Guilt As A Consequence of Migration

International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies
Int. J. Appl. Psychoanal. Studies (2012)

Published online in Wiley Online Library
(wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/aps.321
Guilt as a Consequence of Migration
CATHERINE WARD AND IRENE STYLES
ABSTRACT
Migration, for some individuals, can be a highly emotional experience. Guilt expressed
by daughters, as a result of leaving parents and family following migration, necessitates
exploration but has been largely neglected in migrant research. This study involved
migrant women from the United Kingdom (UK) to Australia. A cross-sectional design
in a naturalistic setting was used which involved both quantitative (questionnaire) and
qualitative approaches. In total 154 participants completed a questionnaire; however it
is the responses of a subset of 40 women who were interviewed which are reported here.
Bowlby’s (1969) mother–infant attachment theory provided the theoretical framework for
this investigation. Bowlby outlined the reaction to loss of attachment in four stages: it is in
Stage 2 (yearning and pining) that feelings of guilt manifest. Miceli and Castelfranchi’s
(1998) three component model of guilt was used to explore the construct of guilt which
can be associated with one’s behavior, with responsibility for one’s actions, and with the
consequences of that action.
Findings indicated that feelings of guilt, for some of these migrant participants, were
intense and long lasting. Guilt resulted from, firstly, leaving parents in the homeland,
secondly, being the only daughter or the only child and leaving parents in the homeland,
and thirdly, making the attachment between grandparents and grandchildren vulnerable
as a consequence of migration. Results from the study shows that guilt is a powerful
emotion that impacts on the well-being of migrant women and, through them, on their
families. The results also indicate that guilt, on the part of both men and women deserves
more in-depth inquiry to detail the psychological impact on migrants. Copyright © 2012
John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Key words: migration, guilt, attachment theory
INTRODUCTION
Studies have shown that people migrate for a variety of reasons such as improve-
ment in life style, better weather, better work opportunities for themselves and
their children, or to escape, family, persecution and war (Madden & Young,
1993; Pollock, 1981; Richardson, 1974; Ward, 2000). Migration may satisfy

Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. DOI: 10.1002/aps
Ward and Styles
these expectations of a new life however, for some individuals it may bring about
the realization of what they have left behind in the homeland, in particular par-
ents and family (Ward, 2000).
As children grow and gain their independence they move out of the
parental home, however, according to Teaford (1993) as children mature
beyond this initial stage of independence, they tend to move closer, physi-
cally, to their parents, or alternatively, parents will move closer to their
children. It is when a young, newly independent, adult family plans to
migrate that the relationship between parents and adult child can be signif-
icantly challenged. The intense organization required in the process of
migration, means the migrants’ thoughts are focused on their new, perhaps
exciting, life and the challenges of settlement in the new country. Accord-
ing to Ward (2000), in this planning process the consequences of migration
are often not considered so that the realization what they have left behind
in the homeland occurs to the migrants either only at the time of actually
leaving the homeland, or later when parental closeness is missed. Only
when living in a new and distance place does the adult child recognize that
the geographical distance does not permit physical, or in some cases, psycho-
logical closeness. These limitations, therefore, significantly challenge the
child–parent relationship and the inherent responsibilities therein. Distance
makes caring for aging parents an almost impossible task, resulting in the
migrant adult child believing they have failed in their duty (Lewis, 1993).
The adult child may reason that if they had remained in the homeland, they
would be available to care for their aging parents. The guilt they feel as a con-
sequence of failing to care for aging parents is thus linked directly to migration
(Akhtar, 1999).
A study by, Baldassar, Baldock and Lange (1999) proposed that staying in
touch with family members in the homeland can be costly, both financially
and emotionally. Turnbull (1996) reported that for some British migrant women
the isolation and lack of family closeness was so unbearable that they returned to
their homeland. Important to the present study is the plight of those women
who remained in Australia. Certainly, geographical distance can make it impos-
sible to provide physical comfort and support. Baldock (1999) however argued
that it should not be assumed that care-giving is dependent on close proximity.
She has proposed that as parents age the adult child visits the homeland more
frequently and in some cases parents are encouraged to migrate and live with
their adult children. But these options may not be possible for many individuals
where financial constraints and family ties in the adopted country prohibit
frequent or long visits. Furthermore, parents may not wish to leave their home-
land to live in a strange place late in life. Despite the introduction of faster and
cheaper air flights Australia is still considered a remote place for people living on
the other side of the world.
“Homesickness” is one reaction to the perceived loss of parents and family
which is experienced as a grief process (Arredondo-Dowd, 1981; Baier &

Guilt as a consequence of migration
Welch, 1992; Ward, 2000). In line with this perspective, the seminal work by
Bowlby (1969, 1973, 1979), which examined mother–infant attachment and
the subsequent development of the four stages of grieving served as the theoret-
ical framework for the study on the experiences of women migrants from which
this paper derived. The first stage of grieving numbing, can last for a few hours to
a few weeks. Yearning and pining is the next stage when the reality of what has
been lost begins to consciously register. The stage of disorganization and despair
follows, during which the person, believing that nothing can be salvaged of their
life, falls into a state of depression or apathy. Finally, the stage of re-organization
and resolution allows hope for a new beginning and a rebuilding of a new self.
Each of the four stages has specific characteristics related to grieving, however
for this paper, Stage 2 of pining and yearning is the most significant as it is
within this stage that guilt and self-reproach can feature.
Guilt, according to Izard (1991) and Lazarus (1991) is a basic human
emotion which can, in some individuals, invoke self-reproach. People expe-
rience guilt in relation to deeds which they regard as forbidden, with the
intensity of guilt differing between individuals according to race and culture
(Elvin-Nowak, 1999), as well as variations in individuals’ personalities.
Guilt in response to actions, inaction, or situations for which a person feels
personally responsible (Izard, 1991) is, in essence, a belief that the person
has failed themselves or others (Lewis, 1993). The feelings generated
by guilt can be unpleasant and painful for some individuals (Miceli &
Castelfranchi, 1998).
Grinberg and Grinberg (1989) proposed that guilt can be differentiated into
depressive and persecutory guilt. Whether these two types of guilt are evident in
the specific situations migrant women find themselves in is an empirical ques-
tion which is considered in this paper. Miceli and Castelfranchi (1998) offer a
perspective on guilt which may be more pertinent to a migrant situation: these
authors propose three components of this emotion. The first component is the
negative evaluation of one’s behavior (performed action) as injurious or bad.
Even if the transgressive action is unintentional the person feels bad about car-
rying it out. The second component relates to the assumption of responsibility
for their action, that is when the person may reason that they caused it (directly
or indirectly), they had the goal of causing it, or had the power to avoid it.
Similarly, Elvin-Nowak (1999) has proposed that responsibility “seems to be a
prerequisite for the appearance of guilt” (p. 74). The third component, lowering
of one’s moral self-esteem as a consequence of a particular action against
another, results in a negative evaluation of self as the perpetrator. It is this third
component that leads to the uncomfortable or even painful feelings experienced
by the guilt-laden person.
According to Akhtar (1999), in relation to migration guilt can manifest
on a conscious level when the person now enjoys a better standard of living
than family members and friends in their homeland. In this paper, we argue
that the complexity of feelings of guilt and their causes is compounded by

Ward and Styles
geographical distance which can result in loss of attachment or physical close-

ness to parents, and also to grandparents, which may further amplify feelings
of guilt. Thus, for the purpose of this paper the statements of women migrants
to identify possible feelings of guilt and then evaluate whether such feelings
can be explained using Miceli and Castelfranchi’s three components.
In particular, we were interested in whether there was evidence of guilt
associated with loss of attachment with parents remaining in the homeland or
with denying parents a close relationship with grandchildren. We also wished
to determine whether women experience feelings of guilt until they believe their
parents have forgiven them for migrating (a perceived moral transgression).
Lastly, we wanted to examine whether these women, if suffering from feelings
of guilt, were able to forgive themselves or whether feelings of guilt endured over
long periods of time.
METHOD
This paper focuses on part of a larger study which investigated the impact of
migration on 154 British women from the United Kingdom (UK) who had relo-
cated to Australia at some time during the last 40 to 50 years. The study empha-
sized the lack of research on British migrants in general. Reactions included the
possibility of a grief reaction to perceived loss of homeland (homesickness), and
the perception of multiple loss (that is, loss of family, community, and cultural
aspects of the homeland) (Ward, 2000; Ward & Styles, 2003, 2007). However,
here we emphasize only those responses from participants deemed pertinent to
guilt. We note that the study did not set out to study guilt per se: these were
responses which became evident when analyzing statements for other purposes
but which seemed very important in understanding migrant women’s experiences.
The design incorporated a naturalistic, cross-sectional study in which both qual-
itative (semi-structured interview) and quantitative (questionnaire) approaches
were used to elicit the participant women’s perception of, and feelings about the
impact of migration. The results of the qualitative data from the responses of
a subset of 40 women who responded to both the questionnaire and the inter-
view are presented in this paper. The interview questions were developed fol-
lowing a comprehensive review of the literature related to migration, none of
which mentioned guilt. Questions included reasons for migration, attachment
to parent(s), feelings of homesickness, possible grief reactions, strategies to aid
settlement in the new country, and, of particular significance to this paper,
what, if anything, the women missed or felt they had lost as a result of migra-
tion (see Appendix for interview questions).
Participants
If a woman met the following two selection criteria she was invited to partici-
pate in the study; firstly, that she was born and grew up in the UK, and secondly,

that she had children (she may have had her first child in Australia, brought
children with her, or added to the family following migration). Participants were
recruited by distribution of a flyer outlining the study to local libraries, shopping
centers and two universities. A small feature describing the study and inviting
women to participate was placed in three community newspapers. If a volunteer
met the criteria, a questionnaire was sent to her with a reply-paid envelope. If a
volunteer did not meet the criteria, an explanation was given to her and she was
thanked for expressing an interest.
Of the 209 questionnaires distributed, 170 were completed and returned,
making a return rate of 81 percent. Of the returned questionnaires, 16 were
excluded either because they were incomplete or because the woman was very
young when she migrated. Thus, in total, 154 questionnaires were accepted
for the study – a satisfactory return rate of 73.6 percent. Of the 154 participants,
93 (60.3 percent) agreed to be interviewed. Respondents were allocated to one
of seven sub-groups according to the length of time (Residency) the participant
had resided in Australia. In order to provide a balanced perspective (negative
and positive) on the experience of migration, five people from each of the seven
sub-groups were selected on the basis of reporting (in the questionnaire) having
settled, or not, in the new country. Individuals forming this subset of 40 women
were interviewed about their experiences and reactions.
Once contacted, a mutually agreeable time, date, and venue for the interview
were arranged with each selected interviewee. It was emphasized that participa-
tion in the study was voluntary and that confidentiality would be maintained.
The researcher conducted all the interviews bearing in mind that for some
people, recounting their migration experiences might cause distress. Interviews
took approximately 45 minutes to one hour to complete: all were audiotaped
and later transcribed verbatim. Data gathered from the interviews and open
items in the questionnaire were coded by themes and managed using the
Non-numerical Unstructured Data Indexing Searching and Theory Building
(NUD●IST 4) software package (Richards & Richards, 1994).
FINDINGS
For the purpose of his paper findings from the 40 women interviewed are
presented.
Participants had resided in Australia, from less than one year up to
34 years. Ages ranged from 26 to 68 years [mean (M) = 46.9, standard devia-
tion (SD) = 12.12]. There was a cluster of participants between the ages of
35 to 54 years (n = 89, 57.3 percent).
Motivation or reasons to migrate

Table 1 shows the responses of the participants to a question about their rea-
sons for migrating categorized into two major types – lifestyle and social – and

Ward and Styles
several more minor ones. A high proportion of participants selected lifestyle

factors as the primary reasons to migrate, especially better life opportunities
(24 percent, n = 24); a better climate (50 percent, n = 20); an improved family
lifestyle (47.5 percent, n = 19) and clean environment (27.5 percent, n = 11).
The major social factor selected by participants was job opportunities (22.5
percent, n = 9), followed by family reunion (17.5 percent, n = 7). Selection of
“other” accounted for 45 percent (n = 18) of various motivations. Overall
the results show that the motivation to migrate was driven by perceptions
of inadequate lifestyle within the UK, and the improvement in lifestyle that
Australia seemed to offer.
Attachment and attachment figure(s)

Interview data based on questions that related to the participants’ relationships
with their mothers, fathers as attachment figures, up to and just before migrating,
were examined to determine the basis and strength of that relationship. Data
were categorized to determine who the primary attachment figure was at the
time of migration, and how the participant responded to that figure; that is
did they have a close relationship. .
Results indicated that nearly all the participants regarded either their mother
or father as the major attachment figure. Of the 26 women who were deemed to
view their mother as their major attachment figure, only nine (23 percent) con-
sidered they had a close relationship with their mothers. In contrast, 17 (43 per-
cent) participants considered that they did not have a close relationship with
their mother. These women talked about a lack of “closeness” which caused a
difficulty in communicating with their mother. Of the remaining participants,
four (10 percent) identified their father as the major attachment figure with
whom they had a close relationship; whilst three (seven percent) participants
stated they were not close to their father.
Table 1: Responses from total number of participants related to motivation to migrate
Motivation to migrate Number and percentage of participantsa
Lifestyle
Better life opportunities 24 (60)
Climate 20 (50)
Improved family lifestyle 19 (47.5)
Clean environment 11 (27.5)
Social
Job opportunities 9 (22.5)
Family reunion 7 (17.5)
Other (45)
a
Percent shown in parentheses.

Due to the nature of the study there was reliance on retrospective data, there-
fore, it is possible that those participants who had resided in Australia for many
years were unable to recall specific and reliable details of how they felt about
leaving the homeland and parents/family. The newer migrants may have been
able to recount their experiences in clearer terms. However, what mattered were
participants’ judgments of the intensity of their feelings, and the engagement of
the participants with the questions indicated that they still felt strongly about
their experiences.
Guilt was a significant consequence of migration mentioned by many of the
participants in the interview group in relation to loss of attachment to the
homeland. In total, 29 incidences (mean value of 0.73) mentioned by 19
(47.5 percent) participants related to feelings of guilt. Thirteen incidences
(mean value of 0.33) related to feeling guilty at leaving their parents behind
in the homeland, 12 incidences (mean value of 0.3) related to taking grandchil-
dren away from their parents and family, and three incidences (mean value of
0.08) related to the participant being an only daughter and leaving her parents.
Feelings of guilt for some of the women did not emerge until later in life when
they realized what their decision to migrate had done to their mother/parents.
An event which triggered feelings of guilt for some of these women was when
they themselves became grandmothers and realized the wrench their parents
must have felt when parted from their grandchildren. The women in the inter-
view group mentioned that they maintained contact with parents and family in
the homeland by telephone (n = 20, 50 percent), letter (n = 14, 35 percent) and
email (n = 2, five percent).
An attempt was made to identify the two types of guilt mentioned by Ginsberg,
namely persecutory or depressive; however, there was no evidence of persecutory
guilt. Instead of pursuing this as an explanatory framework we used Miceli and
Castelfranchi’s (1998) conceptual framework. Findings from the interview group
are presented in relation to the three components of guilt proposed in that frame-
work: firstly, the negative evaluation of one’s behavior as injurious or bad; secondly,
the assumption of responsibility for one’s behavior; and thirdly, lowering of one’s
moral self-esteem as a consequence.
Negative evaluation of one’s behaviour as injurious or bad

A sense of guilt results from a person’s negative evaluation of a specific action
(Miceli & Castelfranchi, 1998). The following quotes encapsulate the
women’s negative evaluation of their actions in leaving parents and family
in the homeland – actions that were injurious to others or to the self, and
that resulted in a sense of guilt. The first two quotes demonstrate general feelings
of guilt.
Oh guilty, yes definitely guilty those first few years. (7836, resident 14 years)
Felt guilty, very guilty, extremely guilty. (5658, resident 21 years)

Ward and Styles
Some women commented on women feeling guilty no matter what action

they took:
I felt guilty . . . lot to be guilty about. Yes it hurt. I think it [guilt] must be a women thing.
I don’t think men even think about it. I think women feel guilty about everything that
they can feel guilty about. Damned if you do, damned if you don’t. (1604, resident
16 years)
Another woman describes how guilty she felt because she was certain her
family’s leaving resulted in the premature death of her father-in-law:
Oh terrible, absolutely. I honestly think it was probably one of the things that hastened my
father-in-law to death. It took him 18 months to accept . . . (he would) never see them
again. (7505, resident 30 years)
Here, one woman, even after many years, still agonizes over whether her
actions (migrating) were acceptable:
Should we have done it? Should we have come? Should we have taken the children away
from that extended family, grandparents and such? (5658, resident 21 years)
Guilty feelings are also felt in relation to a husband’s family:
We had a big round of goodbyes to do of course and there was an element of guilt as well
because we were leaving Ks parents behind and we could see how that was upsetting them
tremendously, especially his mum. (1126, resident 20 years)
Assume responsibility for action/behavior

Miceli and Castelfranchi’s second component of guilt is that the person has to
feel personally responsible for the “bad” action.
I feel very guilty taking my children away from their relatives. Very guilty. (6790, resident
29 years)
. . . she [mother] gave my elder daughter a big hug and a kiss then she took notice of the
little one, being very aware that she had known the older one first. It was later that I re-
alized what it must have been like and I did go through a lot of guilt very bad, very bad
guilt when it all really hit me that “oh my goodness”. I had always been aware of my chil-
dren’s loss of not having the extended family, but I hadn’t really looked upon it the other
way until everything just caved in around me. (1516, resident 32 years)
Some women noted that geographical distance prohibited provision of

support to parents for which they felt responsible:
I was abandoning them, that was an emotional issue. They had given me everything and I
was just going to take it and fly. (7131, resident 22 years)
Sometimes I felt guilty for leaving. I’m the only daughter of my parents they have four
sons, all of whom live near my parents and visit regularly. (1604, resident 16 years)

The responsibility for denying grandparents physical access to grand children

is evident here:
I felt a bit guilty because I was taking away their grandchildren, but at the same time I had
to think of their life as a family as well as my own. (1816, resident 15 years)
I felt guilty and I said how can I leave them [parents] how can I take their only grand-
daughter away from them. (2502, resident 1.6 years)
There is also responsibility for depriving children of their grandparents:
. . . she was only a baby when we brought her out here she was only five but when I tried to
discipline her she cried for nanna – so that was hard and its always been hard on the kids
cos they’ve not had you know . . . [participant cries]. (7937, resident 18 years)
They [children] don’t know what it’s like to have a granddad and grandma permanent they
don’t know about that [participant crying]. (1033, resident seven years)
Lowering of one’s moral self-esteem as a consequence

Having identified that they are the perpetrator of the action which injured
others (and the self), .the person experiences feelings in regard to the self, such
as remorse, sadness, shame, and selfishness. They may think they have made
loved ones feel abandoned, unloved, or betrayed.
I felt very sad actually that she was so hurt and disappointed. I felt very guilty I suppose.
(1021, resident 11.5 years)
. . . felt like we were betraying them in a way, made us feel guilty, selfish almost. (4115, res-
ident, 2.5 months)
Felt like we were betraying them in a way – made us feel guilty. (3425. resident 10 years)
I felt my parent might think that I didn’t love them that’s why I left. I am finally con-
vinced that I didn’t do it because I never loved them. So I felt a bit of guilt for years. I
had that for a long time. (1058, resident 17 years)
I was abandoning them. They were only 50 [years old], I mean it wasn’t a health issue. I
was abandoning them, that was an emotional issue. They had given me everything and
I was just going to take it and fly. (7131, resident 22 years)
Feelings such as anger and resentment focused towards others, such as part-
ners who may have instigated the action (migration), may also be apparent –
and can also undermine self-esteem.
I resent the fact that I can’t go home. I resent the fact that my kids don’t know my
parents and I suppose in a way I probably feel a bit guilty about that as well. (3425,
resident 10 years)
I’d have great feelings of anger, sadness and not to mention guilt when I think of what I
put them through during a period that was traumatic enough. (2502, resident 1.6 years)

Ward and Styles
It was evident from some statements that women were trying to cope with
the guilt in different ways, for example, by ignoring guilty feelings or by viewing
themselves as deserving to feel bad or to have things go wrong as a punishment
for their actions:
I suppressed my feelings as I am an only child and did not want to leave my parents be-
hind. (2502, resident 1.6 years)
Leaving my mum especially was the worst and after 24 years and her death the feelings are
there, perhaps I don’t want them to go away. (4238, resident 24 years)
I felt a lot of guilt from taking my son away from his family in England. I know my son is
too young to miss them but I know how much our families are missing him. I also worry
about any health problems the family may have in England. I feel if anything goes wrong
it is my punishment for leaving them. (4155, resident 2.5 years)
Analysis of data in relation to the age of the participants, years of residency,

and motivation to migrate, did not reveal differences in the type or intensity of
guilt experienced by these women according to these factors. There were also no
discernable differences in regard to major attachment figures or the quality of
that attachment, however, because the larger study did not seek to specifically
assess type or strength of attachment, further studies should undertake a more
detailed investigation of the impact of these elements on guilt feelings.
DISCUSSION
Findings from this study show that guilt is a pervading, punishing and a long
lasting emotion. The expression of guilt by so many of the respondents was un-
expected as was the extent of the emotion which seemed complex, and deeply
rooted. Lin and Rogerson (1995) observe that when daughters migrate they con-
tinue to nurture emotional ties to their family in the homeland, especially close
family. There is a societal expectation that daughters in adulthood will continue
to have close emotional ties to the family and are expected to help more than
sons (Lin & Rogerson, 1995). Thus if, as a result of migration, a woman believes
she has not fulfilled her obligation to care for her parents as they age, guilt will
manifest. The initial act of migration, leaving parents behind and having
deprived their children of knowing their grandparents, results in long-term guilt
feelings which weigh heavy on the mind. Baldock (1999) has also concluded
that as both daughter and parents age the emotional turmoil that occurs can
be, especially for the daughter, most distressing. The geographical distance
between her homeland and the adopted country, and subsequent allegiance to
her family in Australia, aggravates the situation.
According to Bowlby (1979) there is a “supposition that guilt is intrinsic to
mourning” (p. 8): it is proposed here that for the migrant women in this study
this mourning with its attendant feelings of guilt, relates directly to the

consequences of migration. For the women in the present study, guilt was related
to a number of factors, firstly, leaving their parents in the homeland; secondly,
taking their children away from grandparents and family; thirdly, depriving their
children of their extended family; and, fourthly, not being close by parents as
they age. . Migrant women may feel they have “transgressed” against their
parents, their wider family and even their own children by willfully leaving
them.
Analysis of responses did not reveal evidence of depressive and persecutory guilt
(Grinberg & Grinberg, 1989), however the three components of guilt proposed by
Miceli and Castelfranchi (1998) was a valuable tool in explaining the reason for
guilt experienced by the women. These authors also provide strategies to overcome
this pervading emotion and propose the person should make amends for their per-
ceived transgression, since not doing so only “sharpens the original sense of guilt”
(p. 307). According to Miceli and Castelfranchi (1998) making amends is a means
to reconcile the transgression, however for these women the transgression is multi-
faceted and not only involves them but their children, parents and family. For
many of them, no reparation such as reuniting the family was possible. No woman
in this study mentioned reparation, thus feelings of guilt in some cases remained
after more than 20 years. Perhaps these women did not perceive that they deserved
forgiveness after the injury they had caused.
Morokvasic (1981) stresses that attention should be given to pertinent issues
which are exclusive to women that could otherwise remain unresearched and
unanalyzed, resulting in vital information remaining undiscovered. We
propose, however, that future research could investigate whether migrant men
experience the same level of guilt, and for the same reasons, as the participants
in this study. The findings from this study demonstrate that guilt expressed by
migrant women as a consequence of leaving the homeland, parents and family
deserves further research to determine what impact this pervading emotion
may have on a person’s ability to make amends as well as its impact on the
psychological well-being of the migrant.
APPENDIX: A SAMPLE OF THE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS
Decision
Was it a gradual decision over time (to migrate) or did something or someone
influence you?
Whose decision was it initially to go?
Leaving the homeland

Can you describe your feelings when you were preparing to leave your “home”?
How do you now feel about the decision to move?
Reaction to leaving
What was the reaction of your family to your move?

Ward and Styles
What was the reaction to taking your children away?

What impact do you think your migration had on the family?
Relationship
Did you have a good relationship with your mother/father?
Impressions of Australia
What was your first impression of Australia?
What was your first impression of Australians?
Racism
Was there any incidence of racism toward you or your family?
Can you recall any culture shock when you first arrived?
Stressful times
When you first migrated can you recall any stressful times?
Did you feel lonely or trapped?
Belonging
Do you have a sense of belonging to Australia? If so, do think it was gradual or
did it occur at a specific time?
Homesick
Have you ever felt homesick? If so, how do you overcome the feelings?
Perception of self
Do you think the process of migration has changed you? In what way?
Old and new friends

Did you have a good circle of friends in the homeland?
How do your old friends differ from your new friends?
Childrearing
Can you tell me what it was like caring for a newborn?
When you had your baby who helped you before and after the birth?
Were you ever “blue” following the birth?
Child settlement
When you decided to come here do you think that the children understood
what was happening?

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Ward and Styles
Catherine Ward, PhD,

Notre Dame University, Fremantle, 6160, Western Australia, Australia
Catherine.ward@nd.edu.au
Irene Styles, PhD,

Graduate School of Education and Pearson Psychometric Center, University of
Western Australia Crawley, 6009, Western Australia, Australia
irenestyles@uwa.edu.au


Guilt As A Consequence of Migration

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International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies

Int. J. Appl. Psychoanal. Studies (2012)