PLANNED CAPITAL CITIES IDEAL CONSTRUCTS OR IMPERIAL PALACES. The Arab conguests did nat introduce urbanity... [bul they entailed the formation of new empires which had ‘their own reasons for city construction. The Caliphs and governors buil new capitals 1... symbolice the domi- nance ofa particular regime or raler and his capacity to bring order and civilization 10 bis domain ‘ost scholars of Islamic urbanism recognize the existence of two dis- M ince types of settlements: the planned and the spontaneous. Under this classification, garison towns such as Bastah and Kufah are not considered planned seztlements because their form was a resule of the rapid spontaneous growth thataccompanied the Islamicexparsion.? Accordingly, all such garrison towns are unfortunately dismissed as examples of Arab Muslim town planning, creating a situation in which capital towns like Baghdad or Cairo are lef as the only true representatives of Islamic planning concepts. Earlier I have atcempted to show that although garrison towns were not based on a preconceived plan, they were, nevertheless, a clear and honest representation of a variety of Arab planning ideals derived from the Islamic religion. In chischepter I will explore the other notion that capital rowns were conceived as ideal Islamic towas and that their plans reveal much about the symbolism of the Islamic system. Whereas Damascus and Cordova and the decisions that shaped theie form were cepresentative ofthe struggle between forces seeking to glorify Islam and ehote simply sccking to enforce its ideals, capital cities such as Baghdad and Cairo were simply products of a single individual's wll. ‘The forms of such cities, which we try to study here by con- centrating on the Arab chronicles, were mainly a reflection of an imperialauthority that hed little to do with Islamic urban ideals, Demonstrating this point may allow us to challenge the idea of a stereotypical Arab Muslim city from another direction. ‘To understand all of this, we have to place it in its actual historic context. Close to the middle of the eighth century, the Ummayad dynasty was folding down, When Marwan I took over as Caliph in 126/744, the Ummayad empire, which by nowextended from the Atlanticto the borders ofChina, was internally tom by innumerable problems. Among these were the constant feuds herween the Ummayad family and their arch-enemies from old times, the Alids and the Khacijites, end the discontent of the non-Arab Muslims? Since the civil war between Ali and Muawiyah, the Muslim world had been divided in ewo: the followers of the Ummayads who were called Sunnis, on the cone hand, and che Alids, or the partisans of the descendants of Ali, who later became known as Shiites, on the other hand. The Alids were by now very vocal in opposing the legitimacy of the Ummayad caliphate. The problems of the ‘Ummayads were further complicated by the reappearance oftwo other groups: the puritan Kharijies, who were now trying toestablish themselves ia North Africa, ‘and the old Quraishi clan, che Abbasids, who were blood relatives of che prophet ‘and whose claims for leadership had hitherto been represented by the Alids ‘The revoltagainst the Ummayads started in Persia where the great numbers of the people who had converted to Islam were still deprived of the right to be ‘exempt from the poll tax required of all non-Muslim Arabs, Under che leader- ship of Abu Muslim, the rebels allied themselves with the Abbasid family, ‘whose propaganda machine had brought discontent among the Persians by alleging the overworldliness of the Ummayads. After establishing headquar- ters in Merv, the rebels passed triumphantly into Persia, occupying Kufah in 130/749. Muhamad ibn abu al-Abbas, the head of the Abbasid clan, whose nickname was “Al-Saffah,” or “the blood shedder,” seized the opportunity to proclaim himself the rightful caliph — to the dismay of some of his Shiite supporters, who were more interested in the appointment of someone from the Alli family. A few months later, the Ummayad caliph was defeated in a batele on the banks of the river Zab and the forces of the Abbasids occupied Damascus, massacred the Ummayad family, and chased its lastcaliph, Marwan Il, oEgypt, where they assassinaced him. ‘The battle of Zab was one of the most decisive battles in this history of Islamic civilization, for ic resulted in the orientalization of Islam The empire, which up to now had been breathing from the Medi-Demonstrating this al Arab Muslim city tual historic context. dynasty was folding che Ummayad empire, FChina, was internally onstant feuds between ‘mes, the Alids and the s fuslim world had been called Sunnis, on the lants of Ali, who later vere by now very vocal The problems of che Frwoother groups: the selvesin North Africa, relatives of the prophet ented by the Alids 4 rerethe great numbers ived ofthe right to be bs. Under the leader- 1 the Abbasid family, rong the Persians by stablishing headquar- ‘occupying Kufah in Abbasid clan, whose ed the opportunity to of some of his Shiite tof someone from the ated in a battle on the occupied Damascus, »Marwan II, toEgypt, c of the most decisive Lin theorientalization thing from the Medi eprereanes Bag Yesee ie tae Gum one earache MO puny ee Hats lace 2 \y } FIGURE 5.1 The Abbasid Eenpire (161754) terranean, was now turning to the East to reestablish itself (FIGURE 5.) With the help of the experienced Persians, the Abbasids rapidly set ou to providetheempire with aneffectivecentral administration.” They moved theseat cof government from Damascus toal-Hashimiyah on the outskirts of Kufah, shifting the center of power eastward and leaving Arabia as well as Syria out of focus.” A NEW DYNASTY AND A New CAPITAL ‘The first Abbasid caliph, al-Saffah, did not reign long enough to enjoy his, triumph. When he died in 136/754, he was succeeded by his brother, Abu Jaafar, who was acclaimed as al-Mansur, or the victorious caliph.’ Mistrusting, the inhabitants of Kufah, which was overrun by the Alids, al-Mansur desired to move closer to Persia, where his main support base was located.” The attempt by the Rawandiyah, an extremist proto-Shiite sect, on al-Mansur'slifein Kufah convinced him of the need to establish a new capital." Al-Tabari relates that al-Mansur had no intention of leaving the choice of a locality for his new city to chance. He undertook the task of identifying thesite himself. It took almost four years before the site was determined and con- struction of its major buildings began in 145/762,"? In determining the site, al-Mansur searched as far north as Musul without finding anything specific to his liking. But two earlier localities hed atreanred his attention, The first was the village of Jarjaiya on the Tigris, cose to the ancient win capital Seleucia-Ctesiphon. Thesecond was the vllageofBagh dad, ‘uated at a point where the old Sarat Canal joined the Tigris. Historians gavea variety of reasons for al-Mansur’s choice of site, Some of {hese may go beyond rationalized historical facts inco legend, but ifall of thera af true they may stand as an indication of al-Mansut’s complex pectonalty. One of chore Functional aspects behind the choice ofthe sie has been aveributedt soitsclimaticsuitability, After deciding on a generalarea within which the new capital would achieve central location, al-Mansur summoned the heads of the Christin villages and monasteries in the area. He questioned them about the Scsibutes of their sites wich regard to heat, cold, rain, mud, and mosquitoes, Not content with that, he gave orders to vatious members oF his retinue to go £0 thosevillages,spend thenighe there, and bring back ademailed reporton thet experiences. After reviewing thereports,al-Mansurchose the siteof Baghdad,!* {escems thatthe choiceofasitethat was the meeting place ofcaravan routes ina fertile plain with its net of water canals was a logical one. But all chose fanctional factors should not lead us to dismiss some of the other tories regarding ‘he choice ofthe site thac may be clasifed as legends or myths. One such story, reported in different chronicles wich some vatiaion, Goncems an incident encountered by one of the caliph’s entourage who was forced to remain behind because of illness while the search for the capital site wwas taking place." The physician who treated him, who in some accounts wes also a monk, pointed toa prophecy in his own local tradition which ead chat only 4 man clled Miglas would build a prec city nasi beeween the Tigris and the Sarat Canal. ‘The implication of the physician's advice was that a Mansuc was wasting his time searching fora site there since his name was not Miqlas.” ‘When the caliph was informed of the incident, ics reported that he was very touched since he recalled that in his childhood he was indeed nicknamed Miglas. This seems to have added to his determination to select the sive of Baghdad. Jacob Lassner, who has studied thisincident, concluded chat thestory [ascite by various historians noconly because i satisfied ancient expectations Bur also because i¢ offered current proof of al-Mansur 's legitimacy to rule."*determined and con- cth as Musul without calities had attracted Tigris, close to the revillage of Baghdad, Gigs. rwice of site, Some of ond, but ifall of them omplex personality. ‘ehas been attributed within which the new aned the heads of the ned them about the tailed reporton their hesiteof Baghdad. laceofcaravan routes one. Butall those herstories regarding, myths. vith some variation, entourage who was hi for the capital site some accounts was tion which said that e between the Tigris advice was that al- ice his name was not ceported that he was 's indeed nicknamed to select the site of cluded thatthe story ancient expectations gitimacy to rule."* THE SHAPE OF BAGHDAD AND THE BUILDING PROCESS After consulting with his astrologers, al-Mansur immediately started construction on the selected site. He brought together engineers, builders, and surveyors from many parts of the empire and described to them his plan for a city having.acitcular shape with his paleceand mosqueat its center. Estimates of the city size range from .5 million to 64 million square cubits. Most histo- rans, however, seem to accept a report claimed to have been related by Rabah, the architect of che city wall, which gave a measurement for the circumference tha translates into a city diameter of ground 2,500 meters or 8.250 feet.” We know very liccle about how the plan was conceptualized or ifa drawing, GFiewas made, Yaqubi mentions that the city plan was traced during the reign ofal-Saffah.” Since he gave nodetails and since he does not use the word /theas, icis difficult for us to use this piece of information to understand the plan ADB ‘Tabariexplains that al-Mansur wanted to visualize what thecity would look like ifbuilt, so he ordered that the plan be traced on the ground with lines of ashes; he then enteted thecity from its to-be gatesand walked around. As he reached the center he ordered the placement of cotton seeds saturated with a flammable liquid on the traced linesand set fie toit.™ This supposedly enabled the caliph ‘to sce and sense the form of his city before its foundations were dug, ‘According to al-Tabari, the caliph then selected a group of honest and vvircuous men, including legal scholars, theologians, and religious leaders, to participate in the erection of the city, or what he referred to.as handasah? The use of the word handasabhere is of some significance. Incontemporary Arabic, andasah means “engineering,” and its use by al-Tabari indicates al-Mansur's desire to give religious legitimacy to his act of building by including religious scholas in his team of architects and engineers. Among those asked to partici- pate in the construction was Abu Hanifah, the famed theologian and founder of the Hanafi rite, who scems to have reluctantly accepted the task ‘The construction of Baghdad did not go very smoothly, and al-Mansur was forced to halt it several times to suppress a rebellion in Madinah and to crush the Alid uprising in Kufsh. When construction was restarted, a search for building materials was initiated co replace the wood, metal and equipment intentionally burnt or destroyed in fear that the Alids’ would win che war and overtake the site.® ‘As customary of new regimes, al-Mansur decided to use the building materials of a nearby ruined Sassanian palace at al-Mada‘in ot Czesiphon.”When his main counsellor, Khaled ibn Barmale, argued that preserving the ‘uined palace represents abetcer use of the materials sinceistandsasa temindes ofthe Muslim criumph over the Persian, thecaliph accused him ofpre Pentan {isiments stemming fom bis national Iranian origin. Afcer ordering the demo, lsion, the venture proved to be uneconomical a salvage costs were discovered <0 be very expensive. Al-Mansur then abandoned the demolition again asthe objection of his counsellor, who now reversed himself to argue ther terminating ‘he project would reduce thecaliph’sscarus in the eyes ofhis subjects andappear 3s admission of his inability to destroy a symbol of Sassanian rule.” Since excevations on the presumed site of Baghdad have never revealed ‘much, all discussions of its plan must rely upon the literary descriptions tn the chronicles ofal-Baghdadi, al-Tabari, and al-Ya‘agubi. Feom those sources ns Know that the city was divided into cheee concentric 2ones. At the center mea the vabbab, or the main space within which the palace of the cai, the Congregational mosque, and some ocher minor buildings were located. In the second zone, the ring surrounding the rabbab, were palaces forthe younger sone ofel-Mansurand someofhis government agencies. Inthe third wore, treouee, FIGURE 5.2. «ove axo exciva pac Two Views ofa General Reconstruction of Baghdad as Initially Planned by al-Mansusd chat preserving the i standsasa reminder sed him of pro-Persian er ordering the demo- = costs were discovered emolition again at che srgue that terminating aissubjects and appear anian rule?” d have never revealed ary descriptions in the rom those sources we aes. At the center was ice of the caliph, the swere located. In the esfor the youngersons ¢ third zone, the outer Reconsteverion ofring, there were the residences of the caliphs army chief and sorne of tei soldiers. The city was walled ane had four gates, each swith an arcaded strece connecting i to the rahbel and thus dividing the city into four quadeane ‘Within cach quadrant, al-Mansur estimated areas for shops and markets a] instructed the engineers to make sereet widths fifty cubits (23 meters or 75 fn) and lane widths sixteen cubits (7 meters or 24 feet)” (FICURE 5.2) Bslore'conseruction was fished, che mirher< were relocatidleoe Sr four arcades leading from the gates to the rabbah® According to Creswell, the City was surrounded from outside by a meat oraditch which was erossed over by fourbent entrances, forming the four gates ofthe city, which in mn ext! ‘the names of cities they faced.2® Al-Mansur called his city Madinacal-Salam, or the City of Peace. Thereare ‘many explanations for the reasons behind giving the city this name, which was often used concurrently with its general name Baghdad.” Perhaps itis relevant for us to concentrate on the seasons behind iss round forms Imi The Shaping of Abbasid Rule, Lassner reviewsall thedifferent theories about the cisculae foray of the ity. The most important is that which perceives the form as represen, tation ofa cosmic order. Protagonists ofthis view se the plan a really nothing less than an Islamic mandala that implied a schematic representation of the world derived from pre-Islamic Persian and Indian precedents. Although Lassner warns against the cosmological analysis, he nevertheless does not dismiss it. He draws attention to several faccars discussed also by others. Among these were al-Mansut’s fear for his personal safety, which prompted him to consider isolating himself in the center and surrounding his palace by an open space controlled by his bodyguards.” The round shape, the ‘most convenient for defense purposes,” was also perceived asa just form, for it allowed the differene sections of the city to exist equidistant from his palace." Themost plausible explanation for theshape, however, is thatal-Mansu simply followed ancient Perthian-Sassanian precedents for building a military camp according to acircular form.” Like Lassner, I will not dismiss the cotmological analogy, well argued by some contemporary scholars. only suggest that it should be seen in the contexe of the Arabs’ knowledge and acceptance of many outside influences and foreign concepts. To al-Mansur, especially in ehe early oe £ Caliphal Palace 2. Morgue 3. Rabbah $. Markets 5 Palace ofthe Reyel Family 6 Residential Quarters 7. Gates 8. River & Canale FIGURE 5.3. eects racy ‘The General Site Anangernent of Baghdad sed Is Urban Elements* chiefs and some of their ich with an arcaded street city into four quadrants ot shops and markets and bits (23 meters oF 75 feet) *(rrcuRE 5.2). fe relocated toceach of the -ccording to Creswell, the 1 which was crossed over ity, which in urn cartied ‘eCity of Peace, Thereare ity this name, which was 40 Pethapsicis relevant form, In his The Shaping ssabout theciceular form the form asa represen 1 plan as really nothing tic representation of the secedents analysis, he nevertheless ; actors discussed also by 1 personal safety, which ster and surrounding his * The round shape, the ivedas a juse form, for it ‘stant from his palace is hatal-Mansur simply lilding s military camp ismiss the cosmological © Tonly suggese that it and acceptance of many » especially in the early af the Regal Family dad and Its Urban FloresErte tora beghaas wl ae fat, Pe Psi, ‘ye Viewed) FIGURE 5.4. ‘The fivial Urban Form of Baghdad Analyzedf Reghtad yet reerth days, Baghdad may have simply represented an imperial palace from which he would rule. THE MAIN ELEMENTS OF THE CAPITAL “Theelements making up Madinat al-Salam were fairly distinct: a major palace, 2 congregational mosque, a few public buildings, a few smaller palaces, a few scattered mackers,andaconcentriczoneof residential quarters (FIGURES 5.3 and 5.4). ‘The palace occupied the center of the city. Referted toas the Palace of the Golden Gate, it was square-shaped building with sides measuring 400 cubits (182 metersor 500 feet) each. Init there was a tunnel-vaulted ivan looking into the caliph’s audience room, or mais, which in turn was covered by an 80-cubit- (36 meters or 120 feet) high green dome, reminiscent of that of Mu'awiyah’s palace in Damascus.” The mosque was attached to the palace and occupied an. area that was no more chan one-quarter of that of the palace. The original structure was made of sun-dried bricks set in clay with a roof supported on ‘wooden columns. The plan of the mosque was very simple and followed the early prototype of Madinah, having a central courtyard. In later days, when the number of worshippers increased, the mosque was enlarged by the addition of another courtyard and the structures around it. There are many theories about how this was achieved, but mosc agree that the enlargement was accomplished through che takeover of either part ofthe palace ora neighboring building, also attached. the palace, which was called Daral-Quitan, Herafeld, Creswell,and Lassner attempted different reconstructions of the relationship between the mosque and the palace(FIGURE 5.5). Regardless of which reconstruction is more accutate, it appears likely chat the mosque and the palace may not have been initially conceived as one complex by their creator as many scholars have sug~ gested, but rather that the mosque was simply an addition to the palace, even ‘though this situation may have changed in later times, ‘The mosque and palace stood at the center of the rahbah, or the great open plaza, Surrounding them were a few houses built by al-Mansut for his sons and army chiefs. This seems to have formed an inner ring around the city. Beyond this, che outer ring contained the residential quarters mentioned earlier. Vaulted arcades ran from the main gate to the palace arca and were transferred to act as markets before construction of the city was finished (FIGURE 5.6). ‘According to al-Ya‘aqubi, the quarters inside the outer ting were divided into sikak, or lanes. Each sikehwas designated as residence for an army chiefReconseructions of the Relationship Becween the Mosque and Mansur in che Round City, According to Creswell Heraellnce Feoween the Mosgue and 1g 0 Ceeswell, Herfeld 1, Meas (Khandag) 2 Bridge 3 Rabbah 4. Debiz 5, Tages (Commer & Reddemial Quorons Ri Het Zane (Guard), Second Zoe C. Residential Quarters D. Third Zone (Publ officials) &. Caliph’s Rey Space FIGURE 5.6. Creswel's Reconstruction ofthe Tagatoc the Vaulted Arcades that Accorn- rmadaced che Early Markets. ‘and his soldiers. The two ends of each sikah were gated and closed with doors at night and opened in che morning to the ring street.” Al-Baghdadi describes the houses as being connected and abutting each other. “The organization of those various elements on the plan is very crucial to an understanding ofits significance and symbolism, Perhaps the true significance of Baghdad lies not so much in the physical character ofits forms as in the ideasYears later, Herefeld pl the renovation that took legitimacy and has however, remains the most of the inner ring and, through a ofthe descriptions in the Chronicles, avives at the BAGHDAD: IMMEDIATE CHANGES IN Form * The workers engaged in and as the inner part started veloping rapicly, ’s neighbothoods, al-Ya'aqubi the city wall and those nization of the city’ tween chose located He mentions that al- makes a clear distinction b ouside iiddle was very symbolic. Gor they had existed in -rial authoriey. has also been subject to range’s reconstruction of f the palaceand scattered Ispace.® Workinga few the palace, arguing that ve palace could only have precedents in which the fom his palaces to the 1ave adjoined the palace rich the gible wall of the this was also the case in ore legitimacy and has ‘ever, remains the most fring and, through « hronicles, arrives at the ced within the rebbah. slements ofthe plan, we dad, what mateered, at y. The cizcular shape into an unselfeonscious votal rule and universal “started even before the und city is said co have “he workers engaged in s the inner part started 1g rapidly. borhoods, al-Ya'aqubi the city wall and those make sitak, or streets, these rabad, oF outer a econsrnverion ny tasreance corsa 32 1Calplal Plee2 Mase 3 Ga ces eine: 4 Retna Quen SPbessfac 1. ClphaPa Mape 3 Gate ‘in 4 tail Quer ‘RECONSTRUCTION BY HITT RECONSTRUCTION BY LASSNER 1. Caliphal Palace 2 Morgue 3. Gates 1, Caliphal Palace 2 Morgue 3, Gates 4. Residential Quarters 5, Palaces ofthe 4. Residential Quarters 6. Government Offices ‘Royal Family, 6. Government Office eavion of x RE 5.7. ‘The Diflecent Reconsaetion of he Pua of Baghdad and the Lo eee ‘Urban Elements, According to LeSteange, Creswell, Herafeld, Hicti and Lassner,quadrants. Al-Mansur then granted several of those areas to someofhis relatives, his army chiefs, or o.2 group of people from a certain country. Those quarvere and their darbsor lanes were named after theit respective groups. Much of this property seems tohave been granted byal-Mansurin che form of qate'iaor fiefs, ‘ospecific well known individuals. In describing the development outside the ‘wall, al-a‘qubi starts from the gates and moves outward, making it very explicit that he was describing an area outside che round city, although some scliolars have interpreted this tobe theouter ring. This had led many tothe belief that che circular city was only a palace precinct rather chan an integrated city.” Ics ifficule for us here to judge the nature ofthe relationship between the soundcity andits surroundings, This could be done only if we were to pay some additional attention tw the changes that happened in regard co che other functional elements, like the markets, the administrative quarters, and the caliphal palace. AlMansur did noe initially plan to have a centralized markce with specialized bazaars in his circular city. The four arcades leading from the gates at the outside wall to the rahbal, which were designated to accommodate the markets seem not to have been enough." The increasing number of the population, the large amount of money distribuced among them, the rise of their purchasing power and standard of living, and the great demand for laborers and craftsmen seem to have broughe about the need to transfer the markers outside the circular city. No one can pin down the exact reason for the transfer of the markets. Al- Kohatib informs us thac in the year 157/773, al-Mansur ordered the macket eransfer ‘oal-Karkh, an area to the south of the round city (Refer to FICURE 5.9). In al-Tabari al-Khatib, and Yaqut, we find variations of the story ofthe Byzantine ambassador who on visiting the city brought co thecaliph’sattention the danger posed by the proximity ofthe markets. Patrikios, cheambassador, seems to have Pointed out that the enemy might enter thecity under the guiseof carrying out ‘rade and that the merchants in turn could pass on vital information about the caliph’s activities to outsiders. This may have convinced the caliph to order the relocation of the market in an attempt co fiee the city from all activities unnecessary to him. Al-Mansur became convinced that the archicectural arrangement he origi- nally envisioned was not necessarily in his best security interest. The eatlier inconveniences about the market seem to have also convinced him of the need to isolate himself even more, and to establish the rahbah as a purely imperial\stosomeothis relatives, country. Those quarters Ye groups. Much of this form of gata‘, or fels, evelopmentoutside the toward, making it very ad city, although some rad lecimany tothe belief anan integrated city.# slationship beeween the yif we were to pay some 8 regard to the other wive quarters, and the tcralized market with leading from the gates d to accommodate the casing number of the tong them, the rise of che great demand for © need to transfer che srof the markets. Ale ed the market transfer ‘ero ricuRE 5.9). In story of the Byzantine sattention chedanger assador, seems to have *guiscofcarrying out formation aboue the d the caliph to order ¢y from all activities rangement he origi- nterest. The earlier teed him of the need a8 purely imperial sTACE I ‘The ealiph’ earlier penonal dtomcin with major fnatons overlong the Rahbah, Stace 2 Tie caliph's introverted personal domain, efter the surrounding building: were FIGURE 5.8 ‘The Transformation of the Central Space into a Caliphal Private Domai.demain. Accordingly, he gave orders to che people living in the inner ting of the city to shife the portals that opened onto the rahbubee ther they faced the Srp Bevimeters instead” (HcURE 58). Thesechangestedefned thefancn ofthe palace complex. Thecaliph'sdomain was thus limited cn the great central sales bis residence, his mosque, and the buildings for his guards Ac before, this area was only accessible by passing through the stringent security ‘checks within the small arcades. igris to an area that became knownasal-Rusafah after & palace he buile for his son al-Mahal, whom he asked to move there?” is ate en aie, 2 Megue 3. Old Market 4 New Markt at Al: Kanal Al Rode SAN fil Mote 7. Mai Bafib Pale 8 Te Po 9.AlFirdua Palace FIGURE 5:9 AcINe pace The Developments Outside che Round Ciey, Showing the Re- “ith Marks inal Karsh ad he New Marquntad Pee Deep st Maosursnd his Immediate Sucesots, Based on LeSeanige,vving in the inner ring of «ah so that they faced the cestedefined the function nited to che greatcentrai ings for his guards. As th the stringenc security isuaknown tous. Ifthe ¥ prayer, would ehis not 2 for security? Was che -d owice with no serious hdad feel when they had ds fom outside? Many use the Arab chronicles sa way ofdocamenting people who lived io it, and ensure his personal 1g some of his troops to ownasal-Rusafih after to move there.” [eis rosqiues in each ofthese ch accommodated the lated the troops and al- h was making it mote Friday prayers close +ly a more manageable stances leading to his rathis perception ofthe to build himselfa new Karat 5. ALKIudd ce of Abitutacion ‘od Gity, Showing the Re- ssquesand Palaces Buile by «Strange.residence, the palace of al-Khuld, situated along the Tigris to che northeast of the Khurasan gate.®" ‘The palace of al-Khuld was not simply a new residence, but part ofadelicate compromiseby which the caliph hoped to retain theofficial : image cstablished earlier by the palace of the Golden Gate without duplicating q any of the features of the round city.” Government agencies, however, started springing up around the new palace, splicting forever the centrality and self- containment of the goverment complex established in the round city. The palace of el-Khuld was later to become the official residence for many oH of the Abbasid caliphs, and from that point on it was clear that the round. city ‘was no longer a city but simply a neighborhood in greater Baghdad. Develop- ‘ment of this larger urban region was happening concurrently with the caliph’s building projects (Refer to FIGURE 5.9). The extent of the development outside the round city gives support to the view that the city grew from outside, since many of the surrounding neighborhoods started to flourish even before con- 1 struction of the round city was completed. a Baghdad's urban institutions developed in parallel to its physical form. However, we know very little about the developmentof these institutions. Such institutions included Divan al-Nazar fi al-Mazalem, or the bureau of com- aon plaints, che wizarah, or the body of advisers, and the position of gad al-gudat, a q ‘ot the chief justice, These all seem to have been institutions associated with the a ‘ functions ofthe caliphate and with the activities of Baghdad as a capital. City : qi institutions included the positions of the muhtasi, ‘amil al-sug, the macket ‘ supervisor, the saheb al-Shurtah, chief of police, the taljfa, the guilds, and the ; shailes, the leaders of the residential quarters. Inthe early days there was noclear distinction between caliphal institutions | and city institutions. They both occupied buildings within the city, and the relationships between those institutions does not seem to have had much influence on the shape of the city. For example, when al-Mansur left the round i city to reside in Qasr al-Khuld, few institutions relocated with him, and those ; ‘hat did were mainly caliphal ones. City insticutions continued, a¢ least for a 4 : while, to occupy the center of the round city. if i During its carly years Baghdad possessed only one Friday mosque and one adi, ot judge. The gadi initially held court in the mosque. Although, as we have seen, other Friday mosques were being established in different parts of the ity, the position of gadicontinued to be held by one individual only until the later part of the ninch century. Before the end of his reiga, al-Mansur had come to see that the Baghdad, which heenvisioned as the small ircularcity called Madinat al-Salam, developed 3‘gris to the northeast of simply a new residence, ‘oped to retain the official ‘ate without duplicating encies, however, started + the centrality and self in the round city. ficial residence for many lear that the round city ater Baghdad. Develop- rently with the caliph’s hedevelopment outside srew from outside, since urish even before con- lel to its physical form. ‘these institutions, Such » or the bureau of com osition of gad al-qudat, ions associated with the ghdad as a capital. City ‘mil al-sug, the market lift, the guilds, and the sencaliphal institutions within the city, and the fem to have had much |-Mansue left che round red with him, and those continued, at least for a Friday mosque and one vsque, Although, as we in different parts ofthe vdividual only until che > sce that the Baghdad, ratal-Salam, developed racks unwarans tye fan AL ne “nts ZANTE BN SO Gana ote au karinos| ‘anucarivans (Se FIGURE §.10 The North Afvican Movement and the Rise ofthe Fatimids. 2 life ofits own and had become its own organism. But again it was not only Baghdad that was changing; the caliphate was changing too, Now the caliphs had established themselves as supreme rulers who were not willing to acceptany challenge to their authority to govern as they considered it their inherent God given right. This had a negative impacton the Abbasid Empice, and by the end of the tenth century A.D. much of the empire was divided among tising dynasties, of governors and amirs who claimed independence from Baghdad. ‘The real threar, however, to the legitimacy of the Abbasid caliphate was still broiling in the lands of North Aftica. ‘THE RISE OF THE FATIMIDS AND THE PLANNING OF CAIRO. Egypt and North Africa were among the first states to gain some sort of autonomy in the far-flung and loosely controlled Abbasid empire. In Tunisia, themovementagainst the decadent Abbasid caliphs reached its peak when Sa'id ibn Husain al-Mabdi, an alleged descendent ofthe Alids, broke away from the empire and established the Shiite Fatimid caliphate (FIGURE 5.10).The Fatimids were intent on moving eastward, possibly co challenge the Abbasids. Aftersuccessivesteemps, heir movement gathered enough momen- ‘um co permit the conquest of Egypt. Al-Mu‘izz, who was the fourth Fatimid caliph, appoinced Jawharal-Sigel to lead his forces in the Egyptian campaign, Jewhar, whose name literally meant “The Sicilian Jewel” in Arabic, was of Christian slave origin. At the time, Egypt was ruled by the Ikbshidis, another feudalisticprincedom with provincial autonomy. In 38/969, the Fatimid easily defeaced the Ikhshidis and marched through the cities of Pustatand Al-Qata‘ia, the latter being the capital of the Ithshidis® (ricure 5.1), ma ih F Atgata' (370) AL‘Askar L-Pustat 04) FIGURE 5.11 ‘The Sie of Caio at the Time ofthe F the New Capital al-Qahicah to the Ol id Tnvasion and che Relationship of es that Superceded Iossibly to challenge the ‘thered enough momen- was the fourth Fatimid ‘he Egyptian campaign. wel” in Arabic, was of y the Ikhshidis, another 1969, theFatimids eas Pastat and Al-Qaea' 5.11). and the Relationship of superceded I. LA 9. Residential Quarter: 1 Glial 2 Garden 3. Maidan 4 Rea Palaces 5. Gua Howse 6 Mongue 7. Gas 3 Reid : o FIGURE 5.12 ‘The Original Plan of al-Quhirah, Initially Envsioned by Jawhac at al- ‘Mansuriyah (A Reconstruction Based on al-Maqriei's Description of che Pas Almost immediately after his arrival, Jawhar began to search fora site to garrison his roope *Accorlingtoasloure anc account, hecarred wich hinfvime poe ideas about the construction of new capital, which al-Mu'iz envis seat of his caliphate and as a rival to Baghdad © AsJawhar had to imposeon this fragmented cegion his predetermined plan, he located the new city in the only site available to him to the north of the existing settlements.” Seen in context, al-Qaherah was another addition toan asthe‘existing pattern of cities that paralleled the Nile. ‘This pattern started in 640 ‘A.D. when Amr Ibn al-’As built his mosque close co the remains of an ancient fortress and established to its norch the garrison town of Fustat. Later, with the first dynastic shift, the Abbasids buile the town of al-‘Askar in 750 A.D. to the north of Fustat to house their troops. When in 870 A.D. Ahmad ibn Tulun declared Egypt's independence from the Abbasid caliphate, he founded al- ‘Qaca‘ia as his own princely city and again chis was to the north of al-‘Askar. Jawwhae's choice of al-Qaherah’s site conformed with this north-south urban axis that tied the new city to its predecessors (Refer to FIGURE 5.11). Jewhar'sfitst step was to lay down the city wall, determine the gates, and start construction of thetwo major buildings: thecaliphal palaceand the mosque. ‘Legend has it hat on the following day, when a delegation from Fustat went t0 welcome Jawhar, they found that foundation for the entire city hadalready been ug. The chronicles contain no mention of architects or builders involved in this process, leading us tothe belief that his army mayhave included individuals with such specialized skills. Al-Magrizi, the renowned historian of Cairo, relates chaQ\jaWRRE RIEL planned the city as a square with sides equaling 15200 yards each. ‘This defined 2 total area of 340 acres, of which 70 acres were alloted to the caliphal palace, 70 other acres to che existing gardens, a/-Bustan al-Kafuri, and new squares oF rahbabs, "The remaining acreage was assigned as khutat to the twenty different .gt0ups making up the army” (FIGURE 5.12). As in Baghdad, Jawhar consulted with his astrologers before deciding on the location of the cown or the date ofexecuting his plan. In fact, several sources relate that the town was later called “al-Qaherah” after a bright star the astrolo- get observed in the sky that night.” Al-Maqrizi also reports that Jawhar started laying out che town on the evening ofa Friday in the month of Sha‘aban in 358/969. Since he was soanxious toimplemenchis plans, heordered his soldiers to carry on throughout the night, and in the morning he realized that the plan had been implemented with 1, Big Eastern Place 2. Snall Weser Palace 3, Palace Spear 4. ALAcbar Mosgue 5. Guet Hiowe 6 Miniuers Howe 7 Suble 8. Kfar! Gorden 9. AL Hakim Magee 10. Magu 11 Guter 12, Reidenial Quarters A. arahbah Bh. Bergen ©. Ontnfigah D. Bargiab E. Kowamah F- Teorey G. Sharahiah i Grok 1. Datlam’}. Una ¥. judith L Zaaigah M. Mabmudia No Usiyah FIGURE 5.13 @Acinc race A Reconstruction ofthe Plan of a: Qahirah at Implemented fn Sie, Based on the Egypricn Geographic Society Map of 922.vattern started in 640 -emains ofan ancient ustat. Later, with the kear in 750 A.D. to the >. Ahmad iba Tulun hate, he founded al- se north of al-‘Askar. orth-south urban axis Eat). crmine the gates, and aceand the mosque * 1 from Fustae went to city hadaleeady been builders involved in includedindividuals that Jawhae initially Aseach. This defined recaliphal palace, 70 and new squares of the twenty different ‘s before deciding on 1 fact, several sources “ight star the astrolo- out the town on the nce he was soansious hroughouc the night, 1 implemented wich steer Mea 5. Got sodigeh Be rgb Imaal Xe Judatiyah biel as Implemented spofig22.4, Abul Quem’ Place 2. Ubi Palace 3. Gest Mespue Square 5. Main Tri 6. halen Quote ‘me Sp FIGURE 5.14 ‘The Plan of Al-Mahuliysh Reconserueted inconsistencies that had resulted in a slightly distorted rectangular shape, He then decided not to correct it, saying that “it was laid out in a holy night and that its irregularity must have been caused by a divine logie™™ (FIGURE 5.1) Teis unlikely chat during execution the plan could have been so severely distorted from its original square shape into arectangleas some scholats believe, ‘Thesides ofthe executed plancarry the proportion of :3, aproportion noc likely tobe achieved as a esulc ofamistake. The original plan has also been the subject of continual controversy. Marcel Clerget believes that Caliph al-Mu'izz de- 130 ens ee4 Square 5. Main rectangular shape. He out in @ holy night and logic’? (ricuRE 5.13) Thave been so severely ssome scholars believe. proportion not likely asalsobeen the subject Caliph al-Mu‘iza de- signed the city himself and provided Jawhar with a precise plan with specific dimensions and a proposed procedure for execution.” GIJUHlaswell ad eatliee suggested that the plan of Cairo was initially envisioned along the lines of a Roman easinam* Other scholars, however, maintained that the plan was simply intended as a duplicate of the Fatimid towns of al-Mahdiyah or al-Mansuriyah in Tunis.” [ cannot substantiate these propositions since the executed plan of Gairo appears, at least visually, quite distinct if compared to al-Mahdiyah (sIGURE 5.14). ‘Whether it was modeled after a Roman castrumor a North African town, Jawhar started the construction of the city by building a palace, a mosque, and 4 mud brick wall around them. He called the city al-Mansuriyah after a city built by al-Mu‘izz’s father in Tunisia. Mose of the gates of the new city were named after the gates of al-Mansuriyah in Tunis, providing additional suppore to the view that the city was modeled after ies Norch African counterpart.” Four years after the conquest, Caliph al-Mu‘izz arrived at the new city and declared it the capital ofhis caliphate. The caliph then changed its name co al- Qaherah, meaning “the Victorious." The name was later distorted by Italian travelers to its current English name: Cairo.” Caliph al-Mu‘izz was ftom che beginning intent on creating an imperial capital with an instant sense of history. He brought with him from Tunis three coffins enclosing the remains ofhis predecessorsand ordered their burial inasite close tohis palace. Asheartived in the ity, checaliph led the first public peayer, setting Cairo on the tracks of being the religious and intellectual capital of the ‘Muslim world for years to come.”” The Abbasid caliph’s name was eliminated from all official records and prayers, and new coinage was struck. In place of black, the offical color of the Abbasids, white was ordained. For the first time in thousand years Egypt became a sovereign state headed by one person: the Fatimid caliph who was both a spiritual and a political leader. ORIGINAL ELEMENTS OF FATIMID CAIRO Al-Magrizi’s description of the different urban elements that make up the Fatimid city exceeds a couple of hundred pages, of which a considerable portion is devoted to its palaces. He reports that Jawhar and his forces camped to the south of the site ofal-Qaherah and that they immediately started building the city walls. Al-Maqriai also relates that Jawhar started concurrently the con- struction of the main palace in3s8/969.*" The palace apparently included several