An Identity Based On Being Different: A Focus On Biethnic Individuals in Japan

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An identity based on being different: A focus on Biethnic individuals in Japan

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International Journal of Intercultural Relations

An identity based on being different: A focus on

Keywords: Biracial/Biethnic identity; Multiracial/multiethnic identity; Cooley’s Looking-glass Self Theory;

1.1. Theoretical framework

1.2. Biracial identity models

1.3. Experiences of ‘‘Otherness’’ in Japan

2.1. Focus group as a method

2.2. Participants in the study

Yuukib 23 M Swedish Japanese No None No College Japanese

2.3. Sample recruitment and design

2.4. Focus group structure

3.1. Being different in a society that values homogeneity

3.2. Reactions to being Biracial

3.2.2. Model Biethnic

3.2.3. Just let me be Japanese

3.3. What differentiates their experiences

We wondered which background variables caused such different reactions to being

3.3.2. Family structure

3.3.3. Living environment

In sum, these three background variables—ethnicity, family structure, and living

4. Discussion and conclusion

4.1. The participants’ reactions to being Biethnic

4.2. Ramifications for theory

4.3. Ramifications for practice

4.4. Ramifications for research

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