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The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14-193 PDF
The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14-193 PDF
The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14-193 PDF
D u nca n B Ca m p be ll
© Osprey Publishing • www.ospreypublishing.com
Essential Histories
Introduction 7
Chronology 8
Background to war
The Roman empire in AD 14 11
Warring sides
Rome and her enemies 18
Outbreak
An uneasy peace 30
The fighting
Extending the empire 35
Portrait of a soldier
Gaius Velius Rufus 78
Portrait of a civilian
Dio Cocceianus ‘Chrysostom’ 83
Further reading 93
Index 94
During the reign of Hadrian, the great Roman and goods to criss-cross the entire world in
historian Publius Cornelius Tacitus wrote safety. However, when Tacitus claims that
what would be his final work, entitled the this peace was ‘undisturbed or scarcely
Annals: it is a chronicle of Roman history challenged’, he exaggerates. A chronological
from the death of Augustus to the death survey of the military exploits of successive
of Nero. In it he lamented that, while the emperors demonstrates that, for all the talk
historians of the Roman Republic had written of pax Romana (‘the Roman peace’), conflict
about ‘great wars, the storming of cities, and rumbled constantly around the periphery
the capture of vanquished kings’, his own of the empire, occasionally flaring into
themes were ‘restricted and inglorious: full-scale war. Tacitus was well aware
peace, undisturbed or scarcely challenged, of this. Even in his own lifetime, the
depressing events in the city, and an emperor steady roll call of senators honoured
uninterested in extending the empire’ (Annals with ornamenta triumphalia (‘triumphal
4.32, referring to the emperor Tiberius). ornaments’), the inexorable increase in
Tacitus had grown up under the Flavian each emperor’s imperatorial acclamations
emperors. He served out a moderately (each one a sign that success had been won
successful senatorial career, perhaps in warfare somewhere in the empire), and
beginning with a tribunate in one of the the fact that the great double doors of the
legions that spearheaded the invasion Temple of Janus, required by tradition to be
of Caledonia under his father-in-law, closed in times of peace, stood ajar for years
Gnaeus Julius Agricola. Having risen on end – all of these elements demonstrated
to the consulship under the emperor that the rise of the Roman empire was not
Nerva, he went on to hold the prestigious accomplished by peaceful means.
proconsulship of Asia towards the end of The first two centuries of the Roman
Trajan’s reign. He had thus lived through empire may have ushered in a period of
a time of great wars, but – unfortunately peace for the citizens of Rome, but the ruling
for us – never took the opportunity to write elite – the senators and equestrians who did
of Trajan’s storming of cities (both in Dacia the emperor’s bidding – still required their
and in Parthia) and the capture of the opportunity to win glory, even if victories
vanquished Dacian king Decebalus. were now won under the auspices of the
A generation or so before Tacitus, emperor. More important than pax Romana,
Pliny the encyclopaedist had celebrated to these men, was Victoria Augusta (‘the
‘the boundless majesty of the Roman peace’ emperor’s victory’). Year by year and decade
(Natural History 27.3), which enabled men by decade, successful emperors managed the
affairs on the frontiers in a way that ensured
Trajan’s Column was completed in AD 113. The relief the winning of glory for these men, while
sculpture wrapped around the 100ft exterior tells the emperors who were ‘uninterested’ failed to
story of Trajan’s two Dacian Wars. Inside, a staircase
see the dangers of ignoring these potential
spirals up to a viewing platform at the top. On the
emperor’s death in AD 117, his ashes (and subsequently rivals. Our chronological survey reveals the
those of his widow, Plotina) were deposited inside depressing cycle of success and failure in
the base. the rise of imperial Rome.
to accumulate a range of traditional had to be made to bring his powers into line
Republican offices, which would (legally but with his senatorial counterparts.
unobtrusively) guarantee the continuation of In 23 BC, although Augustus now stepped
his authority at Rome. down from the consulship, he took the
Like the magistrates of old, he was tribunicia potestas (‘power of a tribune’),
granted a provincia (‘sphere of authority’, referring to the tribune of the plebs, an
usually implying the temporary governorship annually renewed office that had symbolic
of a geographical territory), except that overtones of ‘the people’s champion’; more
Augustus’ province extended across Spain importantly, besides conferring sacrosanctitas
and Gaul in the west, and Syria and Egypt (‘immunity from prosecution’), it granted
in the east, encompassing all the armies that Augustus the practical privilege of vetoing
were located there, and, although technically any proposals in the senate. Each of his
temporary, gradually became permanent. He successors made sure that they acquired
arranged this ‘on the pretext that the senate this power and, more importantly, that
might enjoy the best parts of the empire they renewed it every year.
without anxiety, while he himself took on All of the titles, honours and functions
the hardships and hazards’, as the historian taken by Augustus formed the basis of
Cassius Dio explained, ‘but the real object the legal authority that successive Roman
of this arrangement was that the senators emperors would wield. Their power, though
should be unarmed and unequipped for absolute, was firmly based in Republican
battle, while he alone possessed arms and tradition. The long reign of Augustus, which
maintained soldiers’ (Roman History 53.12.3). lasted over 40 years, gave the new regime
This ulterior motive is compelling, for, time to become embedded in the Roman
by this stage, only one Roman legion lay consciousness. Furthermore, Augustus’
outside the emperor’s domain and took its decision to implement a dynastic succession
orders from the annually elected proconsul by adopting his stepson Tiberius as his
of Africa. chosen heir, and bestowing the tribunicia
Of course, the government of Rome potestas upon him, influenced the future
was still the preserve of the senatorial class, direction of the Roman Principate. It would
the landed aristocracy of which Augustus be many years before the arcanus imperii
and his successors were all members. But (‘secret of empire’) was divulged: namely,
the new emperor began to involve their as Tacitus put it, that ‘an emperor could be
equestrian counterparts – those families made elsewhere than at Rome’ (Histories 1.4).
who either could not afford to join the
senatorial order (there was a property
qualification of one million sesterces, A military regime
whereas an equestrian required only a
net worth of 400,000 sesterces, at a time Augustus himself emphasized that ‘I excelled
when the common man might earn 500 everyone in auctoritas [‘influence’], although
sesterces a year) or chose not to. This move I possessed no more official power than
was ostensibly to widen the pool of available others who were my colleagues’ (The
army officers, but fortuitously served as a Achievements of the Divine Augustus 34.3).
surreptitious foil to the senatorial monopoly Indeed, his senatorial colleagues continued
on power. The important governorship of to play their traditional role in government,
Egypt, with its agrarian wealth (on one though Augustus, by force of his auctoritas,
estimate, as much as one-third of Rome’s was able to influence their decisions.
grain came from Egypt), was entrusted to Senators continued to occupy the main
an equestrian praefectus (‘prefect’), rather military and civil offices, such as legionary
than a senatorial proconsul or a legatus commands and provincial governorships,
(‘legate’), even though special provision but most of these now operated within the
emperor’s provincia, and thus fell under his a cash gratuity instead, perhaps amounting
overall control. To be sure, the emperor to ten years’ pay; this enormous financial
could (and often did) summon a consilium burden was paid out of Augustus’ newly
(‘council’) of advisors, but was under no created aerarium militare (‘military treasury’).
obligation to do so. It was surely to impress the armies that
Patronage had always played a major Augustus, early on, took as his first name
part in Roman society. Every senator had his the honorific title imperator (‘conquering
clients, who paid their respects in return for general’), the term by which a successful
favours and benefits. Under the Principate, commander had traditionally been hailed
the emperor became a super-patron with by his army. (Indeed, this is the word from
the power to make or break men’s careers. which ‘emperor’ comes.) At the same time,
A young man’s entry to the senatorial Augustus took over sole responsibility for
career itself was in the gift of the emperor. issuing state coinage – which was, after all,
His provincial governors were styled ‘friends’ principally used for paying the armies – and
(amici), though the friendship was sometimes carefully manipulated its physical appearance
false: the 1st-century philosopher Epictetus to promote himself. Coins now bore an
observed that ‘No one loves Caesar himself, ageless likeness of his head – continuing
unless he is particularly worthy, but we Julius Caesar’s break with Republican
love wealth and tribunates, praetorships, practice, which had never permitted
consulships’ (Discourses 4.1.60), referring to the depiction of a living Roman – along
the various favours that the emperor might with brief legends subtly emphasizing his
bestow. There was a kind of trickle-down authority (for example, CAESAR AVGVSTVS,
effect, whereby those favoured by the stressing his link with Julius Caesar, or
emperor could, in turn, favour others. COMM CONS, claiming that he ruled
Thus, for example, the well-connected communi consensu, ‘by common consent’).
senator might petition the emperor for Augustus continued the Republican
lucrative posts on behalf of friends and tradition of the commander’s bodyguard,
relatives, and the governor of a military surrounding himself and his family with
province appears to have had a free hand in a personal force of Germani corporis custodes
appointing his officers (though probably only (‘Germanic bodyguard’, mostly of Batavian
below the rank of legionary commander). origin) and stationing individual cohorts of
Augustus had bought the favour of praetoriani (‘Praetorian Guard’, alluding to
the populace at Rome with the generous the praetorium or military headquarters of
provision of ‘bread and games’ (as this form the emperor) in and around Rome. He also
of bribery was later summed up by the poet instituted two key paramilitary organizations
Juvenal) and grandiose building schemes: in Rome, the urbaniciani (‘urban cohorts’)
not only temples and porticoes, but public and the vigiles (‘night watchmen’), whose
baths and an improved water and sewerage roles were, respectively, those of a police
system. Meanwhile, the favour of the armies force and a fire brigade, broadly speaking.
was bought with regular pay and generous The Praetorian Guard was another
pensions; both were necessary to compensate institution that Augustus was perhaps
the soldiers for long service on far-flung wary of placing in senatorial hands, for the
frontiers. In 30 BC after Actium, and again powerful praefectus praetorio (the Praetorian
in 14 BC, large numbers of veterans had prefect), effectively the emperor’s right-hand
earned their discharge and expected their man, was always a senior equestrian. Often,
loyalty to be rewarded. Consequently, two praefecti were appointed, so that the
time-served soldiers were each granted a Guard might be divided (or so that each
parcel of land on the colonies that Augustus prefect could watch the other).
founded up and down Italy. However, later The legions – once upon a time mobilized
programmes of discharge offered the men only during times of trouble, their ranks
Provinces
N o r t h Italia
N S e a Senatorial provinces
Ca
sp
ian
River Elbe Imperial provinces Sea
R iv
e
rR
hi n
BELGICA e
Durocortorum River Danube
LUGDUNENSIS S e a
c k
G A L L I A l a
B
The Roman world in 27
Lugdunum
BITHYNIA et
AQUITANIA ILLYRICUM PONTUS
BC
Narbo ROME
ITALIA
Thessalonica
MACEDONIA ASIA
TARRACONENSIS Antioch River Euphrates
SARDINIA
et
Ephesus
ACHAIA SYRIA
H I S P A N I A Tarraco CORSICA
Essential Histories • The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14–193
LUSITANIA
Corinthus CYPRUS
Augusta Emerita
Carales Paphos
Corduba M SICILIA
e Syracusae
BAETICA d Gortyn
i t
Carthago e r CRETA
AEGYPTUS R
e
Riv
d
er S
Ni
le e
a
S a h a r a D e s e r t
0 500 miles
0 750km
Background to war 15
filled by peasant citizens, eager for adventure mostly to supplement the legions’
and booty, and just as eager to return to deficiencies in cavalry and missile troops –
their Italian farms – had, in many cases, were gradually standardized and brought
become long-service regiments, whose within the same system. However, where the
recruits, drawn from the more Romanized legions were entrusted largely to senatorial
provinces, were loyal to their paymaster. officers, it became usual to entrust the
Under Augustus, this ad hoc situation auxiliary units to equestrians, thus satisfying
became regularized and incorporated into each order’s desire for status and glory.
his vision of empire: a fixed number of
permanently constituted legions were
henceforth stationed in the frontier A firm foundation
provinces. Similarly, the smaller units of
‘auxiliaries’ – raised among the more warlike When Augustus died in AD 14, the Roman
peoples on the fringes of the Roman world empire inherited by Tiberius already spread
far and wide across the Mediterranean world.
The Gemma Augustea cameo depicts Augustus (in the Over the course of the previous two centuries,
upper register) in the guise of Jupiter ‘Best and Greatest’, areas had been added piecemeal to the Italian
seated beside the goddess Roma, while Roman soldiers
core as the Romans meddled in the affairs
(in the lower register) erect a victory trophy amid their
defeated enemies. Augustus’ capricorn emblem appears of other nations. First, the Carthaginian
above his head, while Tiberius’ scorpio emblem appears possessions in Spain and north Africa were
on a shield (bottom left). (De Agostini/Getty Images) absorbed; then Greece and Macedonia, and
Gallia Narbonensis; and, in the east, Syria Paterculus, ‘almost reduced to the form of
and parts of Asia Minor. a tribute-paying province’ (Roman History
Augustus himself brought order to Caesar’s 2.97.4), but when the project was entrusted
conquests in Gaul and, although he omitted to Publius Quinctilius Varus, it met with
to capitalize on Caesar’s contacts with the disaster in the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9.
Britons on the very edge of the known world, Elsewhere, long years of hard
he pushed Roman arms across the Rhine campaigning finally saw Tarraconensis
into Germany; his general Lucius Domitius and Illyricum (soon to be renamed Dalmatia)
Ahenobarbus (grandfather of the future become fully-fledged provinces, and softened
emperor Nero) had even led an army up the areas north of the Alps, which were
across the River Elbe, for which he received destined to become the provinces of
ornamenta triumphalia (‘triumphal ornaments’, Noricum, Raetia and Pannonia. At the
the triumph itself being now restricted to the same time, the Roman administration in
emperor and his family). By now, Germania Macedonia occasionally became involved
Magna (‘greater Germany’ beyond the Rhine) in affairs to the north, in the area that
was, in the words of the historian Velleius would later become Moesia.
The Rhine and Danube marked a clear peace or pact, stable and uninterrupted, and
boundary between the Roman empire and Caesar Augustus finally ventured to close
the peoples beyond, although successive the double doors of the Temple of Janus’
emperors still exercised a claim over those (Epitome of Roman History 2.34), which
peoples. Similarly, the Euphrates had become traditionally stood open while the Romans
the de facto line of demarcation between were at war and had last been closed over
Rome and the Parthian empire, which two centuries before.
stretched eastwards across Iran. Nevertheless, The ruling class in Italy certainly
Augustus artfully created the impression in welcomed an end to the troubled years
the minds of his contemporaries that Rome of civil war. ‘When peace was established
ruled the entire world. During his reign, throughout the world and the republic was
writers wrote in terms of imperium sine fine restored’, runs the text of a contemporary
(‘an empire without end’), and Augustus funeral eulogy, ‘times were quiet and happy
himself claimed to have subdued the world. for us’ (ILS 8393) – but not, apparently,
‘Everywhere throughout the human race’, for Augustus, wearied towards the end of
wrote the historian Florus, ‘there was either his long reign (in the words of Pliny the
encyclopaedist) by ‘the conjunction of so
many misfortunes’ (Natural History 7.149).
Chief among them was, of course, the
clades Variana (‘disaster of Varus’), in which
three legions were destroyed in the trackless
wilderness beyond the Rhine; the distraught
emperor, by now a septuagenarian, was said
to ‘dash his head, from time to time, against
the door, crying out: “Quinctilius Varus, give
me back my legions!”’ (Suetonius, Life of the
Deified Augustus 23.2).
It was surely in the context of this
disaster that Augustus allegedly passed on
the following advice to his successors: ‘he
advised them to be satisfied with the present
conditions and not to wish to increase the
empire further, for it would then be difficult
to guard, and he thought that they would
run the risk of losing what was already
theirs’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History 56.33.5).
This ‘advice to confine the empire within
its boundaries’ (the version preserved by
Tacitus, Annals 1.11) jars with the Roman
desire for glory and the belief in imperium
sine fine, and its authenticity has been
questioned by modern historians. In any
case, each successive emperor can be seen
to have formulated his own ‘Grand Strategy’.
For example, there was a Fourth Macedonica A fragment of a bronze diploma (RMD 5, 332), issued
Legion, stationed in Spain until Claudius’ in AD 90 to men in the auxiliary garrison of Judaea who
had been honourably discharged after 25 years’ service.
invasion of Britain brought it to the upper
The document guaranteed their citizenship and their
Rhine, where it replaced the Fourteenth right to contract a legal marriage. Although each
Gemina at Mogontiacum (present-day diploma was personalized to the individual recipient,
Mainz); but there was also a Fourth it typically listed all of the auxiliary units whose men
Scythica Legion, stationed in the Balkans were discharged on the same day. The names of two
cavalry squadrons and seven infantry cohorts can be
until it moved east during Nero’s Armenian
read, along with the name of the provincial governor,
crisis. Augustus’ army contained duplicate Titus Pomponius Bassus. (The Israel Museum, Jerusalem/
Fifth, Sixth, and Tenth legions, and he The Bridgeman Art Library)
even retained three Third legions: the
Third Augusta, which remained the garrison Third Gallica, which remained part of the
of north Africa for the entire period of the Syrian garrison throughout.
Principate; the Third Cyrenaica, which was Roman citizens had traditionally served
stationed in Egypt until Trajan transferred a maximum of 16 years in the legions, but
it to his new province of Arabia; and the mindful of the costs of demobilization –
veterans were entitled to a substantial cash
reward (probably equivalent to ten years’
The west corner of the legionary fortress of Isca
pay) and a place in a colonia (‘veteran
(present-day Caerleon in Wales), where the foundations
of four barrack blocks have been consolidated. Each was colony’) as well as certain prerogatives
designed for a single centuria, with around eight men such as exemption from taxation – Augustus
sharing a double cubicle, while their centurion occupied increased this, first to 20 years, and finally
the more generous suite of rooms at the end. To the left to 25. (The Praetorians, on the other hand,
of the corner tower, a communal latrine can be seen,
were expected to serve only 16 years.) On
built into the back of the rampart, while to the right,
a series of circular ovens have been exposed. They enrolment, recruits took an oath to serve
were perhaps allocated one per barrack block, for the emperor, and renewed it every year with
the men to do their own cooking. (© Skyscan/Corbis) much pomp and ceremony, so that their
loyalty was clear. The severity of the army’s was provided by the centurions, who were
discontent with Galba was demonstrated by not bound by the service conditions of
the failure of the upper Rhine legions to the common legionaries. Many served for
renew their oath to him on 1 January AD 69; a lifetime, attracted by the high level of pay
this signalled the emperor’s loss of auctoritas. and the prospects of advancement (if only
New legions were raised only occasionally, for a select few). The most senior centurions
because of the financial burden that this were promoted into the first cohort, where
would entail. When Caligula enrolled they were known as the primi ordines
two new legions for service on the Rhine, (because they commanded the ‘first ranks’);
he chose to name them the Fifteenth of these, the primus pilus (‘chief centurion’)
Primigenia (the number was probably chosen served for only a single year before
to complement the Fourteenth Gemina and advancing to the highly respected post
Sixteenth Gallica, stationed at Mogontiacum) of praefectus castrorum (‘prefect of the camp’)
and the Twenty-Second Primigenia (probably or transferring into the equestrian service.
as a companion to the Twenty-First Rapax, As soon as the legions became
stationed at Vetera). The next emperor permanent fixtures, they required their
to enrol a new legion was Nero, for his own accommodation, tailored to military
Caucasus campaign; he chose to name it the needs. Thus, it became common to station
First Italica Legion, drawing attention to its an entire legion – or even, in the 1st century,
Italian origin and beginning a new sequence a pair of legions – inside a single fortress,
that would wait 100 years to be continued. built along the lines of a town, with a central
Since before the days of Augustus, the headquarters building (taking the place of
legion had comprised ten cohortes (‘cohorts’), the town’s forum) and a hospital and baths
each divided into six centuriae (‘centuries’), complex for the health and welfare of the
with the exception of the first cohort, which men, as well as spacious housing for the
(for reasons that are not yet clear) had only well-to-do officers. The common legionaries
five. The entire legion was commanded were accommodated in long strip buildings,
by a senatorial legatus (‘legate’) assisted by built facing one another in pairs across a
six tribunes, all of whom held the post for grid of alleyways; each strip was a barracks
only a few years. Continuity of command for a complete centuria (‘century’) of 80-odd
men, with a more generous allowance at
Scene LVII on Trajan’s Column, showing Roman one end for the centurion. The fortress itself
legionaries engaged in construction work (left), beside was normally four-sided, defended by a high
the impaled heads of their barbarian enemies, while
auxiliary infantry guard a wooden bridge (centre).
rampart and external ditch, and could only be
Cavalry (perhaps the equites singulares Augusti) entered through closely monitored gateways,
follow the bareheaded emperor Trajan (right). set at (or near) the midpoint of each side.
The legions did not stand alone. The (However, they were not permitted to marry
energies of Rome’s peregrini (‘non-citizens’), during military service, so their existing
chiefly those from the more warlike parts of partners remained peregrinae, ‘foreigners’.)
the empire (north-west Spain, for example, Individuals could prove their citizen
or Thrace), were channelled into the rights by obtaining a bronze diptych
so-called auxilia (‘auxiliary troops’), conventionally known as a diploma. These
which assisted the legions, often by official documents recorded the names of
providing an alternative to the heavily the veteran and his superior officer, along
armed infantry. ‘Celtic’ Europe provided with a list of auxiliary units stationed in the
a steady supply of horsemen, the Levant same province, and from which men were
produced archers, and general-purpose also released on the same day.
infantry were raised all around the empire’s Individual units were housed within their
perimeter. By the time of Claudius, it was own forts, normally (it seems) singly, but
common practice to organize these into occasionally brigaded with another unit;
separate cavalry squadrons (known as alae, cavalry in particular might be billeted
‘wings’) and infantry cohortes (‘cohorts’) alongside a legion in its fortress, to give
of roughly 500 men. (The technical term the commander maximum tactical flexibility.
quingenaria indicates ‘500-strong’, but the Like fortresses, these forts were defensive
basic building-blocks – turmae or ‘troops’ structures, but on a far less grand scale. For
of 32 horsemen and centuriae or ‘centuries’ one thing, they normally covered less than
of 80 infantrymen – did not favour round a tenth of the area covered by a fortress; for
hundreds.) A third type of unit, the cohors another, the auxiliaries were not blessed with
equitata or ‘equitate cohort’, was a hybrid such a range of amenities. The headquarters
of both, and comprised a cavalry element building still sat at the centre; however,
and an infantry element; these became by far besides the commanding officer’s house,
the most numerous of the auxiliary units, no and a pair of granaries to store a year’s
doubt on account of their in-built flexibility. supply of foodstuffs, the fort contained
Like the legions, the auxiliary units only barrack blocks. A small baths building
were numbered, and their names preserved a was often provided outside the ramparts.
record of their original recruiting area. A new
sequence was begun with each recruitment
drive, however, resulting in a preponderance The Roman officer class
of Firsts and Seconds and fewer larger
numerals. The early garrison of Britannia The Roman army was commanded, at
gives a flavour of these, with names such the highest level, by senators. Augustus
as the First Squadron of Spanish Asturians had instituted a formal cursus honorum
and the First Squadron of Pannonians, or the (‘sequence of offices’) for all senators to
eight cohorts of Batavians that accompanied follow. At the age of 25, they were expected
the Fourteenth Gemina Legion to the to gain election to one of the 20 posts as
Continent at Nero’s behest. However, quaestor (a junior finance official) available
individual units were sent far and wide each year. Prior to this, they will have
across the empire, and, although they indicated their intention of embarking
retained their original names, their ethnic on a senatorial career by serving in one
composition gradually changed as they began of the four boards of minor magistrates
to recruit closer to their current station. (the so-called vigintiviri, or ‘20 men’) at
From the time of Claudius, upon their Rome. Many prospective senators also
honourable discharge, auxiliaries were served for a limited period as a legionary
rewarded with Roman citizenship, not only tribune (known as the tribunus laticlavius,
for themselves but also for any children ‘broad-striped tribune’, in reference to
they may have fathered in the meantime. the senator’s hallmark purple stripe),
but there were fewer than 30 openings, and Belgica, Lugdunensis, Lusitania and Galatia
candidates may have relied upon personal (others were added later). As the emperor’s
recommendation to secure one. delegate, they took the title of legatus
At the age of 30, senators were expected Augusti pro praetore (‘legate of Augustus
to fill one of the dozen annually available with praetorian status’) and served at the
vacancies as praetor (a legal official). After emperor’s pleasure (in practice, three years or
their year of office, the praetorii (‘men who so). They were also eligible to govern eight of
had been praetor’) could fulfil a number the ten senatorial provinces – the praetorian
of functions pro praetore (‘with praetorian provinces of Achaia, Baetica, Bithynia et
status’). Thus, they supplied the governors Pontus, Creta et Cyrenae, Macedonia,
for the less important imperial provinces, the Narbonensis, Sardinia and Sicilia (Augustus
so-called ‘praetorian’ provinces of Aquitania, had exchanged Narbonensis for Illyricum) –
for which they were selected by lot for a
one-year term. Confusingly, in this case, they
were traditionally known as ‘proconsuls’.
The ex-praetor could also command a
legion, taking the title legatus legionis
(‘legionary legate’); as these were, by and
large, stationed in the imperial provinces,
service was again at the emperor’s pleasure.
A select few ex-praetors might proceed
to the consulship, Rome’s pre-eminent
magistracy, at the age of 42. (Thus, the future
emperor Vespasian, born in AD 9, became
consul in AD 51.) Augustus arranged for the
sons of well-connected patrician families to
hold a consulship earlier, some even ten years
earlier. (The emperor Galba, for example, born
in 3 BC, was able to hold the consulship in
AD 33, while his rival Vitellius, born in AD 15,
held his in AD 48; it is a mystery why Trajan,
born in AD 53, did not hold the consulship
until AD 91, although his father had been
granted patrician status.)
Originally, two consuls served as
colleagues for a full year. However, only
ex-consuls were eligible to govern the
important ‘consular’ provinces (mostly
those with large legionary armies), so
gradually the custom arose of replacing the
consular pair (known as the consules ordinarii,
The emperor Hadrian’s adventus (‘arrival’) in Rome, ‘ordinary consuls’) partway through the
possibly returning from the Second Jewish War. He is year with so-called suffect consuls (from the
surrounded by his fellow senators, and receives, from
Roman word suffectus, meaning ‘substitute’).
the goddess Roma (the warlike personification of
Rome), an orb, symbolizing the Roman world. This practice ensured a sufficiently large pool
(De Agostini/Getty Images) of qualified candidates (and gave emperors
the option of rewarding more men). It also (‘cavalry prefect’) or, as the post gradually
explains how, for example, Publius Petronius came to be known, praefectus alae (‘prefect of
Turpilianus and Lucius Caesennius Paetus, a cavalry squadron’), often preceded by a stint
the ordinary consuls for AD 61, could each as praefectus cohortis (‘prefect of an infantry
commence their consular governorship (of cohort’). The third army post reserved for
Britain and Cappadocia–Galatia respectively) equestrians was the military tribunate. We
in that same year. It was Roman practice have seen that the aspiring senator, barely
to identify each year by the names of the out of his teens, might begin his career as a
consules ordinarii, which made the ordinary tribune in one of the emperor’s legions, but
consulship a signal honour, especially when each legion traditionally had six tribunes; the
held with the emperor as colleague. other five posts were filled by equites, often
A number of posts were open to designated tribuni angusticlavii (‘narrow-stripe
consulares (‘men who had been consul’). tribunes’), to draw a distinction with the
Most prestigious of all was the praefectus urbi tribunus laticlavius. These posts, like the
(‘prefect of the city’), who combined legal senatorial commands, are thought to
powers with the overall command of the have averaged three years’ duration.
urban cohorts. Perhaps the next highest Unlike the senatorial cursus honorum,
honour was selection as proconsul of Africa there was no uniform age for entry into
or Asia, the two plum senatorial provinces; the militia equestris. Some officers were
these unique one-year governorships, young men from privileged families; others
bestowed at least five years (in practice, were legionary veterans and, by implication,
ten or so) after the consulship, usually more advanced in years. For example,
marked the end of a man’s senatorial career. Marcus Valerius Speratus, a veteran of
However, before that occurred, ex-consuls the Seventh Claudia Legion, achieved a
played the important role of governing promoted post on the Moesian governor’s
those provinces with large legionary staff, which (no doubt through the
armies: initially under Augustus, these workings of patronage) gave him access
were Illyricum, Syria, Tarraconensis and to an equestrian career, for he went on to
the two military zones on the Rhine (later command the First Aquitanian Cohort in
called Germania Superior and Germania Britain, where he died aged 55 (ILS 7173).
Inferior), but the frontier provinces of By the reign of Claudius, the equestrian
Pannonia and Moesia were soon added, and career had settled into a standard sequence
eventually Cappadocia. Like their praetorian of tres militiae (‘three military posts’, later
counterparts, these consular governors also joined by a fourth, when the development of
held the title of legatus Augusti pro praetore – a new enlarged cavalry squadron necessitated
since the emperor himself technically held the creation of a senior commander), but
the proconsular command, his deputies many men were content to serve only
were only granted praetorian powers. as legionary tribune before retiring to
These were the high commands. It municipal life. Others, a select few with the
looks very much as if Augustus decided right patronage, having survived each stage,
to employ equites (‘knights’), members of might progress to a junior administrative
Rome’s equestrian order, in the lower military post, such as one of the finance officers
commands, chiefly in charge of the auxiliary and secretaries in the imperial ‘civil service’.
units. Of course, the vast majority of Alternatively, men who had completed their
equestrians probably held no military post tres militiae might progress to one of the
at all, being content to wield municipal fiscal procuratorships, handling the payment
authority. But the concept of the militia and supply of the army in the imperial
equestris (‘equestrian military service’) provinces, or a praesidial procuratorship,
gradually developed, as equestrians as governor of one of the smaller provinces
increasingly served as praefectus equitum (notably Noricum and Raetia). Prior to the
Scene XL on Trajan’s Column, showing Roman Cohort for five years, finally dying at the
soldiers (bottom register) in battle against the Dacians age of 60 (ILS 9090).
(top register). The legionaries are differentiated from
Some legionary centurions were men
the auxiliaries by their characteristic banded armour
(the so-called lorica segmentata). A group of legionaries who had been honourably discharged from
are in charge of mobile artillery (top left), while an the Praetorian Guard after their 16-year stint.
auxiliary soldier brings a prisoner to the emperor Of course, a little patronage always helped,
Trajan (bottom left). as in the case of Marcus Vettius Valens
(ILS 2648), who managed to be at the right
reign of Claudius, these posts had been held place at the right time. Having enlisted as a
by equestrian praefecti (‘prefects’). praetorianus around AD 28, he accompanied
As in the senatorial career, there were Claudius to Britain as assistant to the
a host of non-military posts and functions emperor’s praefectus praetorio Rufrius Pollio;
that might intervene along the way, and the while Claudius’ higher-ranking companions
system did not reach full maturity until received honours, Valens was ‘decorated with
the 2nd century. However, throughout the torques, armlets and phalerae’, an enviable
Principate, at the pinnacle of the equestrian set of dona militaria (‘military decorations’).
career sat the three great prefectures at Rome By then, he had almost served his time, but
– the post of praefectus annonae (‘prefect of elected to stay on as an evocatus (a veteran
the corn supply’) and the commands of the who has been ‘called back’ into service,
vigiles and the praetoriani – and the prestigious usually on account of some special skill).
praefectura Aegypti (‘prefecture of Egypt’). He was promptly promoted to a round of
Simultaneously, a meritocratic system centurionates at Rome (far more prestigious
evolved, whereby the professional soldiers than an ordinary legionary posting) in the
of the legions (like Valerius Speratus, various security forces known as the vigiles,
mentioned earlier) might aspire to statores, urbaniciani and speculatores, before
greater things. A key role was played by finally returning to the praetoriani. Such a
the legionary centurions, who were usually successful career qualified Valens for the
long-service officers who had risen ex caliga one-year post of legionary primus pilus
(‘from the infantry ranks’) with 15 or (the ‘chief centurion’), which was the
so years under their belts. For example, traditional jumping-off point for transition
Quintus Etuvius Capreolus spent 14 years to an equestrian career. However, Valens’
in the Fourth Scythica Legion, ten of them particular skills led him back to Rome,
in a promoted post, before becoming where he obtained a round of tribunates (in
centurion; he served in that post for the vigiles, urbaniciani and praetoriani) before
21 years before achieving equestrian status, achieving the equestrian procuratorship
and then commanded the Second Thracian of Lusitania in AD 66.
The Roman fort of Cilurnum (present-day Chesters) succession from the Twentieth Valeria Victrix
on Hadrian’s Wall, viewed from the north, showing Legion to the Ninth Hispana Legion … from the
the typical rectangular ‘playing card’ shape. The fort
Ninth Hispana Legion to the Seventh Claudia
was designed to accommodate a 500-strong cavalry
squadron. The ends of two barrack blocks can be seen Legion, likewise promoted in the same legion …
in the north-east quadrant (left). Each double cubicle (ILS 2656)
is thought to have accommodated three men and their
mounts, with the horses stabled in the outer cubicle. The He died aged 41 as the fourth most senior
headquarters building can be seen in its usual position in
centurion of the legion, having been
the centre of the fort, and alongside it to the east lie the
remains of the commander’s house, which was roughly decorated twice for service in Dacia.
the size of two barrack blocks. (© Skyscan/Corbis) All of these officers were paid a salary.
The proconsuls of Asia and Africa received
Other centurions were equestrians who a one-off payment of one million sesterces;
had elected to follow this route in preference the consular legates perhaps expected
to the standard militia equestris. Naturally, something in the order of 500,000 sesterces
their privileged background gave them an per year; top-grade equestrian procurators
in-built advantage and perhaps guaranteed were paid 200,000 sesterces; and legionary
a certain level of promotion. The tombstone commanders probably 150,000 sesterces.
of Tiberius Claudius Vitalis advertises the The praefectus alae perhaps received 50,000
fact that he joined the centurionate ex equite sesterces, the tribune 25,000, and the
Romano (‘from the Roman equestrian order’) praefectus cohortis half as much again.
and, over the course of 11 years, was The legionary centurion, on the other
hand, earned only 13,500 sesterces (in the
promoted in succession from the Fifth 1st century), but this was around 15 times
Macedonica Legion to the First Italica Legion … the normal legionary’s pay. The centurions
from the First Italica Legion to the First Minervia of the first cohort (the so-called primi ordines)
Legion … from the First Minervia Legion to probably received double this amount, and
the Twentieth Valeria Victrix Legion, likewise the primus pilus, for his one-year stint,
promoted in the same legion, and promoted in received quadruple.
Battle scene on the Portonaccio sarcophagus, depicted that ‘you would see other peoples going to
in the characteristic high relief technique of the Antonine battle, but the Chatti wage war’ (On Germany
era. A victory trophy can be seen at either side, above 30.3). Further into the interior, the powerful
the figures of barbarian captives, representing Dacians
(left) and Suebian Germans (right). Along the lid (top), a
tribe of the Cherusci, who had skilfully
procession of Roman clients queue to greet their seated engineered the clades Variana, gradually
patron, the unknown occupant of the sarcophagus. Behind burnt themselves out in internal squabbling.
him, soldiers guard more barbarian prisoners beneath However, even they respected the might of
another victory trophy. (De Agostini/Getty Images) Rome; in AD 47, they applied to Claudius to
grant them a new king, in much the same
The northern barbarians way that the Armenians on the eastern
frontier were expected to behave.
Across the northern frontiers lay lands By and large, these societies shared
occupied by an array of tribal groupings, some of Rome’s values. The maintenance
some of which had struck agreements of of an upper class through the acquisition
friendship with Rome. Across the lower of martial glory and the control of luxury
Rhine, the tribes of the Batavi (‘Batavians’) items meant that they were often eager to
and Frisii had entered into treaty relations, interact with the Roman empire, even to
the former promising military service, the the extent of serving in her armed forces.
latter promising supplies, but the Chauci Furthermore, respect for the system of
along the North Sea coast and the Bructeri patronage meant that the Roman emperor
opposite Castra Vetera (the ‘old camp’ at could manipulate their internal politics
present-day Xanten) were more troublesome. by insisting upon authorizing the tribes’
Likewise, along the upper Rhine, the tribe of choice of kings. All of this created a certain
the Chatti (from whom, ironically, the loyal equilibrium along the river frontier; any
Batavi had sprung) provided more than trouble by and large manifested itself not
one Roman general with an excuse for as a ‘barbarian invasion’, but as disruption
campaigning. Tacitus famously remarked of the frontier zone.
A Roman legionary attacks a Dacian family, travelling with Beyond the Black Forest and the (largely
their four-wheeled wagon, on one of the metopes from vacant) re-entrant angle of the upper Rhine
the Tropaeum Traiani. The man wears the pilleum felt
that the Romans called the agri decumates
cap and carries the lethal two-handed curved blade
(the so-called falx), which are the characteristics of the (‘tithe lands’) lay the two large Suebian
Dacian warrior. His wife pleads for mercy, while their tribes of the Marcomanni and the Quadi,
child flees in terror. (CristianChirita/CC-BY-SA-3.0) occupying modern Bohemia and Slovakia,
An uneasy peace
earned the proconsul Marcus Furius Camillus exodus of Moorish troops to Tacfarinas’ side,
ornamenta triumphalia, but his successor, where they were joined by Garamantian
Lucius Apronius, proved less effective against tribesmen and disaffected provincials. As
Tacfarinas’ hit-and-run tactics, succeeding things grew worse, the new governor of
only in increasing the rebel’s arrogance. Africa, Publius Cornelius Dolabella, pooled
By AD 21, Tiberius had decided that his military resources with Ptolemy’s and
serious action was required. Africa was too continued the tactics that had won Blaesus
important to the Roman economy to allow such success. Tacfarinas’ forces were finally
Tacfarinas’ disturbance to continue. (Cicero, surprised near Auzea (thought to be near
On Pompey’s Command 34, called Africa one present-day Sour El-Ghozlane, in Algeria)
of the ‘three corn reserves of the Roman and the rebel leader was killed. When
Republic’, along with Sicily and Sardinia; Dolabella applied for ornamenta triumphalia,
and even after Augustus’ annexation of the contrary emperor refused (not wishing
Egypt delivered the bounty of the fertile to detract from Sejanus’ uncle’s glory).
Nile valley to Rome, Africa remained a Nevertheless, it was Dolabella’s name
major food supplier.) Instead of allowing that became associated with the
the senate to select the governor, as was defeat of Tacfarinas, and he erected at
usual for this province, the emperor least one dedication to Victoria Augusta
directed Quintus Junius Blaesus – who (‘The emperor’s victory’, a kind of imperial
was the uncle of the powerful Sejanus – patron deity), ‘on account of Tacfarinas
to lay down his Pannonian command and having been slain’ (AE 1961, 107).
travel to Africa with one of his legions, the Despite Augustus’ admonition, an almost
Ninth Hispana (whose current commander imperceptible side effect of seven years of
bore the historic name of Publius Cornelius desultory warfare had been to increase the
Scipio – an honorific inscription gives him area of the Roman province at the expense
the grand title of legatus Tiberi Caesaris of tribal lands.
Augusti legionis VIIII Hispanae, ‘Tiberius Back in Gaul, where the Roman
Caesar Augustus’ legate of the Ninth authorities had recently conducted a census,
Hispana Legion’: ILS 940). the provinces of Lugdunensis and Belgica
Blaesus (characterized by Tacitus as were stirred into rebellion by two men
‘experienced in military affairs, with a named Julius Florus and Julius Sacrovir,
robust constitution, and competent outraged by the heavy level of taxation.
in warfare’; Annals 3.32) divided his (Perhaps learning from this event, Tiberius
two-legion army into roving units under later advised one of his governors that
the command of proven centurions and, ‘I want my sheep shorn, not shaved’,
for two years, harried Tacfarinas all year according to Cassius Dio, Roman History
round, using the rebel’s own tactics against 57.10.5.) The rebels tried, unsuccessfully, to
him. When Blaesus’ troops hailed their win over a Roman cavalry squadron – such
successful general as imperator, Tiberius – units being, at this stage, largely composed
a man who studiously avoided the title that of Gallic natives commanded by their own
Augustus had taken as his own – permitted chieftains – but the trouble was quelled by
it (though, from then on, this would be yet Silius, the commander on the upper Rhine,
another military honour that the emperors whose legionary troops were briefly delayed
denied to others). Blaesus returned to by the Gallic gladiators fighting on
Rome and the expected award of ornamenta Sacrovir’s side. (In a colourful passage,
triumphalia, while the Ninth Hispana Legion Tacitus, Annals 3.46, explains that ‘the
returned to Pannonia. Yet Tacfarinas was iron-clad [gladiators] caused a brief delay,
still at large. as their laminated armour was resistant
Meanwhile, the accession of Juba’s son, to javelins and swords, but the soldiers
Ptolemy, as ruler in Mauretania caused an snatched up their axes and picks, and cut
through the bodies and their protection, as besieged for a time (archaeology has revealed
if they were breaking through a wall’.) the barrage of sling bullets directed at the
Some years later, in AD 28, another revolt occupants). The commander of the lower
broke out, this time among the Frisii, the Rhine army, Lucius Apronius (a veteran of
tribe who lived across the Rhine delta, along Germanicus’ campaigns across the Rhine and
the North Sea coast. Here was another nation a previous proconsul of Africa), succeeded in
who were, strictly speaking, outside the drawing the besiegers away with an assault
Roman empire, but who paid tribute as a on their homeland, but in the process
mark of their loyalty. In this case, the tribute
consisted of ox hides, which an overzealous The Grand Camée de France depicts Tiberius in the guise
official had lately decided were too small, of Jupiter, seated beside his mother (Augustus’ wife) Livia.
The deified Augustus floats above, flanked by
justifying the extortion of other forms of
the deceased Drusus and Germanicus, while the
taxation. The tribal response was violent, armour-clad child (centre left) represents Caligula.
and the garrison of a fort called Flevum The Parthian captive perhaps alludes to the diplomatic
(probably Velsen in the Netherlands) was victory of AD 35. (Marie-Lan Nguyen/CC-BY-2.5)
suffered an enormous defeat, which Tiberius pact with Parthia. Part of this settlement
chose to ignore. guaranteed that any regime change in
Changes occurred in the east also. Here, Armenia – a kingdom in which the
there were far more of these nations that Parthians took a particular interest,
Augustus had left in the hands of ‘friendly as it controlled the northern route into
and allied kings’ (sometimes called in the Mesopotamia – must be ratified by Rome.
Greek language of the east philorhomaei, However, in AD 17, the Parthian king,
‘friends of Rome’), while quite clearly Artabanus II, attempted to place his own
considering them integral parts of the brother on the throne in Artaxata. Affairs
Roman empire (according to Suetonius, were resolved amicably with the crowning
Life of the Deified Augustus 48, ‘he treated of a Roman nominee, but the Parthian king
them all as divisions and regions of the must have viewed with apprehension the
empire’). Provided their kings paid court new Roman province of Cappadocia, which
to the emperor, which often meant sending brought the Roman empire right up to the
their offspring to Rome to be educated in Armenian border.
the Roman manner, they could continue The eastern frontier remained quiet until
to rule. One who failed to pay due honour to AD 35, when the Armenian throne again fell
Tiberius was Archelaus of Cappadocia, whose vacant, and King Artabanus again attempted
wealthy kingdom, in the words of Tacitus, to install a relative, this time his son. The
was ‘reduced to a province’ (Annals 2.42) Roman governor of Syria, Lucius Vitellius
in AD 17 and placed under the control of (parent of the future short-lived emperor
an equestrian prefect. Vitellius) overawed him with a show of force,
Although there had been warfare on the and even managed to secure Artabanus’ sons
northern frontier and in Africa, diplomacy as ‘guests’ at Rome. War in the east was once
was preferred in the east, where Germanicus more averted, for the time being.
was sent to renew Augustus’ non-aggression
on the North Sea coast may (if true) indicate even embarked upon a senatorial career, far
that Caligula envisaged a struggle against the less commanded an army).
Ocean, the mighty deity who encircled the Fortunately, that same year, campaigning
known world and whose untamed power by the newly enlarged armies of the Rhine
would prey upon the minds of Claudius’ against the Chatti and Chauci of the north –
soldiers some years later. The construction which must have begun under Caligula,
of a lighthouse at Gesoriacum (modern who perhaps had delusions of emulating the
Boulogne) in AD 40 could fit either scenario. German campaigns of his father, Germanicus
– came to a successful conclusion, and
resulted in the recovery of the third
A wise fool and last eagle standard lost in the clades
Variana. These exploits earned Galba and
Eventually, Caligula’s bizarre behaviour his colleague, Publius Gabinius Secundus,
exasperated even his loyal Praetorian Guard, ornamenta triumphalia and enabled the
who abruptly assassinated him and foisted
his lame, stuttering, bookish uncle Claudius Imaginative view of the Forum Romanum as it might
(who was by then 50 years old) upon the have appeared under the emperor Septimius Severus,
senate as the next emperor. This was after the two centuries of imperial Roman warfare
covered in this book. Severus’ massive triumphal arch
not exactly how Augustus’ dynastic occupies the centre foreground, and to the right is the
principle was supposed to work, portico of the Temple of Vespasian and Titus, erected in
but nobody wished to argue with the the AD 80s by the emperor Domitian. In the background
praetoriani. Claudius immediately added (and larger than life) looms the Flavian amphitheatre,
the names ‘Caesar Augustus’ to his own nowadays known as the Colosseum. The hill to the
right is the Palatine, where the emperors had their
to bolster his legitimacy, and set about palaces. (The free-standing Column of Phocas, in the
acquiring the military credentials that he centre, is an obvious anachronism, having been erected
conspicuously lacked (Claudius had never in AD 608.) (Bridgeman/Getty)
unmilitary emperor to be hailed as imperator, a major coup. And, again, there was a valid
though he never used the title as one of his excuse, this time in the person of Verica, a
names in the way that Augustus had. British refugee who petitioned Claudius to
There was trouble, too, in Mauretania, reinstate him as king of the Atrebates (the
whose king had been suddenly removed tribe occupying present-day Hampshire).
by Caligula. Claudius was obliged to send The army for the expeditio Britannica
two generals in succession, Gaius Suetonius (‘British expedition’) comprised four legions
Paullinus, who campaigned in the high – the Second Augusta, Fourteenth Gemina
Atlas Mountains and was, in fact, the first and Twentieth (later named Valeria Victrix)
Roman to cross over to the Sahara, and from the Rhineland, and the Ninth Hispana
Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, who scored two from Pannonia – accompanied by an
victories against the Moorish rebels. (No unknown number of auxiliary units;
ornamenta triumphalia are mentioned, but the Claudius placed it under the command of
campaigns were probably overshadowed by Aulus Plautius, who was summoned from
the preparations for a far grander expedition the governorship of Pannonia. It seems that
on the other side of the Mediterranean the soldiers, overawed by the power of the
world.) Claudius subsequently reorganized Ocean, were initially unwilling to embark
the enormous kingdom into two provinces, on the enterprise, but were finally persuaded,
to be governed by equestrians. and ‘within a few days, the submission of
Claudius’ unexpected accession was
not universally welcomed. In AD 42, the The emperor Claudius, depicted in heroic style as
governor of Dalmatia, Lucius Arruntius the supreme god Jupiter, with the eagle as symbol
Camillus Scribonianus, attempted to raise a of imperial power. He wears the oak-leaf crown
(corona civica), a favourite accessory of his, as it
rebellion with the support of a few senatorial symbolized the saving of citizens’ lives. Both hands
colleagues and the backing of his two-legion have been restored, and may not originally have held
army. However, the superstitious soldiers had the items depicted here. (Giovanni Dall’Orto)
a change of heart when their legionary
battle-standards allegedly ‘refused’ to be
moved from their fortresses, and Claudius
rewarded the two legions – hitherto known
simply as the Seventh and the Eleventh –
with the title ‘Claudia’. Lucius Salvius Otho
(father of the future emperor Otho) was sent
to replace Scribonianus, who had either been
lynched or had committed suicide.
The main event from the reign of Claudius
was the expansion of the empire beyond the
encircling ocean to embrace the British Isles.
It is quite likely that, since the days of
Augustus, the kingdoms of south-eastern
Britain had maintained links with Rome, and
perhaps enjoyed the same friendly relations
as, for example, Thrace or (until recently)
Mauretania. At any rate, chieftains of the
Britons were known to have made offerings
on the Capitol, a sure sign that they respected
Roman hegemony, despite the fact that their
country was (in the words of Vergil, Eclogues
1.66) ‘totally cut off from the whole world’.
The creation of a province there would be
part of the island was received, without following year carried, on the reverse, the
battle or bloodshed’ (Suetonius, Life of the legend DE BRITANN (announcing Claudius’
Deified Claudius 17.2). It seems that, just victory de Britannis, ‘over the Britons’).
like the friendly kingdom of Cappadocia in Claudius was rather profligate with
AD 17, south-eastern Britain was peacefully triumphal honours. In AD 47, Quintus
absorbed into the empire. Once beyond Curtius Rufus received ornamenta triumphalia
the modern boundaries of Kent, however, for employing the legions of the upper Rhine
Plautius met stern resistance, but won a in excavating a silver mine, to the dismay
major engagement with the Catuvellaunian of the exhausted soldiers, who saw their
tribe, now led by Cunobelinus’ sons, one of comrades on the lower Rhine pursuing
whom, Caratacus, fled the field to continue glorious warfare under their ‘old school’
the struggle at a later date. commander, Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo.
Plautius had been under strict instructions The tribe of the Chauci had raided imperial
to summon the emperor for the final victory. territory and Corbulo chased them back,
Claudius left Rome in the care of Lucius in the process cowing the Frisii, who
Vitellius (a particular favourite – he had (astonishingly) had remained fractious
already been honoured by Claudius not since their defeat of Apronius nearly 20 years
only with a second ordinary consulship, earlier. Campaigning was cut short, however,
but as the emperor’s colleague in the by a cautious emperor, who ordered Corbulo
consulship of AD 43) and travelled to back across the Rhine. The bitter pill was
Britain with a considerable entourage. The sweetened with the award of ornamenta
nervous emperor was always surrounded by triumphalia. Rufus’ successor as commander
a large bodyguard, which this time included on the upper Rhine, Publius Pomponius
elephants! Having witnessed the capture of Secundus (one of Corbulo’s half-brothers),
Camulodunum (Colchester in Essex), the was obliged to take action against the
imperial party returned to Rome, leaving Chatti and, in the process, managed
instructions for Plautius ‘to subjugate the to liberate some survivors of the clades
rest’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History 60.21.5). Variana who had been captives for 40 years!
With their sketchy geographical knowledge He, too, received ornamenta triumphalia.
and limited opportunity for exploration at Claudius made sure to reward himself,
this stage, the Romans clearly too. Having received his second imperatorial
underestimated the size of Britain. acclamation in AD 41 for the successes
Claudius celebrated his British triumph of Galba and Gabinius in Germany (his
in AD 44 with a grand procession through first, like Caligula’s, had been taken on his
Rome – the first in a generation – and a accession), he rapidly accumulated honours
cash handout to the city populace. All the until, by AD 46, he was advertising himself
senators who had taken part in the invasion on the coinage as IMP XI (meaning ‘having
– either accompanying the emperor, like been acclaimed imperator 11 times’). The
Plautius’ kinsman Tiberius Plautius Silvanus historian Cassius Dio thought that this
Aelianus, or commanding the legions, like was very bad form, as several of these
Titus Flavius Vespasianus (the future emperor acclamations had been occasioned by the
Vespasian), his brother Titus Flavius Sabinus, British victory, whereas ‘nobody should
and Gnaeus Hosidius Geta’s brother, Gaius – receive this title more than once during
were rewarded with ornamenta triumphalia, the same war’ (Roman History 60.21.5). By
while Plautius received the unique honour the end of his reign, Claudius had managed
of an ovatio (the lesser type of triumph, to accumulate a staggering 27, far more than
known as an ‘ovation’), and Vitellius any other emperor.
received the rare honour of a third Although the ancient historians treated
consulship (again, as the emperor’s Claudius as a fool, it is quite clear that,
colleague). A new issue of coinage in the on his accession, he began a wide-ranging
series of reforms. Like Augustus, he made AD 35, had earned ornamenta triumphalia
sure to meet the needs of the populace at in AD 26 for crushing an uprising in
Rome with the likes of an upgraded water western Thrace, where the tribes were being
supply and a more secure grain supply. conscripted into auxiliary units. However, it
Other reforms were more overtly military. was left to Claudius the organizer, in AD 44,
The formal organization of Rome’s auxiliary to restore the region into three distinct
forces into regular units commanded by provinces: Macedonia and Achaea were
members of the equestrian order was returned to the senate to be governed by
perhaps due to Claudius, and it is only proconsuls, while the northern area was
from his reign that we start to find the formally constituted into the imperial
so-called diplomas – bronze diptychs, consular province of Moesia. The first
officially engraved with proof of an governor of Moesia was Aulus Didius
auxiliary veteran’s honourable discharge Gallus, who received ornamenta triumphalia
and the all-important grant of citizenship for action in the Bosporan kingdom, across
to the man and his offspring. the Black Sea in the Crimea, where he had
Provinces were reorganized as well. installed a new ‘friendly king’. Two years
Mauretania has been mentioned already. later, the kingdom of Thrace became the
In AD 43, Quintus Veranius (the recipient of procuratorial province of Thracia.
a work by Onasander entitled The General) In Britain, Plautius was replaced by Publius
was sent to annex Lycia, a confederation of Ostorius Scapula; by AD 51, he had founded
cities in Asia Minor where civil unrest had a colonia on the site of Camulodunum and
caused Roman casualties. Inscriptions show had finally captured Caratacus. Scapula won
that Veranius governed the new province ornamenta triumphalia and Claudius erected
for a five-year term, bringing order (and an a triumphal arch at Rome, according to
improved road network) with the assistance the inscription (only a fragment of which
of troops seconded, probably, from Syria. In survives), ‘because he received the surrender
AD 44, the death of Herod Agrippa entailed of 11 kings of the Britons, conquered
the reorganization of Judaea as one of without any loss’ (ILS 216). The 11 tribes
Claudius’ new procuratorial provinces are not named, but the Iceni of present-day
(the equestrian governors were henceforth Norfolk and the Brigantes, whose lands
styled ‘procurators’ instead of prefects). stretched across the whole of northern
The first governor was the pro-Roman England, must have pledged their
Alexandrian Jew Tiberius Julius Alexander, allegiance to Rome. Unfortunately,
but his successors in the post were relatively hostilities continued in the west, and
insignificant members of the equestrian Scapula’s death in office required the hasty
order. Claudius sent equestrian procurators despatch of Didius Gallus (who had perhaps
to govern Raetia and Noricum as well. held the prestigious proconsulship of Asia
Another ‘friendly kingdom’ lying, like in the meantime).
Lycia and Judaea, within the empire was
Thrace, whose inhabitants were divided
between the mountain-people of the west The youthful tyrant
and the pastoralists of the east, so that
trouble had occasionally flared up requiring On Claudius’ sudden (and suspicious) death
Roman intervention. To address the general in AD 54, his adopted son, the 16-year-old
instability of the region, Tiberius had created Nero, became emperor. One of his first acts
a super-province covering the entire Balkan was to shower the Praetorian Guard with a
peninsula (sometimes anachronistically bonus of 15,000 sesterces per man (following
called ‘Moesia’ by the ancient historians). one of Claudius’ less worthy precedents).
Indeed, Gaius Poppaeus Sabinus, the His first years as emperor were carefully
governor from AD 11 until he died in supervised by his tutor, the philosopher
Seneca, and the Praetorian Prefect, Sextus bestowed no honours on Paullinus. In AD 61,
Afranius Burrus. However, in AD 62, the a new governor was sent, Publius Petronius
former’s retirement and the latter’s death Turpilianus, who was probably a close
removed all restraint from the headstrong relative of Aulus Plautius and deemed to
emperor; thereafter, his reign descended into be a ‘safe pair of hands’; his three-year
tyranny, encouraged by the dark influence term was marked by inactivity.
of Ofonius Tigellinus, the new Praetorian Germany had remained quiet during
Prefect. Potential rivals were eliminated or, these years, but the action of Lucius Duvius
like Galba, sent to far-off governorships Avitus, commander on the lower Rhine,
(in Galba’s case, Tarraconensis), hopefully in expelling the Frisii in AD 57 from lands
to be forgotten there. reserved for the army’s use allowed Nero
Meanwhile, the conquest of Britain to take a third imperatorial acclamation.
dragged on. Didius Gallus had been obliged Typically, Avitus received no honours.
to bolster the position of the ‘friendly queen’ And none were forthcoming either for
of the Brigantes, Cartimandua, and perhaps his actions in the following year, when,
installed Roman troops in her kingdom (as in concert with his colleague on the upper
he had done in his earlier dealings with the Rhine, Titus Curtilius Mancia, he dispersed a
Bosporan kingdom), but made little headway coalition of tribes who were trying to occupy
against the unruly Silures and Ordovices of the same area of Roman lands. Nero, again,
what is now Wales. Gallus’ successor in AD 57, took an imperatorial acclamation.
Quintus Veranius, died within a year, boasting Throughout Nero’s reign, the eastern
in his last testament that ‘he would have frontier, which had been quiet under
subjugated the province if he had lived for Claudius, simmered and flared from
another two years’ (Tacitus, Annals 14.29.1). crisis to crisis. At the outset, in AD 54, the
The claim was hopelessly optimistic. Parthian King Vologaeses I had installed his
His successor, Suetonius Paullinus, another brother, Tiridates, on the Armenian throne,
man of proven military ability, overran the in blatant contravention of the Augustan
Welsh tribes in two campaigning seasons, agreement. This was a serious threat to
before he was halted in his tracks by the Roman prestige. Nero (or, more accurately,
so-called Boudican Revolt. The death of the Nero’s advisors) sent Corbulo – a veteran
‘friendly king’ of the Iceni had prompted of the Rhine frontier who had meanwhile
the annexation of his kingdom. However, held the prestigious proconsulship of Asia –
this had been grossly mishandled, chiefly ‘to secure Armenia’ (the precise terms of his
by Nero’s rapacious financial procurator, command, preserved by Tacitus, Annals
and the tribe (led by the king’s widow, 13.8). In order to provide him with the
Boudica) had risen in revolt; the necessary resources, the provinces of Asia
neighbouring tribes joined them Minor were reorganized and Corbulo was
and inflicted serious damage on the appointed governor of an enlarged and
province, including the sack of the colonia amalgamated Cappadocia–Galatia.
at Camulodunum. Although Paullinus Although Galatia was a fertile recruiting
eventually won a decisive victory (it ground for the eastern legions, neither it nor
was probably on this occasion that the its neighbour were armed provinces, so two
Twentieth Legion took the titles ‘Valeria of the four Syrian legions – the Third Gallica
Victrix’, which it proudly bore thereafter), and the Sixth Ferrata – were ordered north,
scaremongering by the financial procurator along with a detachment of the Tenth
alarmed Nero, so that he allegedly Fretensis, and placed under Corbulo’s
considered abandoning the province command. Simultaneously, the Fourth
altogether. When the true state of affairs Scythica Legion began marching east to
became clear, Nero took an imperatorial reinforce Syria; its place in Moesia was taken
acclamation for himself but conspicuously by the Seventh Claudia from Dalmatia.
Ca
Provinces extant in 27 BC
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41
42 Essential Histories • The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14–193
Long years of inactivity had sapped the Meanwhile, however, Corbulo’s fears
eastern legions, and Corbulo was obliged to had been realized. Even before his message
impose his ‘old school’ discipline with field reached Nero (for communication with the
exercises and manoeuvres (Tacitus, Annals eastern frontier took several months), the
13.35 recounts lurid details), while the Parthians had invaded Armenia with a view
routine administration of the province to reinstating Tiridates as king. Luckily, they
was handled by a subordinate legate, were foiled by the defences of Tigranocerta,
Gaius Rutilius Gallicus. Corbulo advised where Tigranes had taken refuge, so when
Vologaeses ‘to choose peace over war and Corbulo sent two legions (the Fourth
hand over hostages’ (Annals 13.9); the king Scythica and Twelfth Fulminata), Vologaeses
welcomed the delay, as trouble loomed on was persuaded to withdraw, and decided
the Parthians’ eastern frontier, so hostages instead to send a delegation to Nero. But
were duly surrendered. But no promise of Paetus arrived in his province with hopes
peace was forthcoming. of glory, so that, when the Parthian embassy
By AD 57 or 58, Corbulo was ready to returned empty-handed and Vologaeses
move and invaded Armenia. As Tiridates renewed hostilities, the new governor eagerly
was unwilling to meet him in battle, he launched a counter-strike with the two
was obliged to reduce his strongholds legions sent by Corbulo. Things went well
piecemeal, and finally captured the capital at first and Nero proclaimed a great victory,
at Artaxata, whereupon the senate voted but when Vologaeses’ full army appeared at
Nero extravagant honours – the emperor Rhandeia, Paetus lost his nerve and appealed
had already taken two or three imperatorial to Corbulo for assistance. Scarcely had the
acclamations during this conflict – including message been sent than Paetus surrendered
a triumphal arch at Rome. However, the to the enemy, causing a general rout as
crisis had not yet been averted. It was only Roman troops fled from Armenia.
in AD 59 or 60, with Tiridates in flight and Corbulo’s Syrian garrison stood firm and
Nero’s new nominee, Tigranes (a prince who the Parthians were persuaded to evacuate
traced his lineage back to Herod the Great), Armenia, on condition that Rome would
installed on the Armenian throne, that respect the status quo, provided Tiridates
Corbulo could stand down. agreed to receive his crown from Nero; Paetus
At around the same time, the governor was recalled (though he went unpunished for
of Syria, the elderly Gaius Ummidius having caused the débâcle). When the second
Quadratus, died, and Corbulo was instructed Parthian embassy arrived in Rome early in
to fill this key vacancy. Realizing the fragility AD 63, it was clear that Vologaeses had
of the peace with Parthia – for the new king reneged on the agreement, for there was
of Armenia had started throwing his weight no sign of Tiridates. Consequently, Nero
around already, by raiding the lands of had a choice to make: ‘an unpredictable war
his pro-Parthian neighbours – Corbulo or a shameful peace’, as Tacitus put it (Annals
immediately placed the legions of Syria (now 15.25). He chose to risk war and again placed
numbering five) on high alert and requested his reliance upon Corbulo, who marched into
that Nero send a commander to defend Armenia with a massive army comprising
Armenia. (Gallicus may still have been in his favourite legions, the Third Gallica and
the now-demilitarized Cappadocia–Galatia, Sixth Ferrata, as well as the Fifth Macedonica,
but he lacked the seniority for a major the Fifteenth Apollinaris (drafted in from
military command.) Nero’s choice fell Pannonia, where the vacancy was filled
upon Lucius Junius Caesennius Paetus by the Tenth Gemina from Spain), and
(Turpilianus’ colleague in the consulship detachments from the two Egyptian legions.
for AD 61) to take over Cappadocia–Galatia. His aim was to restore Roman prestige by
At the same time, the Fifth Macedonica the appearance of overwhelming might.
Legion was ordered east from Moesia. This time, Tiridates was eager to comply.
During the Armenian crisis, interesting proclaimed to any who could read it that
events had been unfolding on the lower ‘the peace of the Roman people has been
Danube. Nero’s governor of Moesia, the same imposed across the land and sea’. The torpor
Plautius Silvanus who had accompanied the of Turpilianus’ successor in Britain, Marcus
emperor Claudius to Britain, received Trebellius Maximus, made this technically
100,000 Transdanubian refugees, perhaps true, but only briefly, for Nero’s peace was
the first sign of the great movements of about to be shattered.
peoples across Europe. And, despite the fact In ostentatiously closing the Temple of
that he had contributed a legion to Corbulo’s Janus’s doors, he was consciously emulating
war, he also acted in support of the Dacian Augustus, and, like the first emperor, he
kingdom in present-day Romania and the adopted the title imperator as his first
neighbouring tribes of the Roxolani and name. However, Nero was no Augustus.
Bastarnae, who were beset by migrating His increasing profligacy led to delays in
Sarmatian tribes. He even (like Didius Gallus army pay and the suspension of the grain
before him) intervened in the ‘friendly dole to the populace at Rome, while the
kingdom’ of the Crimea, and was allegedly coinage began to be debased as a cost-cutting
‘the first to alleviate the grain supply of the measure. Unrest followed. The uncovering
Roman people by means of a large quantity of a conspiracy in AD 65 led to over a dozen
of wheat from this province’ (ILS 986). high-profile executions and enforced suicides,
Either as a result of this contact with and when the emperor travelled to Greece
Sarmatians, or because of the fragility to pursue his musical ambitions, another
of the Armenian solution, Nero planned an conspiracy implicated Corbulo – or was
expedition ‘to the Caspian Gates, for the war made to appear so, as an excuse for the
that he was preparing against the Albani’ paranoid emperor to remove an imagined
(Tacitus, Histories 1.6). The expedition, as rival. The great general preferred to take his
Pliny pointed out, was really aimed at the own life than wait for Nero to decide his fate.
Dariel Pass in Georgia (‘which we can declare By this point, the Jerusalem Jews were
to be called the “Gates of the Caucasus”, for in revolt, having endured a succession of
maps sent from there have this name written heavy-handed and rapacious procurators.
on them’; Pliny, Natural History 6.40) and To everyone’s surprise, the governor of
the tribe was the Alani, a Sarmatian people neighbouring Syria, Gaius Cestius Gallus,
who would cause trouble for later emperors. with all the military resources of that
A new legion, the First Italica, was raised province, bungled his mission to reassert
with this expedition in mind, and the Roman order; beating a hasty retreat,
Fourteenth Gemina Legion was summoned the Twelfth Fulminata Legion suffered a
from Britain. Simultaneously, Nero appears humiliating defeat at the hands of Jewish
to have had designs on Ethiopia. In AD 61, guerrilla bands. Gallus’ death soon after,
he had sent a party of Praetorian explorers from shame or old age, left vacancies in
900-odd miles up the Nile. Now, troops were both Syria and Judaea. The first was filled
en route to an assembly point at Alexandria, by Gaius Licinius Mucianus, who had
including the Fifteenth Apollinaris Legion, commanded one of Corbulo’s legions
lately with Corbulo in Armenia. in Armenia; the second was given to an
In AD 66, a further round of celebrations older man of undistinguished career, who
ensued at Rome, greeting Tiridates’ tardy happened to be among Nero’s retinue in
visit. ‘Hailed as imperator because of this, Greece: Vespasian. Despite the procuratorial
and laurels having been carried to the status of the province, the command of a
Capitol’, wrote the biographer Suetonius, task force comprising two Syrian legions –
‘Nero closed the double doors of the Temple the Tenth Fretensis, commanded by Marcus
of Janus, just as if there were no wars’ Ulpius Traianus (father of the future emperor
(Life of Nero 13.2). Similarly, his coinage Trajan), and the Fifth Macedonica – and the
Herod the Great’s impregnable palace-fortress at Masada began to gather an army. Galba, who was
was seized by bandits in AD 66, on the outbreak of the still governor of Tarraconensis, watched from
Jewish War. It was used as their base of operations until the sidelines and bided his time; supported
the arrival of the Tenth Fretensis Legion in the winter
only by the young governor of unarmed
of AD 73/74, whereupon the entire plateau was ringed
with Roman siegeworks (one of the camps can be seen, Lusitania, Marcus Salvius Otho, and with
bottom right) and a siege embankment was constructed, only a single legion (the Sixth Victrix) at
ascending the mountain from the west (left of photo). his disposal, he began recruiting another
(© Richard T. Nowitz/Corbis) (which he named the Seventh Galbiana).
Meanwhile, Nero recalled the First Italica
Fifteenth Apollinaris (placed under the and Fourteenth Gemina legions, which
command of Vespasian’s son Titus) required were then in transit to the Caucasus, and
consular authority, similar to that of the began desperately raising troops at Rome;
Rhine commanders; although Vespasian in Africa, it was perhaps on his behalf that
hadn’t seen an army for 20 years, his the legate of the Third Augusta Legion,
consular status made him a suitable Lucius Clodius Macer, began recruiting a
candidate. He was blessed with success, sister legion (apparently to be named the
as two campaigning seasons served to First Macriana Liberatrix, ‘the liberator’).
secure the province and confine the By June AD 68, the new commander of the
insurgency to Jerusalem. upper Rhine legions, Lucius Verginius Rufus,
The governor of Lugdunensis, Gaius had crushed Vindex’s uprising at Vesontio,
Julius Vindex, now raised the banner of later declaring (on his tombstone, according
revolt – according to Cassius Dio (Roman to Pliny the Younger, Letters 6.10) that ‘he
History 63.22.3), he accused Nero of having claimed imperial power not for himself but
‘despoiled the entire Roman world’ – and for his fatherland’ – proven, in fact, by his
N S e a
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Caesarea Scythopolis
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Machaerus
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refusal, not once but twice, to make himself and the armies on the Rhine (and in Britain)
emperor in Nero’s place. However, the were beyond Otho’s reach. Two task forces –
praetoriani had already selected a new based around the Fifth Alaudae Legion under
emperor in Galba; once he was recognized Valens, and the Twenty-First Rapax under
by the senate, Nero committed suicide. Caecina Alienus – had already set out to
take Rome for Vitellius.
At Rome, Otho could count only on
The Year of the Four Emperors the Praetorians and the legion of marines
(AD 69) that Nero had hastily enrolled (the future
First Adiutrix Legion), so he had summoned
Galba was, by now, very old. He found the legions of Pannonia – the Thirteenth
Nero’s treasury empty, so the donative of Gemina and Galba’s Seventh Legion, which
30,000 sesterces expected by the praetoriani he had sent to Carnuntum to relieve the
could not be paid. His parsimony was Tenth Gemina (now en route to Spain) –
matched by his ingratitude: he passed over as well as the Fourteenth Gemina. He
his loyal supporter Otho in his search for an also called upon the legions of Moesia
heir. Likewise, when the commander on the (the Seventh Claudia, Eighth Augusta and
lower Rhine, Fonteius Capito, was murdered Third Gallica, newly transferred from the
by one of his legionary commanders, Fabius east). However, before they could arrive,
Valens, who claimed that he acted out of Otho’s forces had already been defeated
loyalty to Galba (perhaps hoping to be near Cremona, and the emperor of three
promoted in Capito’s place), Galba installed months committed suicide.
Aulus Vitellius instead (allegedly on the Vitellius dismissed Otho’s legions and
grounds that such a glutton couldn’t processed grandly into Italy. However, the
possibly present any threat). At the eastern armies had not yet expressed their
same time, the upright Verginius Rufus opinion, and, on 1 July, Vespasian was
was quickly replaced by the ineffectual hailed as emperor by the Prefect of Egypt,
Titus Hordeonius Flaccus. Galba’s Tiberius Julius Alexander, and his two legions
arrogance and cruelty cannot have helped (the Third Cyrenaica and Twenty-Second
win supporters – for example, the elderly Deiotariana). The three legions in Judaea,
Turpilianus, whom Nero had put in charge followed by the three legions in Syria,
of a task force to combat Vindex, was forced quickly gave their support, and an army –
to commit suicide. based around the Sixth Ferrata Legion –
After only six months, Galba’s reign was set out for Europe. The Moesian legions
in trouble. The legions of the lower Rhine joined them, and then those of Pannonia
decided (perhaps encouraged by Valens) and Dalmatia. While Vespasian remained
that they would prefer their own candidate in the east, his generals met those of
to assume the purple: their commander, Vitellius, again near Cremona, and
Vitellius. The army of the upper Rhine inflicted a crushing defeat. When the
concurred. A fortnight later, Galba was dead, victorious army descended upon Rome,
assassinated by the disgruntled praetoriani, Vitellius was killed and the senate belatedly
and Otho had seized power. He hoped to recognized Vespasian as their new emperor.
curry favour with the army by rewarding An edict subsequently confirmed that
the governors of Pannonia and Moesia with (among other things) ‘he shall have the
ornamenta triumphalia (the latter, Marcus right to make treaties with whomsoever he
Aponius Saturninus, had at least scored a wishes, just like the deified Augustus and
success against the restless Transdanubian Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus and Tiberius
tribes), but Marcus Pompeius Silvanus, the Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus’
legate of Dalmatia (with its single legion, (ILS 244), appealing to the precedent
the Eleventh Claudia), remained cautious, set by his three ‘good’ predecessors.
In the Rhineland, the fighting continued The Rhineland, too, required the new
into the following year. The tribe of the emperor’s attention, as the Batavian Revolt
Batavi, under their leader Julius Civilis, had seen the mutiny of three legions (the
had been encouraged to rise in support First Germanica, the Fourth Macedonica
of Vespasian against the Vitellian legions. and the Sixteenth Gallica), the mauling
Events spiralled out of control, as the of a fourth (the Fifth Alaudae) and the
German Bructeri and the Gallic Treveri and destruction of a fifth (the Fifteenth
Lingones joined the revolt. Vespasian’s Primigenia). Vespasian’s answer was to
son-in-law, the fiery Quintus Petillius strike them all from the army list and
Cerialis, was sent north with a task force to muster two new legions, the Fourth
to pacify the lower Rhineland. By late Flavia and Sixteenth Flavia, in their place
summer, just as Titus’s army (having (‘Flavia’ recalling his family name). In the
captured Jerusalem and destroyed Herod’s general reshuffling of the Rhine legions
great Temple) were mopping up after the which ensued, the Fourth Flavia was
bloody Jewish Revolt, Cerialis could report swapped with the Eleventh Claudia, so
that he had quelled the so-called Batavian that Dalmatia retained a legion, and the
Revolt. The Roman empire was once more Sixteenth Flavia was sent east. The Seventh
at peace. Galbiana Legion, destined to be the new
garrison of Tarraconensis, was renamed
‘Gemina’ (a name that normally indicates
Stabilizing the state some kind of amalgamation, perhaps, in
this case, with elements of the disbanded
Early in AD 69, the Sarmatian tribe of the legions). Meanwhile, Nero’s First Italica was
Roxolani had invaded Moesia, but were sent to Moesia, to allow the Eighth Augusta
defeated by the Third Gallica Legion to transfer west; Nero’s First Adiutrix was
(temporarily detached from the Syrian settled at Mainz; and a Second Adiutrix
army for service on the lower Danube); Legion was now raised and sent to Britain
the governor, Marcus Aponius Saturninus, to fill the gap left by the Fourteenth Gemina
was rewarded with ornamenta triumphalia
(but was less successful, fortunately, in his Gold aureus of the emperor Vespasian. He and his
sons took the names Imperator Caesar Augustus
subsequent attempt to murder one of his (here abbreviated as IMP CAESAR AVG) as their own,
own legionary commanders, Lucius Tettius consciously evoking a link with the emperor Augustus.
Julianus). The Dacians, too, seeing that the (De Agostini/Getty Images)
Roman world was in turmoil, had crossed
the river, but were met by the Sixth Ferrata,
en route to Italy in support of Vespasian’s
bid for the purple. Mucianus, the army
commander, was rewarded with ornamenta
triumphalia, Tacitus says, ‘for his Sarmatian
expedition’ (Histories 4.4), so the Roxolani
may still have been causing trouble. And in
AD 70, the new Moesian governor himself,
Gaius Fonteius Agrippa, fell in battle with
Sarmatian tribes: ‘they overran the entire
area that was under his command, ravaging
everything they encountered’ (Josephus,
The Jewish War 7.91). Moesia had clearly
become a new flashpoint. Agrippa’s
successor, Rubrius Gallus, was obliged
to strengthen his defences.
(also stationed at Mainz). The total number ornamenta triumphalia. Affairs in Gaul
of legions now stood at 28. and the Rhineland might, by now, have
During Vespasian’s reign, the been put to rights after the Batavian Revolt,
commander on the upper Rhine, Gnaeus but Vespasian had not forgotten the role
Pinarius Clemens, busied his legions clearing played by the Bructeri. Consequently, in
a way through the Black Forest, to create an about AD 76, the commander on the lower
important link between the upper Rhine Rhine, Rutilius Gallicus (just one of several
and Danube; ‘a road was driven from protégés of Corbulo to find favour with the
Strassbourg into Raetia’, as one of the new regime), invaded the tribe’s territory and
surviving milestones (ILS 5832) explains. captured their formidable priestess Veleda.
For this (or for some related action about In the east, Vespasian upgraded Judaea
which we know nothing), he received to the status of a praetorian province,
governed by the legate who commanded but he was subsequently honoured with the
the Tenth Fretensis Legion. The first holders ordinary consulship in AD 81.
of this post, however, still had work to do, In Syria, Mucianus handed the
reducing the rebellious strongholds of governorship over to Caesennius Paetus
Herodium, Machaerus and finally Masada, (the husband of Vespasian’s niece, evidently
famously besieged by Lucius Flavius Silva in forgiven for his shameful blunder under
the early months of AD 74. There, the bandits Corbulo), and, in AD 72, the tiny kingdom
known as sicarii (‘knife-men’) took their own of Commagene was, once more, annexed
lives, just as the Roman siege embankment to its larger neighbour. At the same time,
reached their lofty haven; Silva received the vast Cappadocia–Galatia agglomeration
no ornamenta triumphalia for his victory, was retained as a watch on the long upper
as the war had already been won by Titus, Euphrates border, chiefly, according to
Suetonius, ‘on account of the barbarians’
unremitting incursions’ (Life of the Deified
Vespasian 8.4). It seems that the Caucasus
had been affected by the same Sarmatian
migrations that brought the Jazyges to
the Pannonian border, but here the main
culprits were the Alani. Roman troops were
even outposted to the east, in the friendly
Iberian kingdom (present-day Georgia),
where they built a fort near modern-day
Tbilisi. Cappadocia received two legions
(the Twelfth Fulminata and, a little later, the
Sixteenth Flavia), which entailed an upgrade
to consular status (and the appointment of
a separate praetorian legatus to assist the
governor, as under Corbulo).
A few years later, when Traianus was
governor of Syria, the Parthians requested
Roman assistance against an incursion by
the Alani, but were refused. It was perhaps in
connection with these events that Traianus
earned ornamenta triumphalia and patrician
status for his family; he was also responsible
for upgrading the Syrian road network,
including driving a road east through
Palmyra to the Euphrates, but this was
hardly worthy of triumphal ornaments.
Only in Britain, where the process of
repair after the damaging Boudican revolt
continued, did Vespasian annex new
the Colosseum in AD 80 was celebrated with In Britain, it is possible that Titus ordered
an unprecedented 100 days of spectacular Agricola to consolidate his gains at the
public shows – it may have been on this Forth–Clyde isthmus, which, according to
occasion that the poet Martial saw a Tacitus, ‘was now secured by garrisons and
condemned criminal ‘surrender his the whole interior on the nearer side was
naked organs to a Caledonian bear’ being mastered, the enemy having been
(On Spectacles 7) – and the erection of pushed back as if into a different island’
two triumphal arches (only one of which (Life of Agricola 23). Certainly, the historian
still stands) continued to provide work for Cassius Dio links the emperor’s fifteenth
Roman labourers right up to the emperor’s imperatorial acclamation (datable to the
death in September AD 81. (The surviving final months of AD 79) to events in Britain.
arch is dedicated posthumously to Titus, Nowhere else had Augustus’ empire been
but medieval records of the other arch show significantly extended.
that it carried a long inscription, making
the exaggerated claim that ‘at his father’s
command and with his advice and guidance, The frontiers under pressure
he subdued the Jewish people and destroyed
the city of Jerusalem, which had either been On Titus’s death, the praetoriani acclaimed
attacked in vain by generals, kings or peoples his brother, now almost 30 years old,
before him, or hadn’t even been attempted’; imperator in his place. Unfortunately,
ILS 264.) Domitian had not been prepared for the
task. Nevertheless, he began enthusiastically,
The Arch of Titus in the Roman Forum (here viewed and set about garnering the military glory
from below) was completed in AD 81, shortly after that that he, like Claudius on his accession,
emperor’s death. It commemorates his famous victory conspicuously lacked. His second
over the Jews, which culminated in the destruction of
Jerusalem. The two main decorative panels depict scenes
imperatorial acclamation was taken in AD 82,
from the triumphal procession of Vespasian and Titus possibly for successes in Britain, reversing
ten years earlier. (Sebastian Bergmann/CC-BY-SA-2.0) (or capitalizing on) his brother’s policy of
consolidation. Thereafter, they followed in German tribes (like the Usipi, who mutinied
a steady stream, until, over the course of when sent to serve in the garrison of Britain)
a 15-year reign, he surpassed his father’s had perhaps stirred up old animosities, but
20 acclamations. In addition, besides the Chatti had never been friends of Rome.
virtually monopolizing the ordinary ‘Domitian safeguarded Roman territory’,
consulship for years on end, he staged writes Frontinus (Stratagems 1.1.8), ‘by
at least two grand triumphal processions at launching a surprise attack and breaking
Rome, as befitted the first reigning emperor the fierce spirit of this savage nation’.
since Augustus to accompany the legions Domitian took the war seriously. It was
on campaign. probably at this time that a new legion,
Early in AD 83, casting around for a the First Minervia, was enrolled and sent
military adventure of his own, he rushed to Bonna (modern-day Bonn) to release
north to Germany, where he perhaps the Twenty-First Rapax for service against
relieved Quintus Corellius Rufus of his the Chatti. Reinforcements came from as far
command over the army of the upper Rhine, afield as Britain, from where Lucius Roscius
for he was not a well man (though Pliny the Aelianus, ‘military tribune of the Ninth
Younger, Letters 1.12.8, quotes him as saying Hispana Legion, commanded detachments
that he struggled on through illness ‘so that of that legion on the German expedition’
I can outlive that bandit’ – referring to (ILS 1025). By late summer, Domitian had
Domitian – ‘by even a single day!’). been acclaimed imperator again (probably
Domitian’s expedition was directed at the twice) and was able to add Germanicus
Chatti, who (according to Frontinus) were (‘conqueror of the Germans’) to his official
spoiling for a fight. Conscription among the titles, styling himself thereafter as Imperator
Caesar Domitian Augustus Germanicus.
Reconstructed gateway of the Roman fort of Vetoniana The war apparently continued, for it was
(present-day Pfünz, in Bavaria), on the Danube frontier not until AD 85 that Domitian’s coinage
of Raetia. Originally built under the emperor Domitian,
it was probably badly damaged during the Marcomannic
proclaimed ‘Germany captured’.
Wars, requiring substantial refurbishment in the AD 180s. Meanwhile, in north Africa, the desert
(Andreas Strauss/Getty) tribe of the Nasamones had rebelled against
Modern rock-cut sculpture representing King Decebalus, Caledonia, and his commentary on
overlooking the Kazan or ‘Iron Gates’ gorge of the Domitian’s reign is, in consequence, snide
River Danube, just upriver from the site of and bitter: he complained that ‘Britain
Apollodorus’ famous bridge.
was conquered and immediately let go’
(Histories 1.2.1). But it was natural that the
Roman taxation and were ruthlessly inexperienced emperor should celebrate his
annihilated by the Third Augusta Legion. own successes in grander style than the
Domitian’s pompous pronouncement, that successes of his subordinates.
‘I have forbidden the Nasamones to exist’ Moreover, Domitian’s attention was
(Cassius Dio, Roman History 67.5.6), cannot directed elsewhere, for a storm was slowly
have endeared him to a senate that already gathering on the Danube. An auxiliary
balked at addressing him as ‘lord and god’. diploma from Moesia reveals that, even
Trouble in Mauretania was crushed, as well. during the Chattan War, three units had
In Britain, the Caledonian tribes been drafted in from the army of the upper
had likewise been crushed, but Agricola’s Rhine. Others were to follow. The consilium
victory in battle at Mons Graupius was not (‘council’) summoned to convene at
broadcast in German fashion, owing to the the emperor’s villa – the satirist Juvenal
emperor’s lack of involvement. Nevertheless, mischievously suggests that they were there
Domitian surely took an imperatorial to discuss how best to divide up a large and
acclamation (one of the three taken delicious turbot – included knowledgeable
during AD 84, by the time news of the military men, whom Juvenal acknowledges
victory reached Rome) and Agricola himself were really ‘planning battles in the marble
was rewarded with ornamenta triumphalia villa’ (Satires 4.112). Among them were
(a rare honour from an emperor more used Rubrius Gallus, ‘Pegasus’ (a previous governor
to distributing the lesser dona militaria, of Dalmatia, thought to be the brother of
‘military decorations’). However, the ‘Griffin’, Decimus Plotius Grypus), Rutilius
general’s son-in-law, Tacitus, expected Gallicus, and the emperor’s praefectus praetorio
grander treatment for the conqueror of Cornelius Fuscus, a man (according to Tacitus,
Histories 2.86) whose ‘desire for neutrality led twice decorated with dona militaria), but
him to renounce his senatorial status’. in AD 87, a barren year for honours, disaster
In AD 85, the Dacians made their move struck again: Fuscus was cut down on Dacian
under their king Decebalus, crossing the soil, where (in Juvenal’s gruesome phrase)
frozen Danube and plundering Moesia. The ‘he delivered his entrails to the Dacian
Roman governor, Oppius Sabinus, was killed vultures’ (Satires 4.111), and a Roman
in battle, and the commander of the Seventh battle-standard was lost. The emperor
Claudia Legion stepped into the breach until himself again travelled to the war zone,
a new consular governor (Marcus Cornelius where Vettonianus was replaced by a
Nigrinus) could be appointed. It may be younger man, Tettius Julianus (another
that the Dacians had surprised Sabinus by Flavian stalwart, whose equestrian brother –
sweeping across the Dobrudja region of Vettonianus’ son-in-law, in fact – had risen
the lower Danube, and that the so-called to the praefectura Aegypti under Titus).
mausoleum at Adamklissi (near the later Penetrating Dacia’s Carpathian fastness by
Tropaeum Traiani) marks the scene of the way of the Iron Gate Pass, Julianus brought
defeat. Domitian rushed to the war zone and, the Dacians to battle at Tapae and crushed
in a highly unorthodox move, gave overall them ‘in great numbers’ (Cassius Dio,
command to the equestrian Fuscus. A further Roman History 67.10.1–2, where he claims
two or three imperatorial acclamations that Julianus ordered his men to paint their
followed, and the wily Decebalus sued for centurions’ names on their shields, so that
peace. Domitian returned to Rome, and in the bravest men could be identified and
the following year, ‘after various battles, he
staged a double triumph over the Chatti and A Roman legionary, armed with the characteristic
the Dacians’ (Suetonius, Life of Domitian 6.1), rectangular body-shield (the so-called scutum) and
distributing largesse to the city populace and the short cut-and-thrust sword (the gladius), attacks
increasing the army’s pay (the first increase a Dacian warrior, armed with the characteristic
two-handed falx. A Germanic barbarian, identifiable
since the days of Augustus). by his ‘Suebian knot’ hairstyle, has fallen injured at his
Domitian was under no illusions that feet, on one of the metopes from the Tropaeum Traiani.
the Danube was now at peace. Legions were (CristianChirita/CC-BY-SA-3.0)
mobilized to augment the Pannonian and
Moesian garrisons: the First Adiutrix moved
from the Rhine and the Second Adiutrix
was withdrawn from Britain, occasioning
retrenchment and the abandonment of the
fortress at Inchtuthil (near Perth in Scotland)
before it was even completed. Furthermore,
Moesia was divided into two provinces, in
order to bring two consular governors to the
troubled sector: Nigrinus retained Moesia
Inferior, with the First Italica and Fifth
Macedonica legions, while the venerable
governor of Pannonia, Lucius Funisulanus
Vettonianus, was moved to Moesia Superior,
where the Seventh Claudia Legion was
joined by the Fourth Flavia Legion
(transferred from Dalmatia and causing
that province to lose its consular status).
There must have been initial successes to
justify Domitian’s thirteenth and fourteenth
imperatorial acclamations (and Nigrinus was
rewarded). Domitian felt able to take no but they were less of a threat, being under
fewer than six imperatorial acclamations the command of the equestrian praefectus
during AD 88. However, events on the Rhine Aegypti). The circle of those chosen for
suddenly took the shine from Domitian’s punishment extended beyond the
Dacian success. Rhineland. The governor of Britain,
In January AD 89, the commander of the Lucius Sallustius Lucullus, perhaps now
upper army, Lucius Antonius Saturninus, fell victim to the emperor’s witch-hunt:
raised the banner of revolt, having Suetonius records that his alleged crime
appropriated the pay chest of the was ‘having allowed spears of a new shape
two legions at Mainz, and might have to be called Lucullean’ (Life of Domitian
succeeded in repeating Vitellius’ success 10.3), but his fatal mistake might have
(exactly 20 years earlier), except that his been to promise Saturninus the support
Chattan allies were prevented from crossing of the British garrison.
the Rhine to join him by an unseasonal thaw. Domitian now had breathing room
His lower Rhine counterpart, Aulus Lappius to reflect on the lack of support that his
Maximus, chose to oppose him (and supposed Suebian allies had provided
attempted to limit the damage done by during the recent Dacian War. This is
the abortive coup by burning Saturninus’ the reason given by Cassius Dio for his
correspondence). Although the army of the immediate transit to Pannonia – probably
lower Rhine was rewarded with the titles in company with the Twenty-First Rapax
pia fidelis Domitiana (‘loyal and faithful to Legion, banished from Mainz – but there
Domitian’) and Domitian perhaps chose may have been rumours of unrest among
the occasion to take a fresh acclamation the Marcomanni and Quadi. In any event,
(his twenty-first), Maximus himself received he suffered a defeat and was fortunate that
nothing from the ungrateful emperor besides the Dacians were in no position to take
an acknowledgement that he was confector advantage of Roman weakness. A generous
belli Germanici (‘the man who ended the peace was granted to Decebalus, along
German war’, carefully avoiding mention with ‘large and immediate subsidies, and
of a revolt; ILS 1006) and a transfer to the workmen skilled in all sorts of trades, both
governorship of Syria. The twin military peaceful and warlike’ (Cassius Dio, Roman
commands on the Rhine were finally History 67.7.4), and the emperor returned
recognized as the consular provinces of to Rome to celebrate another triumph with
Germania Inferior and Germania Superior, magnificent games and the erection of
and the garrison of each was soon reduced a massive equestrian statue.
to three legions. Saturninus’s head was sent However, even if the Suebians remained
to Rome and his vacancy was filled by Lucius quiet, the Sarmatian problem had not been
Javolenus Priscus. solved, and, early in AD 92, the Jazyges
Matters had been serious enough to merit swept across the Pannonian border.
the mobilization of the Seventh Gemina Domitian launched an expeditio Suebica et
Legion, stationed in far-off Tarraconensis, Sarmatica (‘expedition against the Suebians
inadvertently bringing its 35-year-old and Sarmatians’; ILS 1017), ‘which was
commander, Marcus Ulpius Trajanus, to unavoidable’, writes Suetonius (Life of
centre stage (his reward, surely intended Domitian 6.1), ‘because a legion [no doubt
to round off a curiously lacklustre career, the Twenty-First Rapax] had been destroyed
was the ordinary consulship for AD 91). The with its commander’. Domitian’s retribution
suspicious emperor decided henceforth to was swift (he was back in Rome by January
limit the funds stored in each legionary pay AD 93, having taken his twenty-second and
chest, and decreed that two legions should last acclamation) and among the recipients
never again share a fortress (the legions of of dona militaria was the commander of
Egypt seem to have continued doing so, the Thirteenth Gemina Legion, Lucius
Ruins of the stronghold at Capalna in north-west Dacia. The murdered Domitian had no
The inhospitable terrain and the formidable defences surviving relatives (most had fallen victim
made the Dacian strongholds impregnable to any
to the emperor’s growing paranoia), so
attacker without siege equipment. (România de vis/
CC-BY-SA-3.0-RO) the senate elected as his replacement
the venerable Marcus Cocceius Nerva,
Caesennius Sospes (a son of Caesennius a three-times consul (a rare honour)
Paetus – his name means ‘safe and sound’, who traced his lineage back to the days
perhaps in reference to his survival of his of Julius Caesar, a Galba to Domitian’s Nero.
father’s Armenian disaster). However, facing growing discontent at Rome
Like his father and brother, Domitian (for Domitian’s assassination had evidently
looked after Rome’s populace with encouraged the governor of three-legion
building projects and entertainment, but his Syria, Cornelius Nigrinus, to contemplate
increasingly tyrannical behaviour – perhaps emulating Vespasian’s response to Nero’s
understandable in a young man who was murder), Nerva reluctantly bolstered his
not only the son of a god, but the brother position by manufacturing a rival vir militaris
of one, too (for both Vespasian and Titus (‘military man’) to become his heir.
had been posthumously deified) – led to His choice fell upon Marcus Ulpius
a palace coup in September AD 96, directed Trajanus (known to posterity as Trajan),
by his wife, Corbulo’s daughter Domitia, a patrician whose career had languished
and the praefectus praetorio Titus Petronius under Domitian, but whom Nerva now
Secundus. In the aftermath, his successors plucked from the shadows – illustrating
had no reason to laud the dead emperor the power of patronage at Rome – and sent
and every reason to blacken his name. to govern Germania Superior. This was no
He was likened to Nero, and the senate random choice, for that province’s three
voted to officially erase all traces of him legions stood closest to Italy, and this
in a process known as damnatio memoriae time (unlike the situation in AD 89)
(‘condemnation of remembrance’). As far their commander could count on the
as inscriptional evidence is concerned, additional four legions of Germania Inferior
they were remarkably successful. (currently under Trajan’s fellow Spaniard,
Lucius Licinius Sura). With Trajan’s formal in which successors happened to be selected
adoption in October AD 97, a clear message (like Trajan), rather than foisted upon the
had been sent to Nigrinus (who was surely empire (like Domitian).
now silently removed, for the young Amid the machinations at Rome,
commander of the Fourth Scythica Legion the business of safeguarding the empire
can be seen to have briefly stepped into the continued. Sura’s predecessor in Germania
governor’s shoes). Many must have travelled Inferior, the aged Titus Vestricius Spurinna
to Mainz to pay their respects to the new (a veteran of the ‘Year of the Four Emperors’),
heir to the throne; among them was Trajan’s had recently won ornamenta triumphalia
young ward (the son of his deceased cousin) (unthinkable under Domitian’s regime) for
Publius Aelius Hadrianus (the future emperor ‘blood, sweat and deeds’ (in the words of
Hadrian), then serving his tribunate in the Pliny, Letters 2.7.1). He had imposed a new
Twenty-Second Primigenia Legion. king on the Bructeri, presumably after their
Nerva continued to rule throughout pitiless massacre, ‘not by Roman weapons
AD 97, but he was a puppet in the hands and missiles, but, even more magnificent
of the Trajanic faction, led (it would seem) and a delight for the eyes’, by their Germanic
by the éminence grise Frontinus, whom neighbours (Tacitus, On Germany 33).
Tacitus rightly calls vir magnus (‘a great Similarly, on the very eve of Trajan’s
man’). Frontinus was now rewarded with adoption, ‘laurels had been brought from
consulships in that year and in AD 100, Pannonia’ (Pliny, Panegyric on Trajan 8.2),
when he and Trajan both held their third where Domitian’s governor of Moesia Superior,
consulships together. Nerva’s childlessness Gnaeus Pompeius Longinus, had taken
inaugurated a new phase of the Principate command; it was Roman practice to decorate
victorious despatches with a laurel branch.
When the emperor Domitian died in AD 96, the senate
Although the Sarmatian Jazyges were, for the
decreed an official sanction on his memory (damnatio moment, quiet, their Suebian neighbours, the
memoriae). His statues were pulled down and his Marcomanni and Quadi, had been causing
inscriptions defaced. (DEA/A. Dagli Orti/Getty) trouble once again. Nerva and his new heir
both took the title Germanicus (‘conqueror
of the Germans’), and dona militaria were
distributed to the deserving officers, one set
going to Quintus Attius Priscus, equestrian
tribune of the First Adiutrix Legion (ILS 2720).
Nerva perhaps hoped to foster loyalty among
the four Pannonian legions (for the First and
Second Adiutrix legions and the Thirteenth
Gemina Legion had recently been reinforced
by the Fourteenth Gemina, transferred from
the Rhine probably to replace the lost
Twenty-First Rapax).
However, the empire was about to see its
first major expansion since Claudius’ invasion
of Britain, over half a century before.
visit Rome. As heir apparent, he had handed During the first campaigning season
the governorship of Germania Superior of this First Dacian War, the Dacian king
over to Lucius Julius Servianus (Hadrian’s Decebalus was defeated at Tapae (scene of
brother-in-law), and perhaps now took the Tettius Julianus’ victory in AD 88) but refused
opportunity to visit the Danube frontier to to meet Trajan’s envoys, Sura and Claudius
view the Dacians for himself, as he was said Livianus (the praefectus praetorio). Meanwhile,
to be ‘troubled by the large subsidy they were engineering work was completed on a canal,
receiving every year, having seen that their perhaps begun by Domitian to bypass the
power and arrogance were on the increase’ Danube rapids as they flowed through the
(Cassius Dio, Roman History 68.6.1). It may Iron Gates gorge, upstream from the fort
even have been at this point that the equites at Drobeta, and a permanent bridge was
singulares Augusti (‘the emperor’s horse guard’) constructed at the fort by the military
were created, so that Trajan did not have to engineer Apollodorus of Damascus, in order
rely so heavily upon the fickle praetoriani. to make it easier to cross the river into Dacia.
Having returned to Rome for a year, Campaigning continued into the following
Trajan set off for Dacia with a consilium year. An autonomous force of Moorish light
that included the 25-year-old Hadrian, horsemen under their chieftain, Lusius
as well as Sura and Servianus. The three Quietus, scored notable successes, and it
Danubian provinces by now mustered seems likely that Apollodorus’ engineering
ten legions in total, mostly stationed on talents were further employed in devising
the right bank of the river. Not all could ways to capture the Dacian fortresses, for
be released for an invasion of Dacia, so ‘Trajan seized mountain strongholds, where
others were drafted in: the First Minervia he found arms and captured machinery and
and Tenth Gemina legions marched from the battle-standard that had been taken from
Germania Inferior, and the Eleventh Claudia Fuscus’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History 68.9.3).
came from Germania Superior, under its His ultimate goal was the Dacian capital at
commander Gaius Julius Quadratus Bassus. Sarmizegethusa Regia, which might well
have proven impregnable, but for the fact
Gold aureus of the emperor Trajan, showing the that the governor of Moesia Inferior, Manlius
new title Optimus (‘Best’, here abbreviated as OPTIM) Laberius Maximus, managed to capture some
alongside his other titles Germanicus (‘conqueror of the important prisoners, including Decebalus’
Germans’, commemorating the victory of AD 97 over the
Suebian tribes) and Dacicus (‘conqueror of the Dacians’,
family, thus persuading the Dacian king to
commemorating Trajan’s first Dacian victory of AD 102). agree to terms: namely, ‘to hand over arms,
(De Agostini/Getty Images) machines and engineers, give up deserters,
dismantle his fortifications, evacuate
captured territory, acknowledge the same
enemies and friends as the Romans, and
neither shelter deserters nor entice soldiers
from the Roman empire’ (ibid. 68.9.5–6).
Trajan returned to Rome to celebrate
a triumph as Dacicus (‘conqueror of
the Dacians’), and to share the ordinary
consulship for AD 103 (his fifth) with Laberius
Maximus, the captor of Decebalus’ family.
He had, in the meantime, acquired three
imperatorial acclamations, making him
IMP IV. The tally would not increase for
another two years, but during the intervening
calm, Decebalus was silently restocking his
armoury and repairing his strongholds. Soon,
it must have become clear that there could The remainder of the year was probably
be no ‘friendly kingdom’ in Dacia, for Trajan spent in communication with Decebalus, for
had begun enrolling two new legions (the he had invited Pompeius Longinus (a senior
Second Traiana and Thirtieth Ulpia), a sure consular with knowledge of the area) to
sign that annexation was in prospect. a parley, where he had treacherously
By June AD 105, the senate had declared taken him hostage to use as leverage
Decebalus an enemy once more, and Trajan in negotiations with Trajan. Longinus
(taking Hadrian with him in the role of eventually resolved the stalemate by
legionary commander) was en route for nobly committing suicide.
Moesia. Seeing that Trajan meant business The Roman attack began in earnest in the
this time, Decebalus (‘by guile and deceit’, following year, when a huge army crossed
says Cassius Dio, Roman History 68.11.3) over Apollodorus’ bridge. The details are lost
attempted to kill him by employing Roman to us, but the general course of both wars is
deserters as assassins. The ploy failed, but clear from the massive bas-relief sculpture
the tale (preserved in the Augustan that spirals up Trajan’s Column at Rome.
History’s Life of Hadrian 4.8) that Trajan We also catch glimpses from honorific
‘had once said to Lucius Neratius Priscus, inscriptions, such as the epitaph of
“if misfortune befalls me, I entrust the Quadratus Bassus, ‘appointed army
provinces to you”’, perhaps refers to this commander in the [Second] Dacian War
moment, when Priscus, as governor of and a companion of the emperor Trajan
Pannonia, would have been well placed in the war there, and honoured with
to prosecute the war in Trajan’s absence. triumphal ornaments’ (AE 1933, 268).
Cassius Dio relates that ‘as Decebalus’s
Cast of scene CXLV on Trajan’s Column, showing Roman capital and country had been placed under
auxiliary cavalry attempting to capture the Dacian king complete occupation, and as he himself was
Decebalus, who holds a curved dagger to his throat.
The cavalryman stretching out to the king is evidently
at risk of capture, he took his own life, and
Tiberius Claudius Maximus, whose involvement is his head was taken to Rome’ (Roman History
recorded on his tombstone. (Halibutt/CC-BY-3.0) 68.14.3). The tombstone of the cavalryman
Auxiliary forts
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2 Angustia 22 Micia
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27 30 7 Bumbesti 27 Porolissum
20 25 8 Buridava 28 Resculum
9 Capidava 29 Romula
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10 Caput Stenarum 30 Samum
16 11 Cuppae 31 Sexaginta Prista
12 Dierna 32 Slaveni
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13 Drajna 33 Taliata
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15 Egeta 35 Tihau
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River 16 Gilau 36 Transdierna
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17 Hoghiz 37 Tricornium
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Trajan’s Dacian Wars, AD 101–02 and
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Essential Histories • The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14–193
J
(AD 101) E
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AD
1 7
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10 Favianis 17 J A Z Y G E S
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15 Lentia
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Rome’s northern frontier in the 2nd century
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61
62 Essential Histories • The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14–193
Tiberius Claudius Maximus (only discovered Aulus Cornelius Palma (for which he seems
in 1965) sheds some interesting light on to have gained ornamenta triumphalia; he
the story; erected many years later, after the certainly won a second consulship). A single
emperor’s death (and inevitable deification), legion (the Third Cyrenaica from Egypt) plus
it records how Maximus a handful of auxiliary units were installed as
the garrison. Although the milestones along
was promoted to double-pay grade in the the via nova Traiana (‘Trajan’s new highway’,
Second Squadron of Pannonians by the deified running south from Syria to the Red Sea)
Trajan and assigned by him as a scout during proclaimed that Arabia had been ‘reduced to
the Dacian War, and was twice decorated for the form of a province’ (ILS 5834), there was
valour in the Dacian War … and was promoted a five-year delay before they were set up, and
to decurion [‘troop-commander’] in the same the slogan ‘Arabia acquired’ – an odd turn of
squadron, because he hunted Decebalus down phrase, rather than the expected ‘captured’ –
and carried his head to Trajan at Ranisstorum. only appeared on the coinage from AD 112.
The intention was perhaps to avoid
(AE 1969/70, 583; the placename overshadowing the Dacian victory.
is unknown) Building work continued apace at Rome,
where an enormous new forum complex
Trajan set about organizing the kingdom as was under construction, re-using and
a two-legion province, and Pannonia was re-interpreting Domitianic schemes and
now divided into Pannonia Superior and transforming the centre of the city. Trajan
Pannonia Inferior, to enable the governor had already upgraded the Circus Maximus
of the latter (Hadrian, in fact) to keep a close as ‘a place that befits a people who are
watch on the Jazyges. Elsewhere, men were conquerors of nations’ (Pliny, Panegyric
decorated and promoted, and units were on Trajan 51.3); the honorific inscription
rewarded for meritorious service. It was was apparently seen by Cassius Dio, who
not until summer AD 107 that the emperor deplored its modesty in referring only to ‘the
returned to Rome to stage his second addition of places’ in the Circus, rather than a
triumph; by then, his friend and confidant wholesale face-lift, ‘through the generosity of
Sura had already opened the year as ordinary the best of emperors’ (ILS 286). However, from
consul (his third consulship, a rare honour). around this time, Trajan began to use the title
Public celebrations lasted 123 days, during optimus princeps (‘the best emperor’), recalling
which 10,000 gladiators performed and (with breathtaking arrogance) the epithet of
11,000 animals were reportedly killed for the supreme Roman god Jupiter, who was
entertainment. By the following year, the optimus maximus (‘best and greatest’).
huge, cylindrical cenotaph known as the Trajan’s new forum was formally opened
Tropaeum Traiani – ringed with sculptures, in AD 112, and its colossal centrepiece,
and visible from far and wide at over nowadays known as Trajan’s Column,
100ft tall – had been erected at Adamklissi in was unveiled in May AD 113. The dedicatory
Moesia Inferior (near the Roman mausoleum inscription (ILS 294) shows that the emperor,
thought to mark the site of Oppius Sabinus’ who had already added two new provinces
disaster 23 years earlier), broadcasting the to the empire and had crushed the Dacians,
message, through its dedication to Mars was still only IMP VI, in stark contrast to
Ultor (‘the Avenger’), that Roman defeats at Domitian’s unseemly accumulation of
the hands of the Dacians had been avenged. acclamations. But his thirst for conquest
Meanwhile, the new province of Arabia had not yet been quenched.
(spanning parts of modern Jordan and A new opportunity for adventure now
Saudi Arabia) had quietly been added to presented itself in the east, where the new
the empire, presumably on the death of the Parthian king, Chosroes (having temporarily
‘friendly king’ there, by the governor of Syria, ousted Vologaeses III), had removed the
The inscription nowadays known as the Tabula Traiana Roman History 68.20.2). However, Trajan had
(AE 1973, 475) records that, in AD 101, Trajan ‘made the other ideas, and declared Armenia a Roman
navigation of the Danube safe by diverting the river, on
province, though he pointedly refrained
account of the dangerous rapids’. Work on the 3-mile
canal bypassing the worst of the Iron Gates gorge had from taking an imperatorial acclamation,
perhaps been begun under Domitian. (Rlichtefeld/ despite the fact that the reorganization
CC-BY-3.0) appears to have involved some fighting.
Trajan now decided to press on into
Armenian king, Parthamasiris, and installed Mesopotamia, and battles clearly ensued in
his own nominee. This was a clear violation AD 115 (although we lack the details), for
of the Augustan settlement, which had the emperor now took four imperatorial
been so thoroughly underlined by the acclamations in quick succession. Edessa
achievements of Corbulo, 50 years before. and Nisibis were captured, and by the
The historian Cassius Dio relates how the following spring the emperor had entered
Parthians, when they saw that Trajan was Ctesiphon, the Parthian capital. In February,
mobilizing for war, rushed to reinstate ‘laurelled despatches were sent to the senate
Parthamasiris, but their apology came too by the emperor Trajan Augustus, on account
late. By AD 114, a large army had assembled of which he was named Parthicus [‘conqueror
in Cappadocia–Galatia, comprising all or of the Parthians’]’ (AE 1936, 97), and besides
parts of the seven eastern legions, reinforced ‘Parthia captured’ the coins proclaimed that
by detachments from the Danubian legions; ‘Armenia and Mesopotamia have been
Lusius Quietus and his Moorish horsemen subjected to the power of the Roman people’.
were included, once again. Trajan advanced The senate voted Trajan another triumph,
into Armenia and arrangements were made but celebrations were premature, for, while
to receive Parthamasiris at Elegeia, where he was still in the neighbourhood of
the Armenian king expected to receive his Ctesiphon, the emperor learned that ‘all of
diadem from the emperor, ‘just as Tiridates the conquered territories were in chaos and
had received it from Nero’ (Cassius Dio, rebelling, and the garrisons of each of them
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had either been thrown out or slain’ (Cassius he was persuaded to return to Rome, but got
Dio, Roman History 68.29.4). In an attempt no further than Cilicia (in southern Turkey)
to salvage the situation, a ‘friendly king’ was before dropping dead. In the meantime,
installed in Ctesiphon – the coinage even although Hadrian was Trajan’s closest
announces a ‘King given to the Parthians’ – living relative, the emperor had not
and Lusius Quietus’ Moors were unleashed made the succession clear. Hadrian’s
on the unfortunate Nisibis and Edessa. But only consulship was as a relatively
a Jewish revolt, perhaps originally sparked undistinguished suffectus in AD 108, and
by Quietus’ heavy-handedness, had quickly there were those who doubted the letter
spread from Mesopotamia to Alexandria and of adoption that he produced soon after
beyond; it was no doubt for this reason that Trajan’s death. (Trajan’s loyal generals Palma
the tribune of the Seventh Claudia Legion, and Quietus perhaps objected, for they were
Gaius Valerius Rufus, was ‘sent with a almost immediately executed for treason.)
detachment by the Emperor Nerva Trajan However, Hadrian enjoyed the backing of
Optimus Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Trajan’s widow, whose influence ensured
Parthicus on the expedition to Cyprus’ that he was nominated as ordinary consul
(ILS 9491). With the eastern frontier in for AD 118, and coins were rapidly issued
flames, Trajan made his way back to proclaiming ‘Hadrianus Trajanus Caesar’.
Antioch for the winter.
The health of the emperor, who was by
now over 60 years of age, began to fail, and Imperial travels
The River Euphrates near the location of the legionary Trajan was remembered as an ideal emperor;
fortress at Zeugma (Belkis in present-day Turkey), which according to the writer Eutropius, the
has now been submerged beneath the flood waters of a
new dam. The fortress name means ‘The Bridge’, because
accession of later emperors was accompanied
it controlled one of the key river crossings from the by the hope that they would be ‘more
province of Syria into Parthia. (© Jona Lendering) fortunate than Augustus, more excellent
than Trajan’ (Breviarium 8.5). Hadrian was no province now held more than three
cast in quite a different mould. legions, and the largest garrison was now
He began as he meant to continue. in Britain, cut off beyond the Channel and
Although Arabia was retained, ‘he not easily reinforced in an emergency.
relinquished everything beyond the In that province, after the glorious
Tigris and Euphrates … [and] permitted the achievements of the Flavians, the reign of
Armenians to have a king’ (Augustan History, Trajan had seen retreat and retrenchment,
Life of Hadrian 5.3, 21.11). The provinces of and the virtual abandonment of the area of
Cappadocia and Galatia were once more present-day Scotland. Simmering trouble –
separated. Dacia was reorganized into not helped by Trajan’s withdrawal of an
Dacia Superior and Dacia Inferior, shedding entire legion, the Ninth Hispana (though
in the process an eastern tranche of land to some still argue for its destruction in Britain)
the neighbouring Roxolani; soon after, a third – had erupted into open conflict near the
division was made, creating the procuratorial beginning of Hadrian’s reign, so he mounted
province of Dacia Porolissensis in the north. a full-scale expedition, transferring the Sixth
This last decision had perhaps been prompted Victrix Legion from Germania Inferior to
by the sudden and unexpected end to the join the Second Augusta and Twentieth
dazzling career of Trajan’s general Quadratus Valeria Victrix as the permanent garrison.
Bassus, who ‘died while campaigning in Dacia His long-term solution, entrusted to the
and managing the province’ (AE 1933, 268). governor Aulus Platorius Nepos, was the
Consular commands were becoming smaller; building of the great stone frontier wall
from Tyne to Solway that nowadays
Hadrian’s Wall, looking east towards the location of the
bears his name.
fort at Housesteads. The defensive character of the The Augustan History dryly notes that
frontier wall is evident, as it runs along the crags. ‘there were no important campaigns during
Milecastle 39 (Castle Nick) on Hadrian’s Wall. The to the eastern front, returning through
milecastles on Hadrian’s Wall were the equivalent of Asia Minor to Greece, which held a special
fortlets elsewhere, designed to accommodate a small fascination for the philhellene emperor, and
squad detached from their parent fort. Amongst the finds
were several gaming boards, attesting to the long periods
thence to Rome by mid-decade. After only
of inactivity along the frontier. a year or so, in AD 128, he set off once more
on another tour of his empire, going first to
his reign, and wars were conducted almost Africa, where he famously addressed the men
without comment’ (Life of Hadrian 21.8). On of the Third Augusta Legion at their fortress
the contrary, Hadrian’s reign was marked by of Lambaesis, praising them for their efficient
reorganization and restructuring, as he military drill – the writer Fronto scoffed
travelled around his empire (the first that ‘the army amused itself in camp with
emperor to do so), ‘visiting the provinces practice-weapons, instead of using real swords
and towns, and inspecting the garrisons and and shields’ (Preamble to History 10) – and
fortifications’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History then visiting Greece again, before proceeding
69.9.1). First, in the early AD 120s, Hadrian to the eastern front. He then returned via the
visited Raetia, Noricum and the German Danubian provinces and was back in Rome
provinces, reviewing the military installations in AD 134.
and ordering the erection of a frontier barrier Some years before, he had ordered
of massive wooden stakes. Then he moved the construction of a new city called Aelia
on to Britain – the expeditio Britannica (‘British Capitolina on the ruins of Jerusalem, and
expedition’), involving legionary detachments the erection of a grand temple to Jupiter
from Hispania Tarraconensis and Germania there. As if this were not insulting enough
Superior, probably occurred now – after to the Jews, he seems also to have forbidden
which he visited Spain and perhaps crossed their tradition of circumcision, all of which
over to Mauretania. From there, he travelled met with a violent response. United under
a leader known as Simon Bar Kochba (‘the are in good health”’ (Cassius Dio, Roman
son of a star’) and armed with weapons that History 69.14.3) indicates the seriousness
their workshops had been commissioned to of the Roman losses. Emergency drafts were
manufacture for the Roman army, insurgents sent to keep the Tenth Fretensis Legion up to
created havoc throughout Judaea for four strength, and the Twenty-Second Deiotariana
years (AD 132–35). is thought to have been entirely destroyed,
Cassius Dio records that ‘Hadrian sent for it has left no traces after this time.
his best generals against them, foremost Eventually, the insurgents were besieged in
of whom was Sextus Julius Severus, sent the fortress of Bethar, where they were ‘driven
against the Jews from Britain, where he to the brink of destruction by hunger and
was the governor’ (Roman History 69.13.2). thirst, and the instigator of the rebellion
Unfortunately, we have no Josephus to paid the penalty he deserved’ (Eusebius,
describe this Second Jewish War for us, but Ecclesiastical History 4.6.3). The victor, Julius
it was clearly a bloody affair. By this stage, Severus, was rewarded with ornamenta
there were two legions in the province; the triumphalia ‘for his successful actions in
governor of Syria, Gaius Publicius Marcellus, Judaea’ (ILS 1056), but his subordinates –
brought a third, the Third Gallica, while the such as the African senator, Quintus Lollius
governor of Arabia, Titus Haterius Nepos, Urbicus, who served as ‘legate of the emperor
brought a fourth, the Third Cyrenaica; Hadrian on the Judaean expedition’ (ILS 1065)
and reinforcements were summoned from – received minimal military decorations.
Pannonia. The fact that ‘when Hadrian wrote Despite taking an imperatorial acclamation
to the senate, he did not use the customary (only his second and his last), Hadrian clearly
imperial preamble, “It is well if you and your wished to forget the whole affair. The province
children are in good health; I and my legions was even renamed Syria Palaestina.
Meanwhile, the governor of Cappadocia,
Lucius Flavius Arrianus, was obliged to make
The emperor Hadrian, wearing the paludamentum preparations to repulse the Sarmatian Alani,
(‘general’s cloak’) and protected by the gorgoneion
(‘Medusa face’) on his cuirass. A famous philhellene,
who were threatening to invade Armenia
he set the fashion for subsequent emperors to wear and Mesopotamia. In the event, they
the Greek-style beard. (Marie-Lan Nguyen-PD) were ‘persuaded by gifts from Vologaeses
[the Parthian king, Vologaeses III] and
deterred by Flavius Arrianus, the governor
of Cappadocia’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History
69.15.1). The text of his Battle Array against
the Alans survives, but it seems that he was
never required to put it into operation.
A temporary emperor
Hadrian fell ill in AD 136, aged 60, and
his thoughts turned to the succession. His
intention was to groom the teenager Marcus
Annius Verus (who came from good patrician
stock) and his younger kinsman, later known
as Lucius Verus, as joint heirs, so he adopted
the wealthy 50-year-old Titus Aurelius
Antoninus (later known as Antoninus Pius)
as regent, instructing him to adopt the two
boys as his own heirs. When Hadrian died in
AD 138, Antoninus Pius acceded to the throne Moors, the subjugated Britons, and the
without fuss. From the start, he singled humbled Getae’ (Stratagems 6. Preface;
Marcus out as his successor by giving him the Getae were a branch of the Dacians,
the new name Marcus Aurelius Caesar, and but their name is sometimes used loosely
the two shared the ordinary consulship for to indicate the entire people). The Augustan
AD 140, although Marcus was then only 18. History also records how Antoninus ‘forced
Antoninus Pius had followed the career the Moors to sue for peace, and crushed the
of a patrician, holding the consulship at the Germans and the Dacians and many other
age of 33 and proceeding (after a few posts tribes and also the rebellious Jews, through
in Italy) to the proconsulship of Asia in governors and legates’ (Life of Antoninus
AD 134/35. He had never governed a frontier Pius 5.4). There is no other record of Jewish
province; he had never even seen an army. trouble – indeed, such a conflict would
Consequently, just like Domitian on his be surprising, so soon after Hadrian’s
accession, he cast around for a likely theatre
to provide him with much-needed military
The emperor Antoninus Pius, depicted in the costume
credibility, and just like Claudius, he decided of a Roman general, although this famously unmilitary
upon Britain. However, unlike Domitian, he man never left Italy during his 23-year reign. (Alinari via
decided to remain in Rome, ‘so that, being Getty Images)
in a central location, he could rapidly receive
news from every quarter’ (Augustan History,
Life of Antoninus Pius 7.12).
The new governor of Britannia, Lollius
Urbicus, immediately began preparations
for an advance into the Scottish lowlands,
and victory had been won by AD 142. The
Augustan History records that Antoninus
‘defeated the Britons through his legate
Lollius Urbicus, and another wall, this time
of turf, was carried across, once the barbarians
were cleared away’ (Life of Antoninus Pius 5.4,
referring to the Antonine Wall, which runs
from the Forth to the Clyde in Scotland).
It was remembered generations later that
the emperor had won a war in Britain,
‘although he had delegated command of
it, while sitting in the city palace’ (Ancient
Latin Panegyrics 8 (5).14.2). No ornamenta
triumphalia were awarded, but Antoninus
took his second (and last) imperatorial
acclamation and Urbicus went on to hold
the prestigious role of praefectus urbi.
The orator Aelius Aristides wrote, ‘So great
is your peace, though war was traditional
among the Romans’ (Roman Oration 71a).
However, all was not quiet during this
‘golden period’. In later years, the writer
Polyaenus, addressing Antoninus’ successors,
Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, flattered
them by claiming that ‘alongside your father,
you drew up plans to manage the conquered
The Roman fort at Hardknott (in Cumbria) was one of AD 150–51, refer to the discharge of troops
the Hadrianic bases that were evacuated around AD 139 ‘when they were on the expedition to
to enable the advance into Scotland under Antoninus Mauretania Caesariensis’ (ILS 9056).
Pius. A heavily-buttressed granary building can be seen
There was also war in Dacia. In AD 156–58,
in the foreground. (© Jonathan Bailey/Arcaid/Corbis)
the one-legion garrison of Dacia Superior,
governed by Marcus Statius Priscus, was
devastating war – and events on the Suebian reinforced by ‘detachments from Africa and
German front seem rather to have taken Mauretania and Caesariensis, with Moorish
the form of diplomacy, for the coinage tribesmen’ (ILS 2006). Priscus subsequently
proclaimed a ‘King given to the Quadi’. erected a dedication to Victoria Augusta (‘the
However, there were serious wars against emperor’s victory’; CIL 3, 1416), a sure sign
the Moors and the Dacians. of successful warfare, along with an altar to
Throughout Antoninus’ reign, trouble Jupiter optimus maximus, ‘for the welfare of
simmered in the two Mauretanias, the Roman empire and the courage of the
occasionally bursting into full-scale war. Thirteenth Gemina Legion’ (ILS 4006).
In the later AD 140s, the equestrian Titus Success did not follow everywhere.
Varius Clemens, having completed his tres By AD 158, the decision had been made to
militiae, served as ‘prefect of the auxiliary evacuate the Antonine Wall in Scotland,
units sent from Hispania to Mauretania perhaps under increasing pressure from
Tingitana’ for the expeditio in Tingitania unruly tribes, and the governor Gnaeus
(‘expedition to Tingitana’; ILS 1362); he Julius Verus began reinstating Hadrian’s
received no military decorations, but rapid Wall as the northern frontier in Britain.
promotion followed as procurator of five
different provinces, one after the other
(including Mauretania Caesariensis and Embattled frontiers
Raetia, both of which held large auxiliary
armies). Similarly, auxiliary diplomas from The reign of Antoninus Pius had been
the Danubian provinces, issued in welcomed as the bright noon, but his death
with devastating effects (the famous medical Arrangements had already been made to
writer Galen fled the city at this point). With raise two new legions, the Second and Third
catastrophic timing, the northern frontier Italica, to restore the empire-wide total to 30.
now erupted into crisis, as the powerful The raising of new legions had, in the past,
Suebian tribes, pressed from the rear by heralded a desire to annex new territory;
migrating peoples, finally flexed their but, this time, Marcus was probably more
muscle. According to the Augustan History, concerned with meeting the increasing
‘for a long while they had been held in threat to the frontiers; in the event, the new
check by the diplomacy of the men on the legions were assigned to Raetia and Noricum.
spot, so that, once the eastern war had been Simultaneously, the Dacian provinces were
concluded, the Marcomannic War could be reunited and the new governor, Calpurnius
waged’ (Life of Marcus Antoninus 12.13). Agricola, was given two legions. He is never
heard of again. As the Augustan History
The Column of Marcus Aurelius in the Piazza Colonna notes, ‘many nobles died in the German or
(Rome) was probably constructed to coincide with Marcomannic War, or rather “the war of
the emperor’s triumph in AD 176, but may only have many tribes”’ (Life of Marcus Antoninus 22.7).
been completed after his death in AD 180. Like Trajan’s
Early in AD 167, the first of the Suebian
Column, the 100ft structure was chiefly admired in
antiquity for its internal spiral staircase, although it, tribes (Langobardi and Obii) burst across the
too, has a sculptural frieze winding up the outside. frontier and were repelled by the Pannonian
(Arpingstone-PD) garrison, which hailed the emperors as
Above: Scene IX on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, imperator for the fifth time. In the following
showing the emperor’s adlocutio (‘address’) to his troops, year, ‘the two emperors set out wearing their
probably at the beginning of the campaign of AD 172.
generals’ cloaks’ (Augustan History, Life of
(Simone Ramella/CC-BY-2.0)
Marcus Antoninus 14.1); their consilium
Below: Scene XVI on the Column of Marcus Aurelius, included those of the great generals who had
showing a column of weary soldiers, worn out by survived the plague. When they crossed the
thirst, being miraculously refreshed by the so-called
Alps, it was the first time Marcus had stepped
‘Rain Miracle’. Soldiers in charge of a mule cart (perhaps
transporting a catapult) shelter beneath their shields as beyond Italy. The two new legions now
the rain lashes down. (Simone Ramella/CC-BY-2.0) took up position in defence of Italy under
One of the main avenues of social mobility process, an epitaph (published as ILS 9200)
in the Roman empire was provided by the was erected in the Roman town of Heliopolis
legionary centurionate. Men who were (modern Baalbek in Lebanon), celebrating
successful in this role – or who could count the eventful career of the primipilaris Gaius
upon powerful patronage – might hope to Velius Rufus.
reach the coveted position of primus pilus It was usual for a man’s heir to arrange for
(‘chief centurion’), in charge (for one year his commemoration. In Rufus’ case, this was
only) of the first cohort of the legion. This Marcus Alfius Olympiacus, veteran aquilifer
cohort, according to the late military writer (‘eagle bearer’) of the Fifteenth Apollinaris, a
Vegetius (Epitome of Military Matters 2.6.2), Pannonian legion that had been sent east by
‘looks after the aquila [“eagle totem”], which Nero and had seen service in the Jewish War,
has always been the principal standard of before being shipped back to its fortress at
the Roman army and the ensign of the Carnuntum. The eagle-bearers stood apart
entire legion; and it worships the images from the usual hierarchy of legionary
of the emperors, which are the divine and officers. Like the centurions, they were
pre-eminent signa [“battle-standards”]’. long-service soldiers, whom only death or
After their one-year stint, those who did retirement could remove from their post,
not simply retire with their generous cash and each one enjoyed great respect as the
bonus might hope to exploit their new keeper of the aquila, a duty that they shared
equestrian status as primipilares (‘men who with the annually changing primus pilus.
had been primus pilus’), for a whole new Rufus’ epitaph, like the epitaphs of other
selection of posts now opened up before primipilares, does not detail his previous
them. For those who were wedded to life on career. However, we can imagine that –
the frontiers, the highly respected position in common with many other centurions –
of praefectus castrorum in a legion beckoned. he had dotted from legion to legion,
Otherwise, rather than the command of an criss-crossing the Mediterranean world and
auxiliary unit – which, since at least the accumulating years of experience, at some
reign of Claudius, had been the prerogative stage surely serving alongside Olympiacus
of the equestrian gentleman – there was a in the Fifteenth Apollinaris.
round of the more prestigious tribunates In fact, their acquaintance may date back
at Rome (in the vigiles, urbaniciani and to the Jewish War, when Rufus received dona
praetoriani), after which the primipilaris militaria (‘military decorations’) for heroic
was free to compete with the equestrians conduct. His epitaph lists the standard
for one of the highly paid procuratorships. torques phalerae armillae (‘collars, decorative
Our knowledge of Roman careers (whether discs and bracelets’) along with the gold
they relate to humble legionaries or to the crown (in this case, the corona vallaris,
most distinguished consulars) derives ‘rampart crown’), which was an appropriate
mostly from inscriptions, for the Romans set of decorations for a centurion (ordinary
had an ‘epigraphic habit’ – a predilection legionaries received less, primipilares expected
for immortalizing their successes in stone. more). Distinguished service might also mark
The habit grew over the course of the 1st a man out for advancement (although the
century, reaching a peak towards the end precise ranking of legionary centurions is
of the second. Near the mid-point of this still poorly understood). Another centurion
The epitaph of Gaius Velius Rufus (ILS 9200), discovered Trajan. Although Rufus twice received military decorations
in the courtyard of the Temple of Jupiter at Baalbek from Domitian, the inscription tactfully avoids mentioning
(Lebanon), was probably erected during the reign of that emperor’s name. (© Jona Lendering)
similarly decorated in the Jewish War, a centurion of the cohort, Quintus Vilanius
Marcus Blossius Pudens, had fallen at Nepos, was decorated ‘by Domitian for
the last hurdle: ‘he paid his debt to nature the Dacian War, and again by him for the
[i.e. he died] almost on the day of becoming German War, and again with torques and
primus pilus’ (ILS 2641). He was 49 years bracelets for the Dacian War’ (ILS 2127).
old (roughly the norm for primipilares). With the African legion unavailable, Rufus
Olympiacus, having listed the various was put in charge of a composite force, as
highlights of Rufus’ career, saves the best (or, ‘commander of the African and Mauretanian
at any rate, the most historically significant) army with the task of suppressing the tribes
till last. ‘Having been sent to Parthia’, in Mauretania’. Nothing further is known
runs the text of the epitaph, ‘he escorted of this war, but Rufus must have acquitted
Epiphanes and Callinicus, the sons of King himself well, as he received another set of
Antiochus, back to the emperor Vespasian, decorations, this time appropriate to his
along with a large band of men who were status as a primipilaris: namely, hastae duae,
liable for the payment of tribute’. We vexilla duo (‘twin silver spears and twin flags’)
know that, following the annexation of and a gold crown (in this case, the corona
Commagene in AD 72, its king, Antiochus, muralis, ‘battlemented crown’). Victory in
had surrendered himself to Vespasian, but Mauretania must have drawn him to the
his sons had fled to the court of the Parthian attention of Domitian (or his consilium),
king. However, when they saw that their and he soon found himself in command
father was being humanely (even luxuriously) of a legionary battlegroup on the Danube
treated, they agreed to join him in Rome. front (the inscription lists ‘detachments from
The arrangements must have entailed the nine [sic] legions: the First Adiutrix, Second
kind of diplomatic work often reserved for Adiutrix, Second Augusta, Eighth Augusta,
legionary centurions. Corbulo, for example, Ninth Hispana, Fourteenth Gemina,
had communicated with the Parthian king Twentieth Victrix, Twenty-First Rapax’).
using, as intermediary, one of the legionary Rufus again rose to the occasion, and ‘in
centurions on the spot, so it would have the war against the Marcomanni, Quadi
been natural for Vespasian to do likewise. and Sarmatians, against whom he made
Success in this task must have marked an expedition through the kingdom of
Rufus out for future rewards, for which he Decebalus, King of the Dacians, he was
was, perhaps, as yet too young. His epitaph decorated with the battlemented crown,
jumps ahead to the coveted post of primus twin silver spears and twin flags’.
pilus in the Twelfth Fulminata Legion, based The number of legions that participated or
in Cappadocia. Unfortunately, the date is sent detachments for this campaign in AD 89
unknown, but his first post as a primipilaris, hints at the growing severity of the situation in
the tribunate of the Thirteenth Urban Cohort the north. However, Rufus’ military successes
(a prestigious post equivalent to the usual now justified the reward of a procuratorial
three tribunates at Rome, because this career. First, he served as financial procurator
cohort uniquely lay at Carthage), fell early of Dalmatia and Pannonia (to ‘assist’ their
in Domitian’s reign. It was no doubt towards consular governors), and then as praesidial
the end of Rufus’ tenure of this post that procurator of Raetia, a frontier province with
trouble broke out in the neighbouring a substantial auxiliary garrison. If Rufus
Mauretanias. Presumably, the commander of survived (he might not yet have reached
the Third Augusta Legion could not respond 60 years of age), his career, so closely bound
because he was engaged in exterminating the up with the hated Domitian, perhaps faltered;
Nasamones, an event that occurred around or he may simply have retired from imperial
AD 85. Furthermore, it seems that a new service. But his friend Olympiacus ensured
tribune had been sent to bring the Thirteenth that what he achieved in life continued to
Urban Cohort to the Danube front. Certainly, echo in eternity, in the ruins at Baalbek.
At some point during the reign of Antoninus the bandits, they mete out summary justice,
Pius or his successors, the north African writer throwing some over a cliff and beheading the
Apuleius wrote a novel entitled Metamorphoses others. (The so-called Cornelian Law forbade
(better known as The Golden Ass), which gives the carrying of weapons ‘for the purpose
us a unique (if melodramatic) insight into of murder or robbery’, but there were no
ordinary provincial life. Apuleius took as authorities on hand to exercise that law.) Like
his central theme a well-known Greek tale in the inhabitants of many other small towns,
which the hero, Lucius (Apuleius’ own name), they would probably see the provincial
drinks a magic potion that transforms him governor once a year, on his judicial tour;
into an ass; after various adventures, and wrongdoers might be locked up in prison to
having endured several different owners, await trial at that time, or the townsfolk might
Lucius manages to eat the antidote, a rose, simply take matters into their own hands.
and is turned back into human form. In times of serious trouble, the
The backdrop to the novel is the proconsul relied upon the assistance of
province of Macedonia, one of the so-called his more powerful colleagues governing
‘unarmed’ senatorial provinces of the empire, the neighbouring imperial provinces. For
administered by an annually appointed example, during Marcus Aurelius’ northern
proconsul. Although not one of the emperor’s wars, the equestrian Gaius Julius Vehilius
legates, he was nevertheless entrusted with Gratus was appointed as ‘commander of
one or two auxiliary units to assist in keeping the detachments in Greece and Macedonia
the peace. However, Macedonia was a large opposing the Costoboci’ (ILS 1327) who were
province, and, when Lucius (still in human ravaging the peninsula, and a little later, the
form) visits the town of Hypata, he is warned highly decorated war hero Marcus Valerius
not to stay out too late, because ‘you may Maximianus, while procurator of Moesia
see murder victims lying in the middle of the Inferior, was appointed ‘commander of the
street, for the governor’s auxiliaries are far-off detachments sent by the emperor to remove
and cannot rid the town of such carnage’ a band of Brisean bandits from the borders
(The Golden Ass 2.18). In the novel, the town’s of Macedonia and Thrace’ (AE 1956, 124).
troublemakers are a rabble of upper-class The increasing warfare on the Danube and
youths, who are free to make mischief in Euphrates was inevitably felt in the Balkans,
the absence of any sort of police force. through which troops marched on their way
The countryside held its own dangers. to the east, and echoed down into the Greek
Banditry was rife in the Roman empire, so peninsula. In preparation for Trajan’s Second
much so that it was classified as a hazard of Dacian War, the First Equitate Cohort of
everyday life, along with earthquakes and Spaniards, normally part of the garrison
floods. Military law laid down that a soldier of Moesia Inferior, had its headquarters
returning late from leave was considered to temporarily based at Stobi (present-day
be a deserter, unless he had been unavoidably Gradsko in Macedonia), a hub from which
delayed by illness or detained by bandits. In the Adriatic, Aegean, Black Sea and Danube
the novel, no sooner is Lucius transformed were all equally accessible for transport and
into an ass than he is taken by a local gang communications. A papyrus (conventionally
of bandits and loaded with stolen goods. known as ‘Hunt’s pridianum’, the technical
When the townsfolk finally get the better of term for a military strength report) lists the
The life of the intellectual Dio Cocceianus population, and disagreements often erupted
is roughly contemporary with Velius Rufus’ into rioting. It was chiefly for this reason that
military career. His full name is unknown, but Augustus had assigned two legions to the city
he may have been a Tiberius Claudius, if his (the Third Cyrenaica and Twenty-Second
family – as is suspected – owed their citizenship Deiotariana). In AD 74, the Roman siege of
to the emperor Claudius. His persuasive prose Masada, finally ending the First Jewish War,
style, displayed in a series of 80 so-called sparked a southward exodus of insurgents,
Orations on a variety of subjects, earned him who began to foment discontent in
the posthumous nickname Chrysostom, ‘golden Alexandria. The incoming praefectus Aegypti,
mouth’. Both Rufus and Dio ultimately came Tiberius Julius Lupus, was instructed by the
to Domitian’s notice, but where one benefited emperor to demolish the Jewish Temple
from the emperor’s attention and (as we have at Leontopolis, presumably to remove a
seen) increased in status, the other fell foul potential focus of unrest while advertising
of the tyrant’s paranoia. Roman ruthlessness in restoring order.
Dio was born in the small Bithynian town In his Alexandrian oration, Dio informs
of Prusa (present-day Bursa in north-western us that the province’s excellent Roman
Turkey) some time around AD 40 (making governors are forced to be suspicious of the
him contemporary with the emperor Titus). population, not because they might revolt
As a Greek intellectual, he naturally dabbled against Rome, but because of the unrest that
in local politics, but as a member of the might flare up unexpectedly. Dio notes that,
landed gentry, he also rubbed shoulders ‘in the disturbance that occurred [in the
with the rich and powerful. In his seventh city], most of you expressed your rebellion
oration (known as the Euboean), he claims verbally, and a few threw whatever came to
that ‘I knew the homes and tables of rich hand once or twice, like those who shower
men, not only private individuals, but slops on passers-by, and then settled down
governors and emperors’ (Orations 7.66). to chant or went down to the harbours, as
The identification is controversial, but it if they were carousing at a festival’ (Orations
seems likely that Dio’s ‘emperors’ were the 32.71). Even then, ‘the most excellent
three members of the Flavian dynasty. Conon’ (could Dio mean Lucius Peducaeus
The writer Philostratus claims that Dio Colon, Lupus’ immediate predecessor as
was on hand in Alexandria (along with praefectus Aegypti?) was obliged to deploy
the philosopher Apollonius of Tyana) when his troops, and, although he planned only a
Vespasian made his bid for empire in AD 69, show of force, ‘the reckless and undisciplined
and that Dio even gave him advice, namely elements, deceitfully trying to overturn
that he should crush Vitellius’ regime before everything and create chaos, would not let
it could become established. Some have up until you’d had a taste of warfare and the
argued that Dio’s 30-second oration (the danger had escalated to the limit’ (ibid. 72).
Alexandrian) was delivered in the city at The city saw further disturbances under
around this time, for the writer refers to Trajan and Hadrian.
recent troubles there that may have Another of Dio’s orations (the forty-sixth),
stemmed from the First Jewish War. delivered to the citizens of Prusa, gives us an
The Egyptian capital was notorious for insight into how fragile a town’s economy
the volatility of its mixed Greek and Jewish might be. It seems that, during a period of
Domitian came to power. Dio states that ‘it legionary fortress on the Danube, presumably
so happened that I was exiled on account of the base of one of the Moesian legions, being
my alleged friendship with a man who was nearest Dacia, so either Singidunum or
not a rogue, but was prosperous and very Viminacium (Belgrade and Kostolac in
close to those in power, and who was present-day Serbia). He could not resist
killed for those things that made him haranguing the troops on the tyrant’s many
seem fortunate to nearly everyone, namely faults. Intriguingly, it seems that the soldiers
his connections by blood and marriage with were on the verge of mutiny – had they heard
those same people’ (Orations 13.1). Dio does rumours of Nigrinus’ intentions in Syria? –
not name this friend, but it seems likely that but Dio advised them ‘to make common
he means Titus Flavius Sabinus, grandson of cause with the Roman people’ (ibid. 488).
Vespasian’s brother and hence Domitian’s The precise nature of Dio’s exile has been
closest surviving relative; he was also the debated. He had clearly been forbidden to
husband of Titus’ daughter (Domitian’s visit Prusa, but his estate there had not
niece) Julia. As Domitian’s consular been confiscated, for he was able to return
colleague in AD 81, Sabinus had allegedly to it on Domitian’s death, although it had
been announced, by mistake, as imperator; become ruinous from years of neglect. On
this was perhaps sufficient reason for the Nerva’s accession, Dio set out for Rome, but
insecure emperor (‘who was called master illness hindered his progress, and, on Nerva’s
and god by all the Greeks and barbarians, death soon after, he was thus ‘robbed of
but was really a wicked demon’: Orations a benevolent emperor who was fond of
45.1) to order his murder soon afterwards, me, and an old friend’ (Orations 45.2). It
and the removal of any supporters. seems that Dio had previously made Nerva’s
Dio’s exile took him far and wide, acquaintance, but the circumstances of their
‘without even a single servant’ (Orations meeting remain unknown. (The theory that
40.2), and he was obliged to labour for he owed his surname Cocceianus to Nerva,
a living. However, he found time to write a whose family name was Cocceius, has little
treatise on the Dacians, which unfortunately to recommend it.)
has not survived, though the writer On Dio’s return to Prusa, he resumed his
Philostratus confirms that ‘when he role as patron and benefactor, and received
wandered as an outcast, he did indeed further honours from the townsfolk. He
journey to the Getae’ (Lives of the Sophists evidently led an embassy to Trajan, seeking
487). Indeed, from the twelfth oration the new emperor’s favour, but his so-called
(known as the Olympic, as it was delivered Kingship orations – although addressed to
to a crowd at Olympia in Greece, possibly at an emperor who ‘reviews an army, subdues
the Olympic games of AD 97), it appears that a province, founds a city, bridges rivers
Dio was a witness to Dacian preparations for and builds roads’ (Orations 3.127), thus
war: ‘I have just come on a long journey clearly Trajan – show no sign of the close
from the Danube and the lands of the relationship that he had evidently enjoyed
Getae’, he says, ‘… as a peaceful observer of with Nerva. During this period, the citizens
war … desiring to see men contending like of Asia Minor were gradually being
athletes, on the one hand for empire and integrated into high Roman politics
influence, on the other hand for freedom (Quadratus Bassus, for example, a leading
and fatherland’ (Orations 12.16, 19, 20). Even citizen of Pergamon, began his career under
in the closing years of Domitian’s reign, the the Flavians and rose to be one of Trajan’s
Moesian frontier remained on high alert. amici), but Dio’s politics did not extend
When word of Domitian’s assassination beyond Prusa, and he essentially observes
in AD 96 was broadcast, Dio was present at a the Roman empire as an outsider.
being rewarded with senatorial status, became emperor in his place, another Galba
enabling him to govern several important to Commodus’ Nero. Three months later,
provinces, until the baleful influence of the praetoriani had killed him, too, and the
Perennis forced his retirement in AD 182. Roman world again descended into civil war.
The fact that the troops in Britain wished
Pertinax to become emperor – though The emperor Commodus, in the guise of the
he declined – may have put the thought demigod Hercules. A keen gladiatorial fighter, his
growing megalomania caused him to neglect the
into his mind, because he readily joined administration of the empire, undoing much of the
the conspiracy that successfully removed good work of his father and (adoptive) grandfather.
Commodus on the last day of AD 192, and (De Agostini/Getty Images)
A changing empire
For almost a century, the Roman empire occasionally imposing their will on
had remained within its original boundaries. the neighbouring peoples, purely in the
The great rivers of the Rhine, Danube and interests of security. Only in Britain had
Euphrates continued to mark the limit of Claudius’ desire for military glory caused
directly administered territory, and Augustus Augustus’ advice to be ignored. Elsewhere,
would not have criticized his successors for even if one-time ‘friendly kingdoms’
had become formal provinces, these were
areas that Augustus had treated as part and
parcel of the empire, in any case. Instead of
volunteering gifts, they were now directly
taxed; instead of supplying allied troops,
their manpower was now conscripted into
the Roman army.
By the reign of Domitian, the focus of
attention had shifted decisively to the Danube,
where repeated campaigning succeeded in
maintaining the empire within the borders
recommended by the first emperor, while
projecting Roman authority beyond them.
Pliny the Younger complained that, in
Domitian’s senate, ‘we discussed massive
triumphal arches and excessive inscriptions for
the pediments of temples, as if the boundaries
of the empire had been extended’ (Panegyric
to Trajan 54.4). This is unfair criticism. Slight
inroads had been made in Germania Magna
(‘greater Germany’ beyond the Rhine), where
Domitian had embraced the fertile Wetterau
region (around modern-day Frankfurt), but
nothing to match Augustus’ province-in-the-
making that the clades Variana had lost.
Frontinus claims that, during his
Chattan War, Domitian ‘changed the
method of warfare by creating over
120 miles of military roads’ (Stratagems
1.3.10). The word that he uses for a military
road – limes – soon acquired a new meaning,
and is more familiar nowadays as the
technical Latin term for a frontier.
However, Domitian had no more thoughts
of limiting his empire behind frontiers than
Augustus had. His limites (the plural form of
limes) on the Rhine were intended to open
Legionary fortresses
1 I Adiutrix (Brigetio) 11 III Cyrenaica (Bostra) 21 VII Gemina (Legio) 31 XX Valeria Victrix (Deva)
N o r t h 2 I Italica (Novae) 12 III Gallica (Raphanaea) 22 VIII Augusta (Argentorate) 32 XXII Primigenia (Mogontiacum)
N 3 I Minervia (Bonna) 13 III Italica (Castra Regina) 23 X Fretensis (Aelia Capitolina) 33 XXX Ulpia (Castra Vetera)
S e a 4 I Parthica (Singara) 14 III Parthica (Resaina) 24 X Gemina (Vindobona)
5 II Adiutrix (Aquincum) 15 IV Flavia (Singidunum) 25 XI Claudia (Durostorum) Provinces
BRITANNIA INFERIOR
19 GERMANIA INFERIOR 6 II Augusta (Isca) 16 IV Scythica (Zeugma) 26 XII Fulminata (Melitene) Italia
7 II Italica (Lauriacum) 17 V Macedonica (Potaïssa) 27 XIII Gemina (Apulum)
Eboracum River Elbe Provinces extant in the 1st century AD
8 II Parthica (Albanum) 18 VI Ferrata (Caparcotna) 28 XIV Gemina (Carnuntum)
31 Colonia 9 II Traiana (Nicopolis) 19 VI Victrix (Eboracum) 29 XV Apollinaris (Satala)
Agrippinensis Provinces created in the 2nd century AD
10 III Augusta (Lambaesis) 20 VII Claudia (Viminacium) 30 XVI Flavia (Samosata)
6
Londinium 33
hine
13 7 24 1
22 27 MOESIA INFERIOR
R. R
LUGDUNENSIS 28 5
RAETIA NORICUM S e a
G A L L I A GERMANIA Apulum c k
SUPERIOR Virunum 20 Tomi l a
Aquincum Romula
Forum Claudii 15 25 B
Viminacium 2 29
Lugdunum ALPES GRAIAE BITHYNIA et OSRHOENE
AQUITANIA et POENINAE MOESIA CAPPADOCIA
PONTUS Nisibis
ALPES COTTIAE DALMATIA SUPERIOR THRACIA
Burdigala Salona Nicomedia Ancyra 26 Rive
Segusio ALPES MARITIMAE Perinthus 14 r
30 4 Tig
NARBONENSIS Caesarea ri s
Cemenelum 16
Edessa
Narbo ROME
21 Thessalonica MESOPOTAMIA
MACEDONIA ASIA GALATIA SYRIA
8 ITALIA
TARRACONENSIS COELE
SARDINIA Tarsus River Euphrates
Antioch
Ephesus
Essential Histories • The Rise of Imperial Rome AD 14–193
et Perge CILICIA 12
H I S P A N I A Tarraco CORSICA ACHAIA
LYCIA SYRIA
LUSITANIA et PHOENICE
Corinthus CYPRUS
Augusta Emerita PAMPHYLIA
Carales Paphos Tyre
The Roman world under Septimius Severus
up the lands of the troublesome Chatti to to restrict the Roman provinces to the coastal
the legions. strip and its hinterland. It remained for Lucius
By AD 116, Trajan’s campaigns had Septimius Severus, in a new phase of empire,
brought the Roman empire to its greatest wholeheartedly to take the role of propagator
extent (despite retrenchment in Britain), imperii (‘extender of the empire’) that his
but only for a year. Hadrian’s reorganization predecessors had failed to adopt.
reverted almost to the Flavian frontiers, but The army that Trajan inherited, however,
the annexation of Dacia stood as a testament was subtly different from Augustus’, partly as
to Trajanic imperialism. After Domitian a result of Claudius’ reforms, and partly as a
abandoned the conquest of Britain, only result of changing expectations. The legions
Antoninus Pius renewed the attempt, and had gradually forged their own identities
ultimately failed. Augustus’ frontiers on the and, by now, drew their manpower from
Rhine and Danube remained largely intact,
despite the reported intention of Marcus
Aurelius to annex the territory of the
Marcomanni and Quadi. In Africa, internal
troubles and the external geography conspired
provincials – the western legions largely from not by Chatti or Dacians, nor by Jews or
the Romanized inhabitants of Spain and Parthians – although these might inflict
Gaul, the eastern legions largely from those heavy damage, the right man could always be
of Macedonia and Galatia – who had little found (eventually) to deal with these dangers,
or no idea of Rome and the senate. Their and new legions raised (eventually) to replace
loyalty was to the emperor who paid them those destroyed. The real dangers were posed
and looked after them. Only the Praetorians by the emperors themselves, and the lack of
still, in the main, recruited Italians and a sound process for selecting them. During
maintained a bond with Rome. The new the civil war of AD 69, the Roman world was
auxiliary units that proliferated in the fortunate that Vespasian ushered in a period
frontier provinces identified even less of calm, sensible reorganization. Similarly,
with Rome; often recruited near their the excessive damage done by Trajan’s
station, they equally often settled there eastern adventure was repaired by Hadrian,
after discharge, so that their idea of the when it could easily have been exacerbated.
Roman empire was restricted to their own But there was no guarantee that it would be
patch of the frontier. thus. Fate took the sensible administration
Throughout this period, the Roman of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius, with
empire was run by an administration that their years of patient work, and handed it to
was chiefly civilian in character, despite Commodus for swift destruction.
the fact that the Roman nobility found their Rarely did external factors play a critical
self-worth in the pursuit of gloria (‘renown’) part. The plague brought back from the east
and virtus (‘excellence’). It is commonly by Lucius Verus’ army (which, but for the
remarked that the army that carved out foolishness of a single senator, need not have
the empire and defended its frontiers was been there at all) certainly wrought untold
commanded by amateurs. This is perhaps damage, when combined with wearisome
to misunderstand the difference between years of battling on the northern frontier,
the tactical functioning of the Roman army, at a time when the empire should have been
a force of well-drilled, well-equipped soldiers enjoying the mature fruits of prosperity.
led by long-service centurions, and its On his deathbed, Marcus Aurelius, when
strategic functioning, which was often the asked for the final watchword by the sentry,
result of consultation between emperor and advised him to ‘go to the rising sun, for I am
knowledgeable advisors. It also neglects the already setting’ (Cassius Dio, Roman History
fact that none of Rome’s adversaries fielded 71.34.1). If he meant to indicate Commodus
similarly professional armies. by this riddle, his advice was sadly misguided,
Nevertheless, the genuine crises to afflict as Commodus’ day was indeed a dark end to
the empire came not from outside but rather this phase of the Roman Principate. It was left
from inside. The real dangers were posed, to another to forge a new kind of empire.
The main ancient sources for the period of with the pertinent comments of K.R. Bradley
the Principate can be found in translation in The Classical Journal 75 (1980), pp. 274–76.
either in the Penguin Classics series or in And for ‘The World Around War’, the reader
the Loeb Classical Library. will profit from Fergus Millar’s article, ‘The
The second edition of the Cambridge World of the Golden Ass’, in The Journal of
Ancient History provides the most reliable Roman Studies 71 (1981), pp. 63–75.
general background reading, and readers In this military narrative, I have
of this book are directed to volume 10 attempted to take a prosopographical
(The Augustan Empire, 43 BC–AD 69, edited approach, tracing (in some small way)
by A.K. Bowman, E. Champlin & A. Lintott, the actions of individuals from reign to
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, reign, rather than simply concentrating
1996) and volume 11 (The High Empire, upon the achievements of each reigning
AD 70–192, edited by A.K. Bowman, emperor. Many of these individuals are
P. Garnsey & D. Rathbone, Cambridge: studied in greater depth in The Roman
Cambridge University Press, 2000). Colin Government of Britain, by A.R. Birley (Oxford:
Wells’ The Roman Empire (2nd edition, Oxford University Press, 2005). More detail
London: HarperCollins, 1992) is on the Roman army and its adversaries
recommended as a concise and can be found in The Roman Army at War
readable overview. 100 BC–AD 200, by Adrian Goldsworthy
For the ‘Portrait of a Soldier’, the reader is (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). Individual
referred to David Kennedy’s article, ‘C. Velius fortresses and forts, and the movements of
Rufus’, in Britannia 14 (1983), pp. 183–96. the legions and auxiliary units, are covered
For the ‘Portrait of a Civilian’, more detail in my previous Osprey books, Roman
can be found in The Roman World of Dio Legionary Fortresses 27 BC–AD 378 (Oxford:
Chrysostom, by C.P. Jones (Cambridge, MA Osprey, 2006) and Roman Auxiliary Forts
& London: Harvard University Press, 1978), 27 BC–AD 378 (Oxford: Osprey, 2009).
Pius, Antoninus (Roman emperor AD 138–161) 68–71, Scribonianus, Lucius Arruntius Camillus 37
69, 72 (73), 92 Second Jewish War (AD 132–135) 68
Plautius, Aulus (general) 37, 38 Sejanus, Lucius Aelius 30–31
Pliny 7, 50 senate 11, 12, 32, 56
Pliny the Younger 52, 82, 89 senators 12–13, 21–22
Polyaenus 69 Severus, Aulus Caecina 30
Praetorian Guard 13, 35, 36, 39, 71, 92 Severus, Lucius Septimus (Roman emperor AD 193–211)
Principate 11, 12, 13, 30, 57 36, 90, 91
Priscus, Statius 71, 73 Severus, Sextus Julius (general) 68
property qualifications 12 Severus, Titus Calidius (centurion) 22
provincial life 81–82, 82 shields 54
Prusa 83–84 Siege and Destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans under
Ptolemy (ruler of Mauretania) 32, 35 the command of Titus (painting) 48–49
siege works 44
Quadi tribe 28–29, 76 Silvanus, Plautius 38, 43
Speratus, Marcus Valerius 24
rebellions 32–33, 37, 43, 44, 47, 67–68, 76 Suebian tribes 55, 74, 76
Rhineland 47, 48 Suetonius 34, 35, 37, 43, 49, 50, 55
Rhodes 84 swords 54
roads 31, 48, 49, 62, 89–90 Syria 42, 43, 49, 71, 76–77
Roman army
accommodation 20 Tabula Traiana 63, 65
arrogance and brutality 82 Tacfarinas (Musulamian chieftain) 31–32
in battle 27 Tacitus, Publius Cornelius 7, 12, 27, 31, 32, 34, 39, 42,
command structure 20 47, 53
loyalty to emperor 30 Tapae, battle of 54, 58
military decorations 78, 80 Tarraconensis 16
mutiny 30, 47, 55, 86
taxation 32–33
officer class 21–27, 78
Temple of Janus see Janus, Temple of
pay and pensions 13, 20, 26
Thrace 39
plague (AD 166) 73–74, 92
Tiberius (Roman emperor AD 14–37) 7, 12, 29, 30–32,
portrait of a soldier 78–80
30, 33
recruitment 20–21, 91–92
Tiridates (King of Armenia) 40, 42, 43
requisition system 82
Titus (Roman emperor AD 79–81) 48–49, 49–50
tactical and strategic functioning 92
tombstones 22, 26, 59, 62
upper and lower Rhine 46, 52, 55
Traianus (governor of Syria) 49
see also legions
Trajan (Roman emperor AD 98–117) 7, 20, 22, 56–66,
Roman Empire
expansion 15–16, 89–92 58, 82, 85, 91, 92
internal problems 92 building projects 62
maps Dacian Wars 58–59, 60, 62
27 BC 14 honours 63
AD 14–68 41 war in Armenia (AD 114) 63
eastern frontier 2nd century 64 Trevri tribe 47
northern frontier 2nd century 61 tribunes 12, 21, 24, 26
Roman world under Septimus Severus 90 triumvirates 11
Roman officer class 21–26 Tropaeum Traiani (Afamklissi) 91
Rome
Arch of Septimus Severus 88–89 Urbicus, Lollius 69
Arch of Titus 50, 51, 51, 89
Circus Maximus 62 Valens, Marcus Vettius 25
Colosseum 36, 50, 51 Varus, Publius Quinctilius 16
Column of Marcus Aurelius 74, 75, 76 Veranius, Quintus 39
forum 36, 62 Verus, Lucius (Roman emperor AD 161–69) 73, 73,
Marcus Aurelius equestruan statue 86 76, 77
Trajan’s Column 6 (7), 20, 25, 59, 59, 62 Vespasian (Roman emperor AD 69–79) 22, 38, 46–50,
Roxolani tribe 29, 43, 47, 66 47, 80, 83, 84, 92
Rufus, Gaius Velius 78–80, 79 as governor of Judaea 43–44
Rufus, Lucius Verginius 44, 46 stabilization policies 47–49
triumphal procession 50, 50
Sabinas, Titus Fluvius 85 Victoria Augusta (‘the emperor’s victory’) 7
sacrosanctitas (‘immunity from prosecution’) 12 vigiles (‘night watchmen’) 13
saddles 16–17 Vindex, Gaius Julius 44
Sarmatian tribes 29, 31, 43, 47, 49, 55, 68 Vitalis, Tiberius Claudius (centurion) 26
Saturninus, Lucius Antonius 55 Vitellius (Roman emperor AD 69) 22, 46
Scapula, Publius Ostorius 39 Vologaeses I (King of Parthia) 40, 42
Scipio, Publius Cornelius 32
Scotland 54, 66, 69, 70 weapons 28, 54
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