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British Forum For Ethnomusicology British Journal of Ethnomusicology
British Forum For Ethnomusicology British Journal of Ethnomusicology
"Indian" Music in the Diaspora: Case Studies of "Chutney" in Trinidad and in London
Author(s): Tina Karina Ramnarine
Source: British Journal of Ethnomusicology, Vol. 5 (1996), pp. 133-153
Published by: British Forum for Ethnomusicology
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3060870
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VOL 5 BRITISH JOURNAL OF ETHNOMUSICOLOGY 1996
This paper examines the musical genre "chutney" as an Indian-Caribbean tradition, and as
an expression of identity in both Caribbean and British contexts. The tradition was shaped
by historical processes which brought together Indian, Caribbean and British elements. It
has developed as a diasporic "Indian" tradition in the pluricultural contexts of the
Caribbean. Diverse influences can be traced in contemporary chutney. In different
geographic contexts, however, the tradition expresses a specific Indian-Caribbean identity.
133
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134 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 135
celebrations) and at the birth of a child. Knowledge of mathkor was, and still is,
passed on orally. Women's traditions are often difficult for ethnographers to
access (Koskoff 1989). Yet this is not a secret tradition. The lack of empirical
data and historical research is also a reflection on the general inattention paid to
the experiences of Indian-Caribbean women (Poynting 1987).
The processes whereby the music and dance of mathkor came to be
incorporated and represented in the popular genre chutney is a topic of my current
research and will only be mentioned briefly in this paper. My main concern here
is with chutney as contemporary music. Myers (1993b) and Manuel (1995) do
mention chutney as an emerging popular genre, but more detailed descriptions
and analyses of this tradition as public performance are only now being
undertaken. In on-going research projects in the Caribbean, the tradition is being
analysed in terms of "counter-nationalist discourses" and in relation to issues of
gender (Kirk Meghu, pers. comm. 1995). A forthcoming documentary film by
Karen Martinez, "Chutney in yuh soca", will examine the tradition as one in the
process of "douglarisation", a Trinidadian expression coterminous with Hannerz's
"creolisation" (1987). That music can be interpreted in diverse and contrasting
ways, as illustrated by these approaches, makes it a potentially powerful area of
discussion in public debate. Although research on chutney has barely begun, all
kinds of claims are already being made for it. In surveying recent press reports on
the Trinidad Carnival, February 1996, it is clear that chutney means different
things to different people. One view is that it is an "Indian" tradition, and that
recent chutney songs give the first indications of a movement of a people "to lay
claim as authentic Indians in Trindiad and Tobago" (Ken Parmasad, cited in
Alexander 1996). Another view is that it is not quite Indian and does not reveal
the real musical wealth of India's musical traditions which are also available to
Indians in the Caribbean (Ravi-Ji 1996). Chutney's emergence as a popular genre
is interlinked with issues of the place, status and changing roles of Indians in the
Caribbean. In discussions of these issues, the emphasis has been placed on
ethnicity and "culture".
In this paper I shall interpret chutney shows as cultural performances which
comment--through song texts in particular--on the experiences of a people in the
diaspora. In the Caribbean, the diasporic context has become the new homeland.
Performances of chutney create a sense of relatedness for performers and
audiences, and affirm a specific ethnic and cultural identity. I shall argue that, as a
tradition which has developed in a diasporic context, chutney emerges not as an
Indian but as a specifically Indian-Caribbean form of expression. The spelling
"chutney" rather than "chatni" is itself an identification of the genre as Indian-
Caribbean, not Indian. The argument is pursued by examining chutney in
Trinidad and in London, and by tracing, albeit briefly, the history of chutney from
women's tradition to popular genre. A concern with ethnicity forms part of the
complex relations that exist between different ethnic groups in Trinidad. The song
text, particularly the calypso text as a well-established form of social
commentary, has been a medium for exploring these dynamics, characterised both
by dissension and by solidarity (see Deosarran 1987). Discussions about the
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136 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 137
1987: 28). Indian labourers, neither realising the journey which lay ahead of them
nor understanding the contracts which they signed, saw indentureship as a way of
escaping harsh economic conditions and hunger, and anticipated an easier life in
new lands. Some of them did not sign contracts: they were simply kidnapped. The
system of indentureship, strikingly similar to the system of slavery which
preceded it, was criticised in turn and gave rise to anti-indenture campaigns.
Fig. 1: Sketch map of India showing the places of origin (shading) of Indian
indentured labourers who travelled to the Caribbean.
Sttar Prades
q Punj ab JI
Calcutta
Madras
Sri Lanka
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138 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
Fig. 2: Sketch map of Trinidad showing places referred to in the text. Shading
indicates sugar plantation areas to which indentured labourers were assigned.
Port of Spain
Sangre Grande
Penal
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 139
Bihar where Bhojpuri, was spoken. The Bhojpur tradition, therefore, which had
produced religious heroes such as Rama, Krishna and Buddha, as well as the
Ramayana and the Mahabharata epics, became dominant in Trinidad.
The preservation of religious ideals and the celebration of religious festivals
were significant in maintaining a sense of ethnic and cultural identity. Music has
continued to play an integral role in religious rituals. Traces of ritual music can be
found in some chutney songs. As well as the preservation of traditions, new ideas
imported from India (including religious movements and figures) are absorbed by
Indian-Caribbean populations. Films (subtitled in English) have been imported
from India since the 1940s and have made an important contribution to the
chutney style. Also, since the 1940s several dancers from India-including
Rajkumar Krishna Persad, Sat and Mondira Balkaransingh, and Pratap and Priya
Pawar--have held workshops and classes in Trinidad teaching the classical Odissi
style and Punjabi, Gujerati, Bihari and southern Indian folk dances.
The demise of certain traditional practices was equally significant in the
formation of an Indian-Caribbean identity. Language and the feudal caste system
broke down. In Trinidad, labourers from different castes, from Brahmins (high
caste) to Chamar (low caste), lived next to each other in the barracks and worked
together in the cane-fields. English, which had been established as the official
language of British India by 1835, emerged as the common language which
enabled Indians in the Caribbean to communicate with each other and with the
rest of the populace. The experience of indentureship in Trinidad led to the
development of a sense of ethnic solidarity which has been somewhat ironically
characterised by Sam Selvon as "East Indian Trinidadian West Indian" (Selvon
1987: 21). Here is a statement of ethnic identity which demonstrates allegiances
to India as the ancestral country of origin, to the Caribbean island Trinidad which
is "home", and to the Caribbean region in general. By drawing on elements from
different traditions, chutney reinforces these loyalties and affirms the identity of
Indian-Caribbeans as Caribbean people of Indian origin. Even where
commentators assert that the tradition is Indian, the assertion is made in a context
in which being "Indian" serves both to remind Indian-Caribbeans of their ancestry
and to further local political debates and interests.
Chutney in Trinidad
Given that chutney is said to have its origins in the celebration known as mathkor,
a predominantly female mode of expression, special attention must be accorded to
the role of women in Indian-Caribbean society. Patterns of family structure were
affected during the period of indentureship by the scarcity of female labourers.
Working on the sugar plantations, women gained a certain independence which
was, however, compromised by their continuing scarcity. Women were expected,
in some cases compelled, to marry at a young age and did not have the same
educational opportunities as men.
Reference to mathkor is found in Ramnath's (n.d.) book on Indian culture
written for Indian-Caribbean people who, the author explicitly stated, seemed to
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140 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
be forgetting the "true meanings" of many of the rituals which they continued to
perform. Ramnath (n.d.: 97-8) describes and explains the meaning of mathkor as
part of the Aryan Hindu Sanatanist' wedding ceremony as follows:
Vertovec also refers to the mathkor ceremony, describing the dances as "highly
suggestive" (1993: 203). Such a description is reminiscent of those I encountered
with regard to chutney. The following comment is typical of those I came across
during informal conversations with women in south Trinidadian villages: "Today
you find a lot of men going to hear the chutney shows. The dancing is a bit, you
know, 'vulgar'. The women shake up the waist and I think that is why a lot of
men go--to see the dance".
As well as dance, drums such as the dholak and tassa play an important role in
mathkor and also in contemporary chutney, as seen in these two accounts by
women in a south Trinidad village:
"I remember my sister's wedding. I was only a child at the time. My aunt gave
me a lot of money because it would have been my turn next to get married. The
day before the wedding all the women came to our house and we all went down to
the river. We always went to the river O. They were singing, dancing and playing
drums. They put saffron on my sister's forehead and painted her hands...."
"I saw when the neighbour opposite was going to get married. All the women
dressed in their saris started singing and dancing outside the house. They were
going to the river. Some of them were playing the drums. I could have gone but I
was in the shop...."
1 For an explanation of Sanatanism, as well as of the Arya Samaj movement mentioned below,
see Vertovec 1992: 57-61 and chapter 4.
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 141
by the women of the palace to accompany birth and wedding songs and
sometimes also dance" (Dick 1984: 562). The importance of going to the
riverside in the accounts above is parallelled by the widespread practice in India
of pre-wedding ritual bathing, the ban. There are similarities between the pre-
wedding celebrations in India and in Trinidad, but the important points here are
first, that wedding songs constitute "a major part of India's folksong tradition"
(Wade 1980: 150), and second, that they are sung by women. The songs are "rich
in documentation about family lineage" (ibid.). Whatever the social restrictions,
then, Indian-Caribbean women who continued these performances played a vital
role in celebrations marking the expansion of the family, and were the carriers of
musical traditions, folksong in particular. These are some of the traditions which
chutney singers draw upon today.
Searching for parallel practices between Indian and Indian-Caribbean
populations seems to point to earlier performances of chutney in Trinidad
(drawing on the folksongs of mathkor) as preserving tradition. Yet the tradition
has changed. Chutney shows today usually feature a solo singer (male or female)
with a backing band. They are held in formal performance contexts: in halls and
theatres. In addition to the continued use of the dholak, the instrumentation often
includes guitars, keyboards and drum machines. Members of the audience,
particularly women, invariably get up to dance at these shows. In short, changes
lie in new conceptualisations and treatment of folksong, so that this is now a
musical repertory to which men can turn as well as women; in performance
contexts, from the riverside as part of ritual to the stage as entertainment; and in
the music itself, from the singing, clapping and drumming of women to a more
varied instrumentation including the use of electronic instruments and of male
voices. One reason for rapid change in the tradition (from women's performance
to popular genre) is suggested by Manuel who writes that "the flowering of the
chutney scene has parallelled the increased movement of East Indians away from
rural sugar plantations and into the urban mainstream" (Manuel 1995: 218). The
changing status and role of Indian-Caribbean women has also contributed to rapid
musical change.
In a study of Indian music in Felicity, a village in North Trinidad, Myers
writes: "Indian music is different things to different people. For the younger
generation it refers especially to Indian film songs, for the older to the traditional
Bhojpuri folk songs, and for practically everybody to temple songs, such as
bhajan and kirtan. For all, it means a repertory with texts in an Indian language"
(1993: 235). Despite the emphasis on language (noteworthy, for many Indian-
Caribbeans have little knowledge of the languages of their forebears), many
contemporary chutney song texts are in English with a few Hindi words added.
Sometimes a Hindi text intermingles with its English translation. The use of
English is significant for two main reasons: it is the language of today's Indian-
Trinidadian population, and Trinidadians from a non-Indian background find
chutney more accessible than, for example, Indian religious songs. Yet this is not
the English of the coloniser, it is the Indian-Caribbean adaptation of the language
(see Cudjoe 1985, Mahabir 1985).
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142 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
Maurisa Ramsingh: "I think its popularity is due to the 'coalition' government
because this represents the coming together of two races [African and Indian].
Chutney has now become a major force in uniting the two races."
Patel Grant: "It is popular because of the continued pattern in which Stalin [a
calypsonian] won the Calypso Monarch competition last year with Sundar Popo
[chutney singer]."
Simon Williams: "...it represents a coming together of two cultures."
Richard Payle: "I think that chutney has become popular because the calypsonians
of East Indian descent have brought forward their culture, and because of this the
other races have adopted what the Indian calypsonians have brought forward."
[Cited in Trinidad Guardian, 17.ii.96: 9, no author given]
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 143
Song texts
Many chutney song texts are repetitive. The structure is usually alternating verse
and chorus. I have selected some examples which highlight the ways in which
chutney texts create a sense of relatedness, of belonging, firstly by exploring the
experiences and every-day concerns of Indian-Caribbeans, and secondly by the
naming of specific places-in the Caribbean or elsewhere with large Indian-
Caribbean populations (in the following examples, Guyana, Trinidad, the USA,
Canada and the Trinidadian villages Penal and Sangre Grande). Some of these
song texts centre around themes of marriage and courtship. These are the themes
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144 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
with which women, in private contexts, must have been concerned on such
occasions as preparing a bride for a wedding. A thread of continuity is thus
provided, with the transition of chutney from private to public spheres, through its
narrative content. The song texts are those of some of the most successful chutney
singers. These include Sundar Popo, one of the first musicians to bring chutney to
a wider audience during the 1970s, Anand Yankaran, Drupatee Ramgoonai, and
from the village Fyrish in Guyana, Terry Gajraj.
Example 1: Sundar Popo (JMC2 cassette JMC- 1113, 1995), "Indian arrival"
The Fatel Rozack [common spelling of Fath Al Razak] came from India
with me nanee [maternal grandmother] and me nana [maternal grandfather]
and some landed here.
This song was released in the year when Indians were celebrating 150 years in
Trinidad. Sundar Popo provided a well-known account of Indian migration to
Trinidad and the labourers' experiences on the plantations, referring to the Fath
Al Razak, sugar cane and other agricultural pursuits. This was one of the chutney
songs composed in celebration of "Arrival Day".
2 JMC is Jamaican Music Connection, a record label based in New York; BLS Records (example
4) is based in the Virgin Islands.
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 145
In this song text the bridegroom appeals for a bride not from India but from
another Caribbean island. Through marriage, kinship ties are thereby strengthened
between Indian-Caribbeans from Trinidad and Guyana, at the same time as they
are weakened between the Caribbean and the ancestral homeland, India. On the
other hand, the continued use of kinship terms such as dulaha and dulahin is one
of the clearest examples of preservation of language.
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146 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 147
Many different themes are raised in this song. Sangre Grande, phoulourie
chutney, the drum, the bottle of rum, the cane-these are all images of local
village life. The plane is today's way of travelling. By falling back into the cane,
the singer does not leave his familiar environment. Even in travelling to other
places, the singer carries the experience of the sugar cane fields with him.
The inclusion of the nursery rhymes in this chutney song is an example of
those cultural elements which have been absorbed in the tradition as a result of
historical circumstance and interaction between people from diverse places. But
this is a brief appearance of any "British" elements; perhaps the use of the English
language is the biggest British impact on the chutney tradition. Manuel notes that
"most of Trinidad's musical vitality and cultural dynamism has developed in spite
of rather than because of British rule", and the island "remains host to a number
of distinctly non-English music traditions" (1995: 184). London too, is host to
many diverse traditions from around the world, of which chutney is just one.
Chutney in London
During the 1950s and 1960s, Caribbeans were recruited to fill the post-war labour
shortage in the "mother country" (Britain). The descendants of Indian migrants to
the Caribbean undertook a second migration, again in response to British policy.
Although many of those who made the journey are Caribbeans of Indian descent,
an Indian-Caribbean identity is still scarcely recognised in Britain. The experience
of emigrating to a country which--despite ties on imperial, political and
economic levels--did not feel like a homeland, brought issues of identity to the
forefront. Questions of ethnicity and culture resurface in a new geographic
context. Indian-Trinidadians in London were, until 1962 with the colony's
independence from the empire, British citizens, yet visible "others" who
maintained strong affiliations to the Caribbean, and who had a connection, from
the more distant past, with India. The Race Equality Policy Group of the London
Policy Unit was the first local authority department to recognise an Indian-
Caribbean community, appointing an officer to liaise with community
representatives in 1986. An Indo-Caribbean Cultural Association was set up in
1988. That the existence of the community is nevertheless little known is not
surprising given that for many Indian-Caribbeans a sense of belonging to a
particular community is largely achieved through maintaining links with other
Indian-Caribbeans, with friends, relatives, friends of friends and so on.
Community events are infrequent. The occasional chutney performances, with
singers from the Caribbean, provide one of the few opportunities for a group
expression of identity. The promotional posters for these events reveal some of
the symbols of that identity. These include steel band, soca, parang and chutney
(fig. 3). That such performances are organised at all is evidence of the links that
are maintained between London's Indian-Caribbean community and the
Caribbean. Chutney shows began to be organised in London soon after chutney
singers entered the arena of public performance in the Caribbean, largely due to
the efforts of Suresh Rambaran, who established G and H Promotions. As one of
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148 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
I wrote a story once which was based on fact, about a Trinidad Indian who
couldn't get a room to live in because the English landlord didn't want people
from the Westindies, only bona fide Indians from the banks of the Ganges. So my
boy posed as a true-true [real] Indian and got the room...But truth is even stranger
than fiction, for when I applied to the Indian High Commission in London for a
job, I was told that I was not an Indian because I came from Trinidad and was not
born in India.
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 149
chutney style is that he blends Indian songs with influences from soca, reggae and
rap. From his base in New York he travels to different performance venues,
including different cities in the USA and in Canada, the Caribbean (as a chutney
singer and as a calypsonian) and London. The diverse influences which we find in
the musical biography of this singer are those that constitute the tradition of
chutney as well.
A performance given by Terry Gajraj in London in 1995 attracted
approximately 400 people-a good turnout, according to the organisers. The
venue was a school hall which had been hired for the evening. Beer from the
Caribbean and Indian food like roti (a type of bread) and chicken curry was sold.
Chutney in London, unlike in the Caribbean or amongst the Caribbean
community in New York, is a little-known music which barely attracts audiences
beyond the Indian-Caribbean community. The best-known Asian musical genre in
Britain is bhangra, the music of "British Asian youth culture" (Baumann 1990)
which emerged during the 1970s. Through bhangra, a re-invented Punjabi folk
tradition which developed in London and in the Midlands, the Punjabi sphere of
influence extends to other South Asian communities in Britain, the USA and
Australia. Whether audiences are small or large, both chutney and bhangra are
examples of popular musical genres which have developed in the diaspora, which
cross many geographic, political and cultural boundaries and which are performed
in urban centres like London. Both forms reveal influences from diverse sources.
Bhangra musicians in London and in the Midlands, like chutney musicians in
Trinidad, have looked to African-Caribbean models of musical expression. Yet
bhangra as a re-invented and re-contextualised tradition is rooted in a folk
tradition from a defined region-the Punjab. By contrast, the origins of chutney
beyond the Caribbean are difficult to trace. Bhojpuri traditions may be dominant
among the Indian-Caribbean population, but elements incorporated from different
regions in India together with those from local contexts in the Caribbean also
contribute to chutney.
Conclusions
Exchanges between travellers, and experiences in the New World, led to the
development of new traditions and identities as soon as the first indentured
labourers from India undertook the journey over the kala pani (black water) to
Trinidad. Sometimes the language of alienation and grief is used in song texts of
migrants (as Stokes 1992 describes in relation to southeast Turkish migrants in
Istanbul). Such use is not often found in contemporary chutney texts. Instead,
themes of courtship and marriage are prevalent and seem to have their origin in
the performance of chutney in private, initiatory contexts as the status of a woman
changed to that of a bride or a mother. Recent changes in the tradition-the move
from private to public performance, the entry of male performers and the
increasing links between chutney and other Caribbean musical genres-all have a
political importance. The arrival of chutney at the forefront of popular culture has
coincided with the Indian-Caribbean ascent to political power, which culminated
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150 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
Land of de Calypso, Steelpan, Limbo, Soca, Carnival, Chutney, a les, Soucouya & Jab Ja
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Ramnarine: "Indian" music in the diaspora: case studies of "chutney" 151
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My current research on chutney and the writing of this paper have been made possib
a postdoctoral research fellowship in music from Brunel University College. I am
grateful to all the people in Trinidad and in London who have talked to me about
family histories during short field research trips dating from 1990. My interest in chu
stems from those informal conversations. In particular, I thank Suresh Rambaran
continuing to invite me to chutney events in London, and for providing insights int
tradition, and Marigold Saul, information officer at the High Commission of Trin
and Tobago, who directed my attention to the reports about the Carnival of 1996 in
Trinidad Guardian.
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152 British Journal of Ethnomusicology, vol. 5 (1996)
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