Constructing Maya Communities Fox

Constructing Maya Communities: Ethnography for Archaeology
Author(s): John W. Fox, Garrett W. Cook and Arthur A. Demarest

Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 37, No. 5 (Dec., 1996), pp. 811-830
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for
Anthropological Research
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interpretation fromthe materialisttheoreticalper-
spective.
3 In thisstudy,segmentary lineagesin highlandGuate-
mala and Yucatan are traced from the Classic-
ConstructingMaya Postclassictransition(ca. A.D. late 800s-goos) to the
presentto show how theyaggregated into egalitarian
and hierarchical
Communities
polities.Lineagessplit,migrated long
distancesto fusewithconqueredpeoplesin newlocali-
ties,and amalgamated withscattered fraternal lineages
whenthreatened (onrebellions, dispersals, and shifting
states,see Tambiahi985:322-26; Kellyi985:72). The
forArchaeology
Ethnography Mayacommunity was madeup ofintermarrying patrili-
neagesthatshareda patrondeityandreplicated thispat-
ternwithinsuccessivelylargeraggregations. Lineages
byJohnW. Fox and competedforrankandspecialprerogatives;
cal struggles
constitute muchofthedynamics
suchpoliti-
expressed
GarrettW. Cook in Classic-period epigraphy and Postclassicethnohis-
tory.Accordingly, fromethnography, ethnohistory, ar-
chaeology,and mythology we summarizelineagealli-
ances forthe Postclassic,ca. A.D. 900-I520S, political
rolesoflineageswithinland-sharing sodalitiesfromthe
GiventhatmillionsoftraditionalMayalivetoday,it is colonialperiodto the present,and evidenceforstatus
surprisinghowlittleethnographyhasfigured intorecon- andwealthdifferentials betweenlineages.'
structionsof theirancientsocieties.EarlyMayanists Case studiesof segmentary lineagesin the Quiche
pointedoutmanycontinuities betweenthepresentand municipalityofMomostenango in thedenselypopulated
the past. For example,de Borhegyi(i956) arguedthat highlandsof Guatemalaand theYucatecvillageofOx
a conservative Maya folkculturehad adaptedto state Mul in thefrontier rainforestofBelizedelineatenearly
institutionson its own termsin the courseof being oppositeends of the spectrumof community size and
dominatedforsuccessive soo-600-year intervalsby its traditionalismandmayspeakto pan-Mayacommonali-
own elite (theClassic period),a Mexicanizedelite(the ties,past and present.2Our surveybeginsin thehigh-
Postclassic),and a Europeanelite (thecolonialperiod lands,wherelineagesarebetterdocumented.
to thepresent).Whilethe livingMaya of Chiapasand
Guatemalaprovidedhomologiesfor interpreting the
ClassicMayaduringtheig6os,thecontinuity approach A Quiche Model forLineageSodalities
hashadrelatively littleimpacton mainstream archaeol-
ogy.Whatculturallens is appropriate forinterpretingAMAK, TINAMIT, AND CHINAMIT
the residueof Maya civilization?CertainlyepigraphyThe Quiche lineageswere organizedin communities
andethnohistory written bytheMayathemselves tem- calledamaks and chinamits.In the colonialdictionar-
permodernist Western perceptions,butit is recentuses ies,bothareequatedwith"hamlet"(aldea [seeVillaca-
ofethnography thathaveresulted inbreakthroughs such nas i692, de Coto I983, Zufiiga ca. i6io]). Ximenez
as the discoveriesthatClassic rulerscalledforththeir (I929, vol. E:I30) calls amaks "small ruralcommuni-
ancestors(Scheleand Freideli990) in shamanicrituals ties" extending froma fortified centraltown(tinamit)
like thoseenactedbylineageheadson hilltopaltarsin "like the legs of a spider,"though"unifiedas single
Guatemalatoday,thatbasiciconographic elementsand body" (u xe amak [Popol Vuh I97I (ca. I554):228]).
cosmologicalprinciples have enduredsincetheClassic Amakseemstobe a generaltermmeaninga community
period(Freidel,Schele,and ParkerI993, Fox i996),and segmenttied throughkinshipto othersuch bodies.A
thatancestorveneration like thatoftodayis expressed ruralamakowedallegianceto thecapital(amaktecpan)
in thedesignofClassic-period ceremonialcenters(Mc- and maintainedobligationsacrossthe state (de Coto
Anany i995). i983:262).
We examinethe continuity betweenthepresent-day
emicsocialorganization oflocalcommunities (Carmack i. Cook andFoxinvestigated Ox Mul,a Yucatecvillagein western
i966, Vogt i969) and the earlierprinciplesof lineage Belize,during1991-93 underthe auspicesof the Departmentof
alliancethatallowedthe construction of successively Archaeology, Belmopan,Belize. Ox Mul translatesas "Three
Hills," a reference
to the altar-sizedpre-Hispanicmoundsthere.
largerblocsofcommunities nestedwithintheaboriginal FoxandMelindaA. Goelz mappedOx Mul (fig.i) andGoelz drafted
segmentary formats
state.The organizational areculled figures2-4 with fundingfromthe BaylorUniversityResearch
from colonial dictionaries,conquest-periodnative Council.
chronicles,present-day andethnography.2. Ox Mul is thenameusedbyitsYucatec-descended
oralnarratives, villagers;its
officialnameis omittedhere.Ox Mul lies 6 kmfromTipu,founded
WesuggestthatClassicMayaarchaeology wouldbenefit ca. A.D. 1300 andthecapitalofthesemiautonomous polityDzului-
fromtheguidanceofethnography justas epigraphyhas nicob("ForeignPeople")duringthe 17th century(Graham,Jones,
complemented and correctedsome of the excessesin and Kautz i985:207; Jonesi989:9).
8ii

8I21 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number S, December I996
Gradations ofgenerational depth(le'el)fromcommon wereguidedby theascendantlineage,whichspokefor

ancestors withinthelineage(alaxik[PopolVuhI97I(ca. the coresidentin-lawlineage(s)undera gloss of reci-
I 554):24]) definedduties and obligationsbetween procity.
amaks.Thus patriliny rangedfroma minimallineage, The earlyregal-ritual capitalin thecenterofthestate
withalliedbrothers andtheirchildren, through a princi- modeledtherurallandholding chinamit,composedorig-
pal lineageincludingat least grandparents and grand- inallyoftwo minimal/principal lineages.It eventually
childrenin a singleamak or chinamitto a majorlin- grewto fourmajorlineagesby addingtwo nearbylin-
eage,with shareddescentmorethanfivegenerationseagesbutretained thechinamitschemebydividing into
removed,oftenextendingover severalamaks or chi- "sun"and"moon"moieties.This"royalchinamit"was
namits as a resultof fission(see C'oyoi I973 [ca. I560]: conceptualized as a tulan or sacredcity(Utatlan;cf.
292).' ChichenItza and Mayapan)and was thefocalpointof
FortheQuiche,each centrally placedtown(amakti- thesolarcalendar,integrating theprovincial chinamits.
namit)in theprovinces was surrounded byruralamaks Thus,insteadof a singleroyallineagetherewerefour
originally settledby"littlesegments" (ch'utiamak[Po- majorlineagescounterpoised, althoughone lineagewas
pol Vuh I97I (ca. I554):2I9, 247; C'oyoi I973 (ca. i560): in
superordinate power and ritual authority foras long
299]). The amak "lords/spokesmen" convened"within as threecenturies. Fullquadripartitiondenotedthefour
the walled townof buildingscoveredin lime plaster" cardinalpoints(R. Fox I977:5 5; J.Fox i989:668-69). But
(Popol Vuh I97I [ca. I5541:I63;C'oyoi I973 [ca. I560]: politicalorganization was an ongoingprocess;lineages
294-95). There, the aj'ovaram (ajawarem or "lordly") vied forsymbols of cosmic authority and occasionally
amak,baseduponseniority ofdescent,formed a govern- switchedalliances and calendricidentities.Lineages
ing council (Popol Vuh I97I [ca. I5541:I70, 228; C'oyoi werethuspoliticalplayersin theirownright.
I973 [ca. i560]:273, 276, 292). Together,the urban and
ruralkindredcomprisedthe nima amak ("majorseg- LINEAGES IN MYTHOLOGY AND IN PROXEMICS
ment")or nimaguilamak ("greatest segment"), which
in turnmassedintotheonojelamak("all together" [Po- Complementary oppositionsstructure mythology. The
po1 Vuh I97I (ca. I554):I57, I70, 226, 235; C'oyoi I973 myth of the HeroTwinsin thePopolVuhoftheQuiche,
(ca. i560):273], I3 segments conjoined, ox lajuj u ka some of whose characters and scenesare depictedon
amak [Popol Vuh I97I (ca.I554):i55]). Therefore,vari- polychrome ceramicsoftheClassicperiod,includesepi-
ous graduations ofamaksweredistinguished by adjec- sodes of complementary oppositionbetweenfraternal
tivesand by context.Occasionallythelevelsofamaks lineages. In synopsis,thefirst
brothers, i Junajpu and 7
areconsecutively listed(e.g.,ch'utiamak,nima amak, Junajpu, arethefather anduncleoftwosetsofsons.The
onojel amak [e.g.,Yax I989 (i562):53]) when the nested eldersons,i Monkeyand i Artisan, emblematic ofthe
segments massedtogether forparticular events. AjawandSakiclineagesat Utatlan,arebornofa woman
A chinamitconsistedoftwoormoreminimalorprin- oftheirowncommunity, Ixbaquiyalo. Theyounger Hero
cipallineagesplusperhapsseveralfamiliesofrecentar- Twins,Junajpu and Ixbalanque,emblematic oftheCa-
rivalwho sharedlandsanda templeorshrinecomplex; wek and Nijaib lineages,are bornofa mother(Ixquic)
thusthetermchinamitis usedwhenreferring to terri- froman elite lineagein an enemycommunity. Their
tory(e.g.,Yax i989 [i562]:55, 82). Oftenan originalin- father,i Junajpu,representsthe lineof the celestial
war-
truderpatrilineage marriedintotheautochthonous one riorsandtheirmothertheunderworldly lordsofXibalba
and came to controlcorporate religioussymbols,thus (xib 'fear',also the rootformale in-laws,e.g.,xibinel
asserting dominance.The coresident in-lawlineages(ji, 'patrilinealkinsmenof one's wife').The spittleof the
ji'a, jiatz, or jatz [Popol Vuh I97I (ca. I554):2I5; de sacrificed i Junajpuimpregnates Ixquic,who takesref-
Coto I983:I30; Ximenez i985:273]; see Carbonell Pas- uge with her in-laws (virilocality). Eventually,the
tor's [I973] concunlado and Munson [I99I:320] forjatz- Twins overcometheirrivalstepbrothers and vanquish
ul) held lesserpower.The senior-ranked lineagealso the enemyin-lawswho killedtheirfather.Thus,it is
married intootheramaksacrossthestate(HillandMo- progenyof elite parentsfromantitheticalchinamits
naghan I987:47, 58, 74). The termchinamitand its post- (e.g.,the amak ofXibalba)who are sanctioned to form
conquestequivalent,calpul, also referred to eithera the "royalchinamit."The mythstructures "our lin-
hamletor its head (aj tz'alam [C'oyoiI973 (ca. i56o): eage"againstrivalsin ascendingorderofconsanguineal
322; Alvarez Arevalo i987:27, 37]) or even to the nim andaffinal distance.The victoriousTwins,emblematic
ja ("big house") or dominantlineage (Carmack I977:IO; of the dualismunderlying Quiche social organization,
Tedlock i989:498-99). The chinamit's externalaffairs riseas the sun and moon-the apical ancestors. Then,
in the FourthSun of the Popol Vuh,the firsthumans
areformed, andtheirdescendants disperseto amak,chi-
3. The colonial lexiconsdistinguishthe lineageof birth(alaxik namit,and tinamit.These threetermsfirstappearat
'sons and daughtersofwomen'; cajolaxik 'sons ofmen',as in xa thispointin theepicand onlyafter the"celestialroyal
jun ka quiquel,ka coma/ilchu vi k' alaxik,"he is ourblood[same chinamit"has been established, making thenew state
seed] and our patrilineage"[de Coto I983: 248, 314]). Suggesting safeforhumankind.
complementary opposition,threeadjoiningcalpulesin Sacapulas
in i 614 were said to be brothersundera singlepatrongod who Segmentary dynamicsaremanifested spatiallyat the
ofthreeothercalpules(Boriei982:94).
contesteda grouping pioneer Quiche tinamit, Jakawitz (A.D. 900s) of the

FOX ET AL. The Maya State I 8I3
FourthSun.The twolineages,theAjawandtheCawek, [Popol Vuh I97I (ca. I554):64, i96, 2o8-9) virilocally
maintainedsmall templesand initiallyone lineage relocatedto the Vuk Amak centerChujuyup,2.5 km
house (Carmack, Fox and Stewart I975:ii6), which in away (Fox I989:664-65).4 We have seen thatintrusive
variouscontextsis referred to as an amak(e.g.,Yax I989 amaksmarriedsubordinated indigenes(e.g.,ChomiJup
[i562]:49, 8o). Upon abandoning Jakawitzfor Utatlan [Xajil I953:86]). Outsider males eventuallycould join
(A.D. iioos), the Nijaib and Sakic lineages joined the the amak as low-status newcomerson thebasis ofde-
originaltwothrough complementary opposition,so that scentfroma patrilineal
ancestoroftheirmothers (Popol
theCawekand theSakicbecamethemoietyofthesun Vuh I97I [ca. I 5541:25 I-5a2)-a hintat possiblebilateral
whereastheAjawandtheNijaibwerethemoietyofthe descentamongeliteswithotherwise patrilineal
rulesof
moon.Eachofthefourmajorlineagesreplicated theba- descent.Jakawitzand Chujuyupcontinuedto be occu-
sic buildingconfigurations(Popol Vuh I97I [ca. I554]: pied through theA.D. Iooos (Browni985:274-75) as a
214; e.g., Wallace I977:3I-39, 47). two-tiered
chinamitwiththeAjawandtheirpatronde-
Lineagessplitoffat Utatlanto colonizeI3 territoriesity,Jakawitz/iJunajpu,superordinate. (This was the
wheresmallerversionsof the lineage-temple complex counterpart ofthefirst-bom godoftheClassicPalenque
symbolizedideationalauthority amidnew subjectlin- triad,G-I.)Withgrowth, theNijaib elevatedAwilixas
eages (J.Fox I977:86-9i;i987:chap. 6; I993: fig. I4.6). theirnewpatron"hiddenon a mountaintop" (Totonica-
Thenewlyconquered"vassalsandcompanions" worked pan I953:I78-80) adjoining Chujuyup (still called
the agricultural estatesand residedamongtheirnew "Place ofAwilix"),whereastheearliersiteChujuyupat
Quiche in-laws on chinamits (C'oyoi I973 [ca. I560]: itsfootbecamethechinamitofAj Nijaib(NijaibI I957
28i, 300). The flexibleQuiche incorporatedpeoples as [ca. I 5501:73). In mythology,
Awilix's avatar,Ixbalanque
the predatory and segmentary Nuer in Africaadopted (moon),was thelast-born ofthetriad,followingJunajpu
the Dinka (Kelly i985:io9-io, 236-42). oftheCawek,thesecond-born.5
The Annals of the Cakchiquelsalso tell how van- Nijaib translates
as "greathouses,"perhapsin refer-
quishedpeopleswere incorporated into an expansive ence to thelargesize ofthesevenearlysitesidentified
Quicheanpolity.Whenthe fourconfederated Cakchi- withtheindigenouscommunities oftheQuichebasin,
quel segmentsconqueredthe Akajal,the Cakchiquel theVuk Amak(Carmack,Fox,and StewartI975).6 On
split and relocated (Xajil I953:89-90; Carrasco I963, thebasis oftheirearliertiesin and aboutJakawitz, the
I971). Each intrusiveCakchiquel segmentintermarried NijaibandtheAjawjoinedin a moietyat Utatlan(Wal-
withan indigenousAkajal segmenton a newlyappor- lace I977:35). Yet the Nijaib (also known as "warriors
tionedestate;thenceforth theAkajalweretermed"vas- ofthenight")surpassedtheAjaw("ritualists ofVenus")
sal kindred" (Xajil I953:IO4). At the capital, Iximche, in powerand size as the Cawek's comrades-in-arms.
the CakchiquelorganizedI3 chinamits,headedby I3 Each oftheNijaibprincipallineageshelda separaterit-
caciques,who foughtas I3 divisionsofwarriors (Xajil ual functionunderthe highest-ranked officeof Ajpop
I953:74, 9I, 95; Carrasco i988:4). Three Cakchiquel- Galel Nijaib (Popol Vuh I97I [ca. I5541:23I, 255I-52).
styleplazas werebuiltamongthreeAkajal-style plazas Minimal lineagesdividedand relocatedshortdis-
at ChuapecQuecajolNimaabaj,corroborating unionof tancesto the 30-somechinamitssurrounding Utatlan
CakchiquelwiththeAkajalvassals;similarly, twoCak- (tzam chinamital [C'oyoi I973 (ca. I560):294; Carmack
chiquelplazas werepairedwithtwo Pokomplazas at i98i:249-56]). Where preserved,they contain a small
Mixcu, the archaeological Chinautla Viejo (Fox templeforthepatroncabawil,an imageofwoodor of
I978a:2o5; I978b:i6-23). stone (Xajil I953:II9; Popol Vuh I97I [ca. I5541:I60,
i83), and a lineagehouse(nimia). This masonrystruc-
ONE MILLENNIUM OF NIJAIB SEGMENTATION
ture,coveredin limeplaster,was usuallybuiltcloseto
an earlierearthen-mound site,suggesting
complementa-
To delineatesegmentary behaviorsthroughtime,we
tracetheNijaiblineagefromits formation ca. A.D. 975,
outsideJakawitz, through its relocationto Utatlanca. 4. Chujuyupwas linkedwiththehamletofQuilaba 2 kmdirectly
A.D. II50 to its division
withinthepuebloofMomoste- north(originally Quilaja, "wherethesun rises"),bothbeingunder
nango ca. I300S-I700S and the competitionto control the jurisdiction of the aldea Santa Rosa Chujuyup,at the footof
Jakawitz.Thus Quilaba would have been a local kinshipgroup
theintegrating patronsaintsthatfollowed.The ethno- receivingwivesfromtheCawek.BothQuilaba andChujuyuphave
historiesretroactively historicizetheNijaib'smigration small siteswithmounds.
fromthe lowlandsas one of the fouroriginalQuiche 5. Later,Chujuyupand PaAwilixwerecalledthechinamitAj Ni-
minimallineages-a small groupofyoungmenunder jaib, suggestingtheirplace of origin(NijaibI I957 [ca. I5501:73).
the cacique Balam Agaab (Totonicapan I953:I72). From The two otherparcelsweredistinguished as Quilaba (Aj Quiliyaj/
Iquilya)and Jakawitz(Aj Tinamit[NijaibI I957 (ca. I550):72-73;
conjunctive lines ofevidence,however,we offera less C'oyoi I973 (ca. i56o):381 or Chitinamittoday).
memorable beginning.The Nijaibgainhistorical
visibil- 6. At Utatlan,two otherVukAmaklineagesmayhavebeenadded
ityonlyseveralgenerations aftertheAjaw and Cawek to the Nijaib,forlocal ceramicsdatingfromtheA.D. 700S-II00S
had settledat Jakawitz and marriedlocal women(ixo- and two single mound sites, radiocarbon-dated about A.D. 900
(Freteri98i:62-63), underliethe Quiche horizonthere.Freter
quil amak [Popol Vuh I97I (ca. I554):2I5; C'oyoi I973 (i98i:65) arguesthat the intrusiveQuiche reorganized the Vuk
(ca. i56o):288]). They may in fact have formedwhen Amak alreadythereas theirforebears had incorporatedthe Vuk
Ajaw womenfromthefortified
Jakawitz
(onojelamak AmakofChujuyupand ofQuilaba.

8I4 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number S, December I996
rily opposed intrusiveand local lineages (J. Fox beenkeptin theCatholicchurchsincethe i92os; it is
I977:9I-92). referred to as the "momingstar"(nimach'umil[Cook
Next, Nijaib and Cawek secondarysegments(ka I98I, Tedlock i982]). The momingstaris conceptual-
amak)migrated about40 kmwestto ChuwaTzak,the izedbyQuicheinformants as thesmallredharbinger of
aboriginalMomostenango (C'oyoi I973 [ca. I560]:280, the sun (JoseFernandez, personalcommunication); in
299). The fourNijaibdocuments (I542-58) recountthat Momostenango, boththeRedDwarfandthefirstMam
battlesledbyoneIxquinNijaibwerethebasisforclaim- firstappearoverthe eastemmostmountaintop shrine,
inglandfiefs;22 chinamitscametobe headedbyNijaib Iquilija (Tedlocki982:99-ioi, I47). Recinos(I957:74)
andCawekcaciques(e.g.,NijaibI I957 [ca. I550]; Nijaib pointedout thatin NijaibI Iquilijais thenamesakeof
II I957 [I558]; C'oyoi I973 [ca. i560]:275, 292). In their the earlierchinamiton Cawek-heldlands near Jaka-
own words,"theirengenderedsons capturedmoun- witz.9Rivalfemalepatronsheldby theNijaib descen-
tains"as "military contingents ofbrothers," so thatthe dantsas syncretized versionsofAwilix(NijaibII I957
"first-born sons could take titles aftertheir own [I 5 581:99) arekeptin a westemaldea; theyaresaidtobe
benches/lineage houses"(theinteriors oflineagehouses Santiago'swomen.The Nijaibmajorlineagesubdivided
wereenclosedwithcouncilbenches[PopolVuh I97I manytimesin Momostenango.'0
(ca. I554):23I, 25 I-52; C'oyoi I973 (ca. i560):293, 296]). The contradictory VicenteandHerrera narratives sug-
The "conquerorsof the towns"thus "insertedthem- gestthatduring theearly-colonial-period episodesattrib-
selvesamongthevanquished"(C'oyoi I973 [ca. I56o]: uted to Diego Vicente,threeseparateVicentesplits
278, 297). A singlewest-facing templeforAwilixand formed newchinamits.The Vicentesintermarried with
twolineagehousessuggestthattheNijaibinitially dom- local lineagesin each,forming thethreeparcialidades.
inatedChuwaTzak,thechi-amak-chi-tinamit ("lineage Whenoutmaneuvered, lineagesegments soughtnewter-
town"[NijaibII I957 (ca. i550):98]), as theadministra-ritories. The newparcialidadeshad similarpatronim-
tive centerfor "all of the surrounding ruralamak" ages,perpetuating astronomical and lineageidentities.
(Chua' Tzak ruc'ronojelamak [C'oyoiI973 (ca. I560): The pre-Hispanic"Toltec" mythico-legendary migra-
23]). Apparently thelocal populationwas heldin check tion model conferred legitimacyon emigrant lineages
by proximity to the "olderbrothers," thenima amak throughout thecolonialperiodand stillpersistsin oral
centeredat Utatlan, which could furnishwarriors history. Lineageleadership was genealogical andcharis-
withintwodays(C'oyoiI973 [ca. I560]:299). matic. Intergenerational conflictlinkedcohortsfrom
In modernMomostenango (Cook i98i), thechinamit severallineages.A coalitionofHerreralineageseventu-
modelofHill andMonaghan(i987) describesthealdea, allyoutmaneuvered theVicentes,displacing themfrom
whereendogamy is thegeneralrule;somelineagescan PuebloViejo.Therewas littlecentralized linkageofthe
be tracedbackI0-I2 generations. Shamanicritualinte- I3 (emically)or 22 (etically)aldeas priorto the I920S.
gratesthe variouslevelsof the community, beginning Severalmajorlineagescombinedto accomplishshort-
withthe "mother/father of thelineage"(chuchkajaw termgoals,butno singlecaciquepermanently led more
rechalaxik)andpassingthrough thealdea (cf.chinamit) thana chinamit.Fissionandrelocationthwarted domi-
levelto pairedritualists fortheentiremunicipality (cf. nancebyanysinglemajorlineage."The prominence of
tinamit).7 A lineagedescendedfroma colonialcacique Spanishsaintsthatsyncretized pre-Hispanic deitiesrose
oftenleadsan aldea and overseesa communalistic cult or fellwiththe politicalfortunes of theirlineages.A
honoring theimageofa saint(whichreplacedthepre- ladinocaudilloandhis indigenous alliescentralized the
Hispaniccabawil).Incessantcompetition to controlthe townadministratively in the I920S and elevatedSanti-
patronsaintamongthe elite lineages/aldeas is mani- ago as its overarching icon.The I3 patronimageswere
festedin different mythiccharters. The cofradias were
once sodalitiesforindividualchinamits-indeed, a co-
fradiais stillcalleda calpul,and thecofradia systemis ago is also honoredeach yearby a similarvisit to the Herrera
calledthe"I 3 divisions"(oxlajujchop). chapelin aldea PuebloViejo,neartheruinsofChuwa Tzak.
DescendantsoftheNijaib lineage,theVicentes,and 9. ThreesitesimmediatelysouthofCerroIquilajamayrelateto a
the Herreras, probablydescendantsof the Cawek lin- Cawek presenceca. A.D. I300S (J.Fox I978a:i28-3o).
io. The main trunkwas headedby FranciscoJzquinNijaib, the
eage,remaincontentiously opposedin controlling the caciqueofChuwaTzak,whocontrolledSantaCecilia.A newmini-
town'spatronimage,Santiago,and maintaindifferentmal lineagewas headedby Francisco'sbrother,JuanGalel Nijaib
historicalsagas and ritualsto supporttheirrespective (NijaibI I957 [ca. I5501:70-76). Next,Francisco'sgrandson, Diego
claims(see appendicesI and2).8 Thispatronimagehas Vicente,foundedMomostenango6 km east ofChuwaTzak. Con-
tinuedcompetitionwithinthe Vicentemajorlineageand within
thetinamitofMomostenango pressedDiego to foundtheparciali-
7. In successivelevels of ritualintegration,(i) the lineagepriest dad of San VicenteBuenabaj(AlvarezArevaloi987:9), complete
(chuchkajaw) mediatesbetweentheancestraldeadand theliving withtftulosand a new patron,MariaConcepci6n,whichwas later
at a hilltoplineagealtar(warabalja 'sleepinghouse'),(2) thechuch replacedby SantaIsabel.
kajaw re ri aldea performs ritualsforthealdea, and (3) twochuch i i. Accordingto oralhistory,
theVicentesfailedto uniteMomos-
kajawyubreri tinamitrenderofferings on behalfofthemunicipal- tenango.In fact,the youngergenerationof Vicenteslatersided
ityat thefoursacredmountains/cardinal pointsboundingthemu- with the coresidentin-lawswithinthe parcialidad and pushed
nicipality. Diego frompower.The Herrerasalso suffered a setbackwhenthe
8. The cofradiasin the towncenterbringSantiagoto visitSanta imageofSantiagowas transferred fromPuebloViejo(ChuwaTzak)
Isabelin ruralSan Vicente.The competing Herreraclaimto Santi- to a lineagesegmentin thetowncenter.

movedfromthe rurallineagegod-houses(armitas) to foundedin the A.D. I300S, suggestsearliermigrations

thecentralcathedral, symbolizing thedominance ofthe fromYucatan.'5
cabecera, andthecofradias ceasedto represent
ruralso- In I995 Ox Mul consistedofsome 8oo personsclus-
dalities. teredaroundthreemunicipalbuildings andtheCatholic
church(fig.i). Untilthe I96os,surroundinglandswere
treatedas commons.The village lies along a low
The Yucatec Case ridgetop,and residenceis virilocal(ThompsonI930,
HISTORY AND CONTEXT Villa Rojas i969)- I% of the households are located
withinmajorlineagesin fourneighborhoods: (i) 8o% of
The Quiche and theYucatecfounders ofOx Mul may the householdsin the highestsection,northeast, are
descendfrommigrants fromthewesternMayafrontierTzib; (2) 70% in the lowest cluster, southwest, are
at the close of the Classic period(Sabloffand Willey Canto;(3) So%,strung alonga sharpridgetop,southeast,
I967, Thompson I970, Carmack i98i). "Three broth- areMai; and(4)TzibandCantoequallydividethenorth-
ers" led an expeditionnorthto ChichenItza (Landa west quadrant(figs.2-4). Generally,fathersfurnishland
I94I), while three or four kindredmales led minimal anda houseuponthemarriage oftheirsons,andwidows
lineagessouthto Jakawitz whose descendants eventu- returnto theirnatallineages.Fencespartition principal
ally colonizedChuwa Tzak/Momostenango (Carmack lineages;minimallineagesincludea housefora couple
i98i:I41-43). Mayapan may have been colonized from and thehousesofits married sons,whichmayenclose
Chichen (cf. Roys I962:38, 52; Smith I97I:4; Adams a smalltraditional patioorfollowa lineararrangement
I977:262). accordingto birthorder.Since about i 900, eight other
The statesofPostclassicYucatanroseandfellcycli- lineageshave marriedin, so thereare now twelvepa-
callylikethoseoftheQuicheand Cakchiquel.In Yuca- in all.
trilineages
tan,I 3 regionalgroups,calledtheI 3 petalsoftheplum- Fissionandfusionoversixgenerations in Ox Mul fur-
eria, also organized segmentarystates (Xiu n.d. nishdetailsusuallylackingon howindividuals initiate
[I557-I8I9]:45; Mani I979:80, 87).The provinceswere new lineages:Spatialdistancebetweenhouse-clusters/
administeredby deputies (aj caluas [Xiu n.d. (IS57- lineagesreflects distance.About8o% ofthe
genealogical
i8i9):SI-52]) premisedon the solarkatun cycle.Ac- membersofeachofthetown'ssix churches, theprinci-
cordingly,the Chilam Balam of Mani (Mani I979:82) pal sodalitiesof the village,belongto two pairedpa-
prophesies centralization"whenrivalriesendin Katun trilineages,forminga kindofmodernchinamit.'6Lin-
i Ajaw (ca. I304), when brotherhoodwill return,"and eage leadershipwithinchurchesis charismaticand
also predictsthecollapseofMayapanin A.D. I46I. Ma- prophetic, retaining
a visionary,
shamaniccorereminis-
yapan'ssmallersuccessorwas Mani,whichtranslates cent of the Talking Cross of the i850s (Dumond
as "finishedor completedcycle,"or "now thatit is I977:io6), the colonial Chilam Balam prophecies,and
passed" (e.g., Xiu n.d. [I557-I8I91:7I; Edmonson the Postclassicoraclesof Cozumel and ChichenItza
I986:53, 298). (Sabloffand Rathje I975; Edmonson I982, i986). A se-
The villagersofOx Mul assertthatfourfamiliesmi- niormalefromthesuperordinate lineageleadsthecon-
gratedin I847, at theonsetoftheCasteWar,aboutSoo gregation as did thecaciqueofthechinamit. Churches
kmfromMani to foundOx Mul in i876.12The warring split along lineageand generational lines when they
Santa Cruz Maya tookrefugealongthe headwaters of reachadultmemberships of 6o to ioo, or aboutI75to
the Rio Hondo (Reed i964:I41), and the opposingChan 250 persons.Male outsiders marryintothevillage,ini-
("Serpent")Maya secludedthemselves alongtheMacal tiatingminimallineageswithambilocalresidence.
branchoftheBelize,thenextriver-drainage south.Thus
thetwowarring factionsbecameneighbors again.'3Like
AND RELIGIOUS
theconfederated villagetriadsoftheSantaCruz (Jones SEGMENTATION COLLECTIVITIES
I977b), Ox Mul oftheChanMayaallieditselfwiththe By the I960s, villagefactionalism was beginning to be

villagesof Socutz and BulletTree Falls, each i.2 km expressedin Pentecostalism, which emphasizeslocal
away.'4However,the abandonednearbysite of Tipu, prophetic and charismatic leadership (Chordas
i980:i66) and thus lends itselfto segmentation. As
counterpartsofchinamits,thePentecostal churchesex-
i2. At least a dozen place-namesare rememberedas stopoversin perience traditional
lineagefissionandfusion.A coterie
the migration.Patronymics in Ox Mul-Tzib (Dzib), Mai (May), ofbrothersandtheirwives,led bya charismatic vision-
Howe (Hau), and Canto (Kantu/Kantun)-arelisted forTekit,
Mani,adjacentto theabandonedMayapan,in i688 (RoysI957:66-
67). However,the Tzib and Mai familiesalso movedto the Be-
lizean-Mexicanborderarea in i622 (Jonesi989:i66-67).
I 3. Ox Mul's locationawayfromtheriverwas selectedforsecurity de Tipu(i655) listsMai, Hau, andPanti,whichfigure prominently
fromthe Santa Cruz partisans(Cervantesi990:i2; Tzul I993:I0). at Ox Mul.
I4. Was Socutz,founded in the i86os (MassarelliI972), relatedtoI 5. Ox Mul mirrors Cath-
theearlierTipu,withan equivalent-sized
its nearbynamesake,the I655 Zaczuuz? Tipu and Zaczuuz inter- olic church,a fewmunicipalbuildings, anda populationthatgrew
marriedbetween I6I5 and i622 (Jonesi989:287; Scholes and to approximately i,ooo overi10 years(Jonesi989:ii6).
Thompson I977:46). Thompson (I977:9) proposes that the Belizean i6. The genealogiesof all of the familiesof the villagefromthe
Maya mixedintruders fromsuccessivemigrations. The Matricula i82os on are recorded.

8I6 j CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
C~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Z
o,
0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~00 ti hoi ChurXch=
Cristo Vive
Familia de Dioseyd t :? r-
\\ ~~~~Fuente
de Agua Vive
~ ead
FIG. i. Settlementpatternof Ox Mul, Cayo District,Belize.
ary,foundedeach ofthechurches. Threechurches(Rey ment,recallingthe "representative governance" ofthe

de Reyes,Familiade Dios, and Fuentede Agua Vive) igth-century SantaCruzMaya (Jonesi989) and theap-
exhibittwo lineagesbalancedin membership, and in proximately half-dozenspokesmenforassembledlin-
twoothers(Reyde Paz andCristoVive)one lineagenu- eages,thePokommolam(MilesI957:777-8i).
merically dominatestheother(fig.5).17 Individualswhoconstruct chinamit-likechurches en-
Initially,the Catholicchurchand two Pentecostal listthesupportoftheircogenerational kin.Reyde Paz
churches, Reyde Paz andReyde Reyes,werespacedlike was foundedin I962, whena youngTzib prophetper-
thepointsofan isoscelestriangleand servedas fociof suadedhis youngerbrothers to supporthis visionofa
factionalconflict.Laterchurchessubdividedand were new way of life and brokeaway fromthe Catholic
builton thevillageperipheries. Autonomy and rivalry church(agent-centered changethatreducedhis margin-
arepervasive. The Pentecostal churchesconvenesimul- alityand empowered his lineage).About20 yearslater,
taneouslyso thatthe electrically amplifiedpreaching thenextgenerational cohortofTzib andMai malesre-
and music of each drownsout the competition. How- belledagainsttheagingprophetand his brothers to es-
ever,sincemembership shiftsin onlytheoccasionalex- tablishCristoViveafteran elderhadpublicly prophesied
ogamousmarriage,the more intensiverivalriesarise thefounding ofa new church.
withineach congregation. Lineage segmentation occurs,then,when younger
The officeof alcalde rotatedamongthe fourearlier menfeelthattheiraspirations are thwarted bythese-
lineages(Cervantesi990:28). In I990, the Pentecostal niorgeneration andenlistthesupport oftheirpeers.The
CouncilofPastorsemergedas a newtheocratic author- cohortbreaksfromthemajorlineagesandrelocateswith
ity,undermining the civic officeof chairman/alcalde.personsbearingthepatronymics oftheparentalbodies.
The CouncilofPastors,in essence,is thelocal govern- Thisquestbyyounger powerbrokers andtheirclienteles
is rationalizedas a "calling."''8
Iflandis available,out-
migration is also an option.
recordedin threechurchesduringthepast
I7. Of the40 marriages
decade,33 (82%) were withinthe church.In exogamouschurch
marriages,women "virilocally"join the churchesof theirhus- i8. The originalmajorlineagessplitto formPentecostalcongrega-
bands. tionsbased on the egalitarianism
of"Christianbrotherhood."

= 0
Macario Mal Nora Tzib
X' = O . .
Pedro Mal Ap
=0
Ejelio Ma111
C CaLl Ra mone Mai EdWVrdo Mai
Heeo M4ai
0 Vtoriano4s
Cs
Cruz 041cij
1f Phi Mgj
FIG. 2. Distribution
ofMai householdsin thesoutheastern
barrio,Ox Mul.
A = 0
Izabel Tzib Sista Acab
J Carlos Tzib
F. .Drtn Tb uh
raFransiscsten
Trrenio, s tn e O
/ Q
/ Lore~~~~nzo fIzib. 10 Jes
C {Tzib
/ / < \ | ~~~~~~~~Presili
'no Tzib o ?
X ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Bruno [!|zhb / O~~~~Inaco

8i8 JCURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number S, December 1996
Guiller o Cantoa
Margirito Canto /lber4z Canto
Gabriel Cant
Domingo ~ ~
Cantnto ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ Amod
tiz l&jminCnt
o~ ~~~~~~ut
Cantoo
SyeIgn~aci n nto 1 - -
$ 11 ~John Canto
FIG. 4. Distribution
ofCantohouseholdswithinthesouthwestern
barrio,()x Mul.
Mayan Principlesof Segmentation "gifts"fromthroughout the realm.This tributetrans-

to Utatlanwas fashioned
ferred bytheAj Toltecatinto
Our two contrasting cases ofunranked villagelineages symbolsofrank(NijaibI 1957 [ca.15501:107). Therefore,
andrankedstatelineagesdemonstrate alliance,fission, theCawek spokesmanfortheancestralgodwas thede
andfusionat different scalesin Mayasocieties.Similar factoheadofstate.
lineagescaffolding in thetwocasesrangedfromjustdoz- Individualsegments maybe seenin thepairingofthe
ens ofpersonsbut alliedwithinregionalvillagetriads, Ajaw andtheCawekin separateplazasat Jakawitz, the
in frontierenclavesat Jakawitz or Ox Mul to hundreds pairingof the chinamits of Chujuyupand Quilaja re-
ofthousandsin Postclassicstates.Andsegments could spectively withtheAjaw and theCawek,and thedivi-
disarticulate,migrate,or realignthemselves.The fact sion ofthefourmajorlineagesintomoietiesand their
thatactionswereconstrained bynormsthatweresimi- sharingofa plaza at Utatlan.At MayapantherivalXiu,
larin verydifferent environments andhistoricalperiods Itza,Cocom,andCanel cooperated in themultepal gov-
arguesagainstenvironmental necessitytheories,and ernment, thoughtheyopenlyfoughtin othercontexts
ethnography makes the actions of individualactors (e.g.,Mani 1979:82-83; Xiu n.d.[1557-i8191:45-48, 75;
clearlyvisible.In contrast, thearchaeology oftheClas- Landa 1941:40), as did theirdescendants,theChanand
sic periodextendsintoa 2d millennium removedfrom SantaCruzMaya,duringtheCasteWar.
theactualsocialbehaviors. Alliancesallowedsegmentation to occurin predict-
Complementarily opposedlineagegroupings spurred ableandmanageable episodes,butoverbearing hierarchy
competition. Factionalismpromotedsegmentation, as spurredflight.The Chilam Balam of Mani (Mani
whenthesonsofQuik'abplottedagainsthimorwhen 1979:83-87) saysthat"thefarmers threwofftheyoke
Diego Vicentewas forcedfrompowerby his sons and oftheoverlords" late in aboriginaltimesand migrated
theirallies (Brumfiel and Fox 1993). Two lineagesvied south.Thesedisassociations wereframed withinthe2o-
forcontroloftheritualsofa chinamit,and chinamits yearkatun prophecies, so thatthecalendrical rationale
competedamongthemselves tohavetheirpatrondeities foramalgamation couldinstantaneously changeandthe
representlargercollectivities.Ultimately,moietiescon- segmentscouldrelocate.Thus migration was an effec-
tendedto controltheregal-ritual officesofstateand to tive politicalstrategy. Aspirationsforautonomyand
maketheirpatrongodsparamount. Forexample,theCa- land motivatedgenerational cohorts-lineagesdivided
wekpatron,Tojil,becamethegodofstateandreceived whenthechinamitmembership reachedsome175-250,

OX ET AL. The Maya State I 8I9
TZIB BRANCH
1960S Re dePaz
BALANCED BRANCH
1978 Reyde Paz (80)
70%A, 10%B, 10%D
1 Reyde Reyes(52)
27%A, 19%B, 27%C,
(10% other) 27%D
1982 Reyde Paz (100) TZIB/MESH MAI/CANTO

60%A, 13%B, Reyde Reyes(42) Familia(10)
12%D(15% other) 33%A, 10%B, 8%A, 52%B,
25%C, 33%D 40%C
1983 TZIB/MAI TZIB Reyde Reyes(65) Familia(10)

Reyde Paz (70) CristoVive (50) 33%A, 10%B, 8%A, 52%B,
46%A, 18%B, 80%A, 5%B, 24%C, 33%D 40%C
14%D 5%D
(20% other (10% other)
1988 Reyde Paz (98) CristoVive (79) MESH/CANTO TZIB/MAI Familia(28)

38%A, 16%B, 65%A, 4%B, Reyde Reyes(56) Fuente(28) 7%A, 43%B,
8%C, 16%D 8%C, 3%D 9%A, 41%C, 41%D 32%A, 29%B 43%C
(21% other) (22% other) (10% other) (39% other 7% other)
FIG. 5. A "genealogy" of Ox Mul's Pentecostal churchesshows the originand subsequent splittingof two
major branches. The Tzib-branchcongregationsare dominatednumericallyby Tzibs, rangingfrom8o% to 38%
of a congregationbut with the highestproportionof any otherpatronymicat i8% or less. There are, however,
two intermarrying Tzib lineages in Ox Mul. In balanced-branchcongregationstwo or more patronymicsare
representedat 30% or higherwith no numericallydominantpatronymic.In the diagram,Tzibs are A, Mais B,
Cantos C, and Meshes D. Cohs currentlymake up about 20% of Rey de Paz and Howes about io% of Cristo
Vive. The "other" categoryincludes these and otherMaya and mestizo families. The approximatenumber of
adults in each congregationis noted in parentheses.
recallingthecalpulliin Acalan(see J.Fox i987a:1o4).19 The smallestpossibleself-reproducing social unitwas

Three or four allied minimallineages migrateden thechinamit/calpul, whichwas a politicalentityin its
masse,and communities partitioned intothreeor four own rightbut constructed oflineages.Superordination
barrios.The four-part royalchinamitwas dividedac- ofone lineageoveranotherwas ritualizedbycontrolof
cording to thecardinaldirections.20 Lineagestransportedthecommunalistic godcult,thegod-house, andthepa-
imagesof individualdeitiesto represent bothold and trondeity'sfiesta.The higher-status lineagebrokered
newidentites.21 The local godsweresubordinated to the externalrelationsand exogamouslyallied itselfwith
tutelary godofa groupthatachievedthemostpower.22 otherelitelineages.Aboriginal historiography recounted
theancestralownersofland.
Once new communities weremilitarily subjugated,
Ig. The ethnohistories mentionpopulationgrowthand the need
foradditionallands forthe nextgeneration(e.g.,C'oyoi I973 [ca. the state elite maintainedfairlyloose center-to-
I 56oJ:296). peripherycontrolthrough ritualand kinship.Elitelin-
2o. A moietalline dividedthecapitalas well as thestateat Maya- eage exogamywas simplytransposed fromthe nima
pan,andin boththeItza wereeast andtheXiu werewest(Edmon- amak of the royalchinamitto the geographically re-
son i986). For the Quiche the Cawek were east and the Nijaib movedch'utiamaks,whichhad intermarried withthe
west.
2i. The travelingimages were power symbols.When offshoot indigenous lineagesto formchinamits.A time-proven
groupsradiatedfromYucatanto Ixpimienta andTipu in theI3OOs- pattern was merelytransferredto new localities.Thus
i 6oos and fromUtatlanto Chuwa Tzak in the I 3oos, a patrongod the nima amak servedas an umbrellaforthe ch'uti
imagewas carriedalong(Mani I979:86; Popol VuhI97I [ca. I5541: amaksdispersed throughout theprovinces, as thech'uti
I58).
22. The centerpointofthestatewas theTempleofK'ucumatzat amaks there boundthe lineages(alaxiks)into ruralchi-
Utatlan,wherethefourworlddirections intersected.Thirteengods namits.
wereworshippedat ChichenItza (Xiun.d. [1557-I8I9l:39, 45). The amak systemalso organized themilitary. "Older

82o I CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number 5, December I996
andyounger brothers" unitedthenima amak withthe obtainedtheimageofSantiagoon a hill in theCityof

variousch'utiamaks (e.g.,C'oyoi 1973 [ca. i560]:96). Spain [an adaptationof the Popol Vuh'sthreelineage
Correspondingly, each ofthe 13 provincesofthe state princes'returning to Tulan to obtainthe symbolsof
was led by one of I3 heads of the chinamits(NijaibI statecraft fromNacxit].Diego movedthecabecerafrom
1957 [ca. 1550 1:93). Perhaps13 provinces surrounded the Pueblo Viejo to its presentlocation.He surveyedthe
royaltinamitofUtatlan,justas ChuwaTzak,a provin- land,purchasedthe land fromMalacatancitowithhis
cial tinamit,was surrounded by "13" chinamits.Fol- ownmoney,and obtainedtitles.[Hismotherwas from
lowingthisscheme,thecapitalwas dividedintomoie- Malacatancito, bordering Momostenango, andtherefore
ties,each likenedto a lineagewithina chinamit;for thissuggeststhatcaciquelinespracticedexogamyand
example,atUtatlantheCawek/Sakic moietydominated that the mother'slineage conveyedcertainproperty
theNijaib/Ajawmoiety,as boththeCawekandtheNi- rightsand alliances.]Diego led theprincipalesaround
jaib dominated theirownpartners. lookingforthebestplaceto foundthenewtowncenter
Nonetheless,in onlyfourgenerations theprovincial and was instructed in his dreamsbySantiagoto locate
ch'utiamaksgrewintonima amaksthemselves; larger it in itspresentplace.Therehe was joinedbyhis sister,
numbersandtheirlong-standing local alliancesallowed Ana MariaVicenteMasariej,who brought an imageof
themto standon theirown.Butafterabouteightgenera- Santa Isabel thatshe had foundon a riverbank. They
tions,provincialtinamitsrebelledin thenorth(Balam- builtthefirstchurch.As a resultofenmitythatdevel-
ija, Sacapultec;cf.therebellionoftheoutermost prov- opedin thenew pueblo,Diego leftwithhis sister.[He
inces [Southall i956:249, 252-60]). However, the relocatedto forma parcialidadwith affinalkin, his
tinamitsofaboutfivegenerations' depthin thesouth- wives and the husbandof his sister,representing two
westremainedfirmly boundto Utatlan. or threeintermarrying minimallineages.]Theysettled
The Postclassicchinamitscheme dependedupon briefly at Pasanyapin thealdea TierraColorado,leaving
complementary opposition toassemblea statepolitybut Vicentesettlersthereas theymovedon. [The lineage
was noteffective at binding twostates;oneroyallineage splitonceagain,thoughsomeofthepatrilineage, among
wouldalwaysbe subordinate. Trueto form, fourstates themDiego'sbrother(s), remainedat Pasanyap.]Finally,
in theGuatemalanhighlands werecomplementarily op- theyestablisheda newparcialidadin thehighcountry
posedon theeve oftheconquest:theQuicheandTzu- westofMomostenango, and in his angerhe buriedthe
tujilwerealliedagainsttheCakchiqueland Pipil(Car- titulosto Momostenango [presumably the Nijaib I-IV
mackI 98 I :140). chronicles] in a hiddenplace.[Theimageandtitulosare
Yet largerMaya segmentary statesmayhaveexisted controlled by the patriarch of an elite lineage.]In the
pairingelitewithlesser-ranked lineages-thechinamit new parcialidad,San VicenteBuenabaj,Diego estab-
principle-oneach level of amalgamation. Withinthe lisheda churchforMaria Concepcion,havinglost the
Postclassicrealm,themoresenior"spokesman"lineage twopatronsaintsearlier.[Anoutmaneuvered elitelin-
at ChichenItza rituallydominatedits Quicheancoun- eagelostcontroloftheoriginal iconofincorporation and
terpart; together at leastsymbolically, thesestatesacted relocatedto a newparcialidadorganized aroundanother
like a two-lineagechinamit.Accordingly, the Quiche patronimagewhoseidentity was a "spin-off" ofthepre-
lineagessenttheirfirst-born sons to renderhomageto viouspatron's.]He reviveda religiouscultarounda ca-
the FeatheredSerpentgod-imageadministered by Aj bawil keptin a cave and tooksacrificial victimsfrom
Nacxitat thelowlandtulan(e.g.,Relacionesde Yucatacn passersby on thehighway. A groupofneighbors includ-
I898 [1579-8i]:i02-2i, 176; PopolVuh1971 [ca. 1554]: ing the LittleCaptaindestroyed the cabawil withthe
2i5-i6). aid ofDiego's sons,andthisbrought aboutthedeathof
Did the Classic Maya utilizesegmentary principles? Diego Vicente.[Thecaciquesuccumbedwhenhis sons
We note that I3 provincialdependencies (tzul [Schele joinedwithpartisansofthenagualofSantiago,theLit-
i992]) surrounded Tikal, as at Utatlan,Iximche,and tle Captain,to destroytheembodiment ofDiego's per-
Mayapan. sonalpower,the cabawil-that is, themembersofthe
parcialidadrejectedthecacique'scharismatic authority.
Thisparalleledtheoverthrow oftherulerQuik'abbyhis
Appendix i: The Diego Vicente Saga sons.AtthistimeSantiagomayhavebeentheCawek's/
Herreras'patron.This narrative parallelspart4 ofthe
The following summarizes an oralnarrative ofa Vicente Popol Vuh(Cook i98i:50i).]
principaland chuchkajaw of the cantonSan Vicente
Buenabajrecorded in 1976 (Cook i98i:678-85):
DiegoVicentecamefromMexicotoPuebloViejo[i.e., Appendix a: The Originsof Patr6nSantiago
ChuwaTzak],whichhe foundto be an aldea andnoth-
ing more [supporting the idea of descentthroughan The following is a summaryof an oral textrecounted
Ajaw ancestressvirilocally dwellingat Chujuyup, who by an Herreraelderin 1976. The fulltextis in Cook
would have broughtto her childrenthe "pedigree"of (I98I:685-86):
TulanZuyua].Diego persuadedthefourprincipales[for The oldpeoplesaythattheHerreras camefromSpain
foursegmentsat Pueblo Viejo] to accompanyhim to originallyand broughtthe image of PatronSantiago.
Spain to be granteda charterto establisha town.He [TheHerreras also asserta foreign pedigree, on thetulan

FOX ET AL. The Maya State I 82i
model,to justify"speaking"forotherlineages.]The im- graphical areaand a temporalspanofat leasttwomil-

age was keptin a shrinehousein PuebloViejo,butin lennia.Thus,I considerit notimprobable thatboththe
the morningit was gone.Theyfoundit in Momoste- segmentary model of Fox and Cook and the unitary
nangoand broughtit back,but in the morning it was modelof the Chases may accuratelyportray the soci-
goneagain.Thishappenedseveraltimes,andfinally the etiestheydescribe(though bothrequirefurther archaeo-
Herrerasof PuebloViejo let it stayin thetowncenter logicalandhistorical testing).
[suggestingthatstruggles forcontrolofpatronimages The kinship-basea segmentary structure proposedby
areinterpretedinfolkloreas travelingimages,e.g.,paral- FoxandCookdoesseemto describeMayapoliticalorga-
lelingthereappearingimageofSantaCeciliain PaNaxjit nizationin certainperiodsandplaces.Theymakea co-
(Carmacki98i:358), whichmayhavealso beena Nijaib gentargument forsuchorganizational principlesin the
estate(cf.travelingBuddhasin "galacticstates"[Tam- expansionisticPostclassichighlandMaya states (see
biahi985:3291).]DiegoVicentefoundedMomostenangoalso J.Fox I987, I989), andit seemsprobablethatmany
and orderedthe buildingof a church.The original smallClassic-period politiesmayhavereliedupona such
church[whichwas destroyed in an earthquake] stood kinship-basedpolitical structures(cf. McAnany i995).
wherethemunicipalpalace(cabildo)is now.Sixtyyears It maybe thatsegmentary, kinship-based organization
ago Santiagowas kept in my grandfather's brother's represents a fundamental aspectof Maya society-an
housein thetowncenter,butit wasn'twell caredfor. initialbasic set of organizing principles.Equallycon-
The chickensroostedoverit. In the timeof General vincing,however,is theChases'interpretation ofClas-
TeodoroCifuentes, he orderedthatthecofradestakeit sic-periodCaracolas a morecentralized, non-kinship-
to thechurch[thenew churchthattheladinocaudillo based,unitary state(seealso Chase,Chase,andHaviland
Cifuentes builtabouti920]. It lefttheParcialidadHer- 1990).
reraandbecamepatronofthepueblo. Theymaybothbe correct, andI suspectthatyetother
formsofpoliticalorganization werepresentamongthe
Classic-periodMaya. Different sets of organizational
principlesseem to underliedifferent Maya formations;
Closing Comment forexample,themassivepolitiesatTikalandCalakmul,
withtheirwidenetworks ofpoliticalalliance(e.g.,Cul-
berti99i: MarcusI993; Folani992; MartinandGrube
I994, I995), the vigorousbut short-livedconqueststates
ARTHUR A. DEMAREST
at ChichenItzaandSeibal(e.g.,AndrewsI990, Andrews
Departmentof Anthropology, VanderbiltUniversity,and Robles i985, Willey et al. I975, Sabloffand Willey
Nashville,Tenn.37235, U.S.A. 8 vii 96 i967, Demarestand EscobedoI996), the intrusive ex-
pansionistdynastyof the Petexbatun region(e.g.,De-
It is bothexcitingand frustrating in the marestet al. I99I; MathewsandWilleyI99I; Houston
to participate
ongoingdebateon thenatureofClassicMayapolitical and Mathewsi985; Demaresti992b, I993, I996), and
organization.The intellectualexcitement comesfrom the council-basedpoliticalstructures of Yaxuna,the
our access to archaeological,ethnohistorical,and epi- Puuc sites,and 8th-century Copan (e.g.,FreidelI983,
graphicdata on the ancientMaya which is detailed i992; Freidel,Suhler,andKrochockI990; Andrewsand
enoughto allowus to drawupontherichworldethno- Sabloffi986; Fash I988, I99I) may each reflecta dif-
graphicrecordforcomparative models.Archaeologistsfering setoforganizing Ourtaskas archaeolo-
principles.
findthemselvesable-for once-to participate in gen- gistsand historiansis to plotthisvariabilityand then
eralanthropological debateson "chiefdoms," "segmen- look forcommonthreads-notto argueaboutwhich
tarystates,""ethnicity," andeventhenatureofpolitical data set represents the "true"formof Maya political
identity.Fox and Cook's paperhere exemplifies this organization.
anddiscussa widerangeofcomparative The principalthingto keep in mindas we conduct
abilityto-debate
ethnographic data and current issues.Evenmoresatis- our researchesis not onlythe variability but also the
fyingis the factthatwe are generating modelswhich instability of Maya social organization overtime and
canbe immediately testedin thefield,as exemplifiedby space.Indeed,duringcertainperiodsMayapolitiesand
the ongoingarchaeological researchesthatthe Chases Maya dynastiesmay have been consciouslyor uncon-
describe. sciouslyexperimenting withdifferentpoliticalforma-
Yet ourfrustration in thisdebatearisesfromthepro- tionsas theycopedwithperiodsofintenseexternal pres-
teannatureofMayasocialandpoliticalformations and sure or influence.In such unstableperiodsthe Maya
thetendency ofarchaeologists to mistakethatvariabil- Lowlandpoliticalsituationmayhave beenlike thatof
ityin thedataitselffordisagreement aboutapproaches late medievalEurope,in whichpolitiesrangedin size
The principalsourceof disagree- fromtinyfiefdoms
to its interpretation. to the sprawling(butpoorlyinte-
ment,althoughnot the onlyone, aboutmodelingan- gratedandunstable)HolyRomanEmpire(seeHammond
cientMaya politicalorganization arisesfromthe fact I99I). Even the rationaleforlocal controlvaried,and
thatthescholarsarederiving and/ortestingtheirmod- therewas constant experimentationwithforms ofpolity
els usingdifferentsegmentsoftherangeofMaya state and modesoflegitimation throughout thelate Middle
forms.These politicalformsvariedacrossa hugegeo- Ages.In the Maya worldsuchperiodsofexperimenta-

822 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume37,Number5, DecemberI996
tionandheightened variability includetheearlytransi- envisionsegmentary structure becausethestateswere

tionto statehoodand shiftin politicalideologyat the initiallyorganizedfromdiversepopulationson princi-
endofthePreclassic,thecentury preceding theClassic plesunrelatedto kinship.
Maya collapse,and theradicalattemptsto reformulate An evenmorefundamental problemwiththemodel
Maya societiesin theTerminalClassicandEarlyPost- is thatit purports to solvethecentralquestionreferred
classicperiods.Indeed,whatMayanistsshouldseek is to above-why ClassicMayastatesdidnotevolveinto
notso mucha modelofancientMayapoliticalorganiza- morecentralizedpolitieslike thoseof the Postclassic
tion as an explanationforthe failureof the Maya to elsewhere.The segmentary-state modelin its original
achievestable,cumulatively developing politicalecon- form(SouthallI956, I988) andin thesesubsequent ver-
omies. sions posits that because of internalstructural con-
In thisregard,theproponents ofthesegmentary-state straints"segmentary states,unlikechiefdoms, would
modelarecorrect in seekinga modelthatexplainsboth notprogressively evolveintounitary states"(Foxet al.,
thegreatvariability in scaleandextentofMayapolitical above).The conceptof a self-inhibiting or "nonevolu-
formations and the failureto achievenucleatedforms tionary" politicalstructurehas longbeendebatedin ref-
withlong-term stabilityin development. The Chases erenceto Marx'sflawedmusingson "theAsiaticmode
have mischaracterized the segmentary modelin their ofproduction" and attempts byWittfogel and othersto
assertionthat it does not accommodatevariability; revivethisconcept(e.g.,Wittfogel I957). This "Oriental
fluctuations in scale and greatinstability overtimeare despotism"modeland aspectsofthe segmentary-state
verycharacteristic ofsegmentary states,and themodel modelsharetheflawoffailingto recognizethatculture
specifically addressesthe issue of variability. In con- change-includingpolitical change-oftentakes the
trast,the unitary-state modelthatthe Chasespropose formofradicalreorganization. Historicaldevelopments,
forCaracolmaybe a successfulnegativechallengeto likeevolutioningeneral, ofteninvolveradicalstructural
thesegmentary model,butit doesnotbetteraddressthe reformulations. "Punctuated-equilibrium" modelshave
issue ofvariability.It also failsto explainwhylowland been used to explainmanyof the criticaltransforma-
Maya civilizationdid not developintothe hegemonic tionsin pre-Columbian history, including theformation
buteconomically powerful conqueststatescharacteris-oftheTeotihuacanandClassicMayapolities,Terminal
ticofPostclassicMexicoandtheAndes.Caracol,Tikal, Classicpoliticalexperiments in Yucatan,at Copan,and
and other polities may have achievedunitary-stateat Seibal,and theformation andexpansionoftheAztec
structure, but theyrepresented short-livedexceptions and Inca hegemonicempires(e.g.,FreidelI98I, I986,
rather thantherule(cf.MarcusI993; FreidelI986, i992; i992; Andrewsand SabloffI986; Fash I988, i99i; De-
Demarest i992a; Martin and Grube I994). marestandEscobedoI996; ConradandDemarestI984).
Atthesametime,whileI believethatFox,Cook,and To arguethata formofpoliticalor social organization
otheradvocatesofthesegmentary-state modelareask- preventsfurther development is implicitlyto assume
ingtherightquestions,theyhave slightly fudgedtheir thatchangemustalwaystaketheformofgradualevolu-
answers.The Chases are correctin arguingthatmany tionfrompreexisting earlierforms.This assumption ig-
Classic-period Mayapolitieswerenotorganized on prin- noresthemorecomplexunderstanding of changethat
ciplesofkinshipandlineage.It is difficult to envisiona has developedin all ofthesciencesand social sciences
segmentary-state modelwithoutthecentralorganizing in thepast severaldecades.So, whileI agreethatFox,
featureoflineageorganization. As the Chaseshave ar- Cook,and othersare addressing thecentralmystery of
gued,the existenceof nucleated,urbanstatessuch as thelimiteddevelopment ofMayapolities,I believethat
Caracol,Calakmul,and Tikal is hardto reconcilewith theycannotcorrectly addressthatproblemthrough as-
thecentrifugal natureoflineage-based segmentary orga- sumptionsaboutself-limiting politicalstructures.
nization.Moreover, some ofthebest-understood Maya The Chases'articleraisesa simpleanddirectempiri-
politieswereconstructs inwhichtheelitewasunrelated cal challengenot onlyto the segmentary-state model
in termsof kinship to the population.For example, on butto anymodelofdecentralized Mayapoliticalorgani-
the southernperiphery of Maya civilizationat Copan zation.Theyargueforvastnucleatedpopulations at Car-
andQuirigua,ClassicMayadynasties dominated a non- acol on a scalewellbeyondpreviousestimatesforMaya
elitepopulationthatis archaeologically andwas proba- states(cf.CulbertandRice I990). Ofevengreater theo-
blyethnically not Classic Maya (e.g.,Schortman I986, reticalimportance, theypositstatecontroloffundamen-
DemarestI988). In thePetexbatun we havedocumented talaspectsofeconomicinfrastructure, specificallya vast
howa foreign dynasty fromTikalimposeditselfon that systemofagricultural terracesandutilitarian roadways.
regionandestablished an expanding polityoveran unre- I have longarguedthattheprincipalproblemin Maya
lated local population(Houstonand Mathews I985; archaeology was ourfailureto demonstrate anyconnec-
HoustonI993; DemarestandValdesI99I, I993, I994a, tionbetweenthebasiceconomicinfrastructure ofMaya
b). In theTerminalClassicperiodat SeibalandChichen society and its political leadership(e.g., Demarest
Itzawarlords established brilliantandeclecticbutshort- i992a). The Chases in their article and ongoing re-
lived conqueststatesthatmayhave pulledtogether a searcheshave directlyrespondedto this challenge.If
diversepopulationfromthesurrounding area(Andrews theyare correctin theirarchaeological interpretations,
I990, FreidelI986, Demarestand Escobedoi996). In CaracolandpossiblyotherClassicMayastateswerefar
thesecases and probablymanyothers,it is difficult to too large,economicallypowerful, and nucleatedto fit

FOX ET AL. The Maya State | 823
easily into a segmentary-state or anyotherdecentralized Classic Maya to theirrain-forest

environment(Demar-
model of Maya political organization.Their empirical est i992a, b; I996; Demarestand Valdes I99I, I993,
findingsfrom and interpretationsof Caracol will be I994a; Valdes and Demarest I993).
judgedby the resultsof futureresearchesand reviewby The Chases are correctin notingthat this model dif-
otherarchaeologistsof the specificsof the Caracol data. fersgreatlyfromthe segmentary-state model, as does
Given the scale theyproposeforthe Caracol polity,the RichardFox's regal-ritualcity concept (R. Fox I977), in
scrutinywill be intense. that galactic polities were not organizedalong lines of
Beyondthe empiricalquestions,one can disagreewith kinship. It shares with segmentary-state models, how-
several aspects of the Chases' theoreticalproposal of ever, an appreciationfor the hierarchicalredundancy
unitary-state organizationas an alternativeto decentral- and instabilityof Maya political formations.Further-
ized models. With an appreciationforthe variabilityof more,the galactic-politymodel stressesthe dependency
Maya political organization,Caracol, Calakmul, and forpower of leaders on theater-stateritualand ideology
othernucleated and powerfulstates could be accommo- ratherthan controlof infrastructure (Demarest igg2a;
dated as one end of a rangeof formsof the Maya state. cf. Geertz I980). Togetherthe problemsof a redundant
The largescale and unitarystate structurethattheypro- hierarchyand ideologicaldependencyhelp to explainthe
pose forCaracol certainlydoes not applyto most of the instabilityand volatilityofgalacticpolities.All ofthese
Maya polities recovered archaeologically or recorded aspects ofthe model applywell to the Classic Maya and
ethnographically. could help to explain theirvolatile political history.
Anotherobjection to their discussion is that it does The galactic-polityconcept does not represent"the"
not addressthe causes of the instabilityand variability model of Classic Maya political formations;thereis no
in Maya politicalformand thefailureofMaya societyto such model. However,it does addressseveralofthe ma-
achieve cumulativelyevolvingpolitical structureslike jor problemsofunderstandingClassic Maya polities,es-
those of CentralMexico, the Andes, and Mesopotamia. pecially the expansion and contractionof theirspheres
As I have said, I believe thatthe challengeto archaeolo- of influence.It should join segmentary-state and uni-
gists is not to find the "true" formof Maya political tary-statemodels as a guide to understandingdifferent
organizationbut to tryto understandthe causes of the specific segments of the long political historyof the
greatvariabilityin Maya political structuresin time and Maya world.
space. Any such understandingofMaya politicalhistory In their concluding remarksthe Chases incorrectly
also must addressthe meaningof the Classic Maya col- dismiss the galactic-politymodel as overly dependent
lapse and the failureof the Maya world-nearly half of on epigraphy,with the result that it overemphasizes
Mesoamerica-to develop any type of cumulatively charismaticleadership.I firstapplied this model to the
evolving,hegemonicconquest state.Othercore areas for Maya area in the early I980s to tryto explain some of
the rise of early civilization did develop such polities. the initial findingsregardingthe Late Preclassic (pre-
Yet in the southern lowland region,the Peten, most epigraphic)historiesofearlyMaya centerssuch as Mira-
Maya states (whatevertheirnature)disintegratedat the dor and Preclassic Tikal (Demarest I984, I986). I used
end of the Classic period into simplerpolitical forma- no epigraphicdata, nor did I emphasize any aspect of
tions with much smallerpopulationsand a radicallyre- individual histories. The Chases' criticism seems to
duced investment in power-enhancingelite architec- have little to do with my applicationsof the model or
ture,monuments,and ritual(e.g.,CulbertI973, Culbert Tambiah's originalmajor points and much more with
and Rice I990, FreidelI986, Demarestand Escobedo later considerations of it by Maya epigraphers(e.g.,
I996). The unitary-state model as the Chases presentit Houston I993). I proposedTambiah's model as one pos-
here fails to addressthese centralissues. While Fox and sible explanationfortheinverselycorrelatedtrajectories
Cook's segmentary-state model can easily addressthese of florescenceand decline of earlyMaya states as seen
issues directly(see, e.g., Dunham I990), the answers in their periods of architecturalactivity (Demarest
givenoveremphasizethe role ofkinshipin Classic Maya I984). The expansion and contractionof Maya hegemo-
politics and implylogicallyunacceptableinternalstruc- nies, theiremphasis on public theater-staterituals,the
tural constraintson culturechange. weakness ofthe leadership'smanagerialfunctionsor in-
I have attemptedto createa bridgebetweensuch mod- frastructural control,and many other featuresseemed
els by proposingthe applicationof a formof Tambiah's comparableto the SoutheastAsian politiesand political
galactic-politymodel to the Classic Maya. This model, dynamicsas describedby Tambiah, Geertz,and others
developed originally for the historical kingdoms of (Tambiah I976, I977, I985; Geertz I980; Demarest
SoutheastAsia, soughtto explain the dynamicsofthose 99 2a).
kingdomsby notingthe redundantstructureofpolitical The Chases also arguethatmanyaspectsofthe South-
hierarchies,theirresultingtendencytowardusurpation east Asian statesdescribedbyTambiah,Geertz,and oth-
and instability,the extremedependenceofleadershipon ers differin specific important characteristicsfrom
ideologyand ritual,and the difficulty, given these fea- Maya civilization.This argumentis spuriousand poten-
tures,of sustainingcumulativelyevolvingstates (Tam- tiallyisolationist,since any use of comparativeethnog-
biah I976, I977; DemarestI984, i992b). I have also raphyor historyinvolves the selective comparisonof
noted that such instabilityis increasedby the pressures similar aspects of different societies to yield some in-
fordispersioncaused by the brilliantadaptationof the sights into the one under study. Models and the data

824 1 CURRENT ANTHROPOLOGY Volume 37, Number S, December I996
bases thatgeneratethemdo not need to be imposed ANDREWS, ANTHONY P., AND, F. ROBLES C. I985. "Chichen
wholesaleto be ofuse in comparative historyand an- and Coba: An Itza-Mayastandoff in theEarlyPostclassicYuca-
thropology. I wouldonlyarguethataspectsofthegalac- and tan,"in The LowlandMaya Postclassic.EditedbyArlenChase
PrudenceRice,pp. 62-72. Austin:University ofTexas
tic-politymodeldo leadus tofocuson structural charac- Press.[AAD]
teristicsand dynamicscentralto an understanding of ANDREWS, E. WYLLYS, V, AND JEREMY SABLOFF. I986.
thevariability and theinstability ofMaya states.Even "Classic to Postclassic:A summarydiscussion,"in Late Low-
with the new richepigraphic data,we need comparative land Maya civilization:Classic to Postclassic.Editedby Jer-
emySabloffand E. W. AndrewsV, pp. 433-56. Albuquerque:
ethnography andhistory to providealternative interpre- University ofNew Mexico Press.[AAD]
tationsofMaya culturehistory andto providehistorio- AWE, JAIME J. i985. Archaeologicalinvestigations at Caledonia,
graphicguidelines fortheinterpretation ofthepropagan- Cayo District,Belize,M.A. thesis,DepartmentofAnthropol-
disticelite "emic" perspective of Maya monumental ogy,TrentUniversity, Peterborough, Ont.,Canada.
"A his-
inscriptions. Unlike some cynics,I agreecompletely ASHMORE, WENDY,
toricalintroduction
AND GORDON R. WILLEY. I98I.
to thestudyofLowlandMaya settlement
withMarcus,Schele,Freidel,Mathews,Stuart,Hous- patterns,"in LowlandMaya settlement patterns.Editedby
ton,Grube,andothersthattheinscriptions provideour W. Ashmore,pp. 3-I8. Albuquerque:University ofNew Mex-
bestdatafortheinterpretation ofMayapoliticalorgani- ico Press.
W. I977. "The riseofthenorthern chiefdoms,"
zation(see,e.g.,MarcusI976, i983b, I992, I993; Ma- BALL, JOSEPH
in The originsofMaya civilization.Editedby R. E. W. Adams,
thews I985, I988, I99I; Culbert I988; Schele and pp. IOI-32. Albuquerque:University ofNew Mexico Press.
FreidelI990; StuartandHoustonI989). Theycan do so, . I993. Cahal Pech,theancientMaya, and modernBelize:
however, onlywhenthishistorical recordis skeptically The storyofan archaeologicalpark.San Diego: San Diego
processedby historiographic interpretation guidedby StateUniversity Press.
. I994. "Northern Maya archaeology: Some observations
comparative history andethnography. Mayanistsshould on an emerging paradigm,"in Hidden amongthehills: Maya
not isolatethemselvesfromcomparative anthropology archaeologyofthenorthwestYucatanPeninsula.Editedby
andhistory. H. J.Prem, pp. 389-96. (Acta Mesoamericana 7.) Mockmulhl:
In the comingdecades,modelsofMaya politicaldy- Verlagvon Flemming.
namicsshouldbe generated fromepigraphic data and BALL, JOSEPH W., AND JENNIFER T. TASCHEK. I99I. Late
Classic LowlandMaya politicalorganization and central-place
comparative studiesandthentested,as theChasesand analysis:New insightsfromtheUpperBelizeValley.Ancient
othersare doing,by archaeological and ethnohistorical Mesoamerica2:I49-65.
researches. Suchprojects, insteadofseekingto discover BECKER, MARSHALL J. I973. Archaeologicalevidenceforoccu-
the trueformof the Maya state,shouldfocuson the pationalspecializationamongtheClassic periodMaya at Ti-
kal, Guatemala.AmericanAntiquity38:396-406.
centralissues ofMaya politicalhistory:theinstability BENTLEY, G. CARTER. I986. IndigenousstatesofSoutheast
andvariability ofMayapolitics,thephenomenon ofthe Asia. Annual ReviewofAnthropology I 5:275-305.
collapse,and the failureof anyof the Classic period's BERLIN, HEINRICH. i958. El glifo"emblema"en las inscripci-
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Constructing Maya Communities: Ethnography for Archaeology

Author(s): John W. Fox, Garrett W. Cook and Arthur A. Demarest

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Gradations ofgenerational depth(le'el)fromcommon wereguidedby theascendantlineage,whichspokefor

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movedfromthe rurallineagegod-houses(armitas) to foundedin the A.D. I300S, suggestsearliermigrations

I977b), Ox Mul oftheChanMayaallieditselfwiththe By the I960s, villagefactionalism was beginning to be

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FIG. i. Settlementpatternof Ox Mul, Cayo District,Belize.

ary,foundedeach ofthechurches. Threechurches(Rey ment,recallingthe "representative governance" ofthe

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C CaLl Ra mone Mai EdWVrdo Mai

X ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Bruno [!|zhb / O~~~~Inaco

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Mayan Principlesof Segmentation "gifts"fromthroughout the realm.This tributetrans-

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1982 Reyde Paz (100) TZIB/MESH MAI/CANTO

1983 TZIB/MAI TZIB Reyde Reyes(65) Familia(10)

1988 Reyde Paz (98) CristoVive (79) MESH/CANTO TZIB/MAI Familia(28)

recallingthecalpulliin Acalan(see J.Fox i987a:1o4).19 The smallestpossibleself-reproducing social unitwas

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andyounger brothers" unitedthenima amak withthe obtainedtheimageofSantiagoon a hill in theCityof

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model,to justify"speaking"forotherlineages.]The im- graphical areaand a temporalspanofat leasttwomil-

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tionandheightened variability includetheearlytransi- envisionsegmentary structure becausethestateswere

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easily into a segmentary-state or anyotherdecentralized Classic Maya to theirrain-forest

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CANCIAN, FRANK. I976. Social stratification.Annual Review of I99I. ThreeTerminalClassic monumentsfromCaracol,Be-

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droMaya,"in Anthropology and historyin Yucatan.Editedby politiesofthe Pasi6nregion:Hieroglyphic textsand theirar-

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