SCHOOL OF CULTURAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH UNIVERSITY OF WALES TRINITY ST DAVID LAMPETER Anglo-Saxon Heroic Literature CSEN7028 20-Credit, Level 7, MA Tutor: William MarxSCHOOL OF CULTURAL STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH UNIVERSITY OF WALES TRINITY SAINT DAVID LAMPETER Anglo-Saxon Heroic Literature 20 Credits, Level 7, MA ‘Tutor: Dr William Marx INTRODUCTION Module aims ‘The aims of this module are: * To explore a central issue of Anglo-Saxon cultural history, namely how in theit literature the Anglo-Saxons accommodated the heroic with Christianity * To encourage independent study of a range of primary texts from the Anglo- Saxon period * To develop the skills to read critically and to formulate judgements about literary and historical writing, and to use the results of the critical investigation of the primary materials to produce substantial arguments and interpretations of a range of Anglo-Saxon texts. Module objectives ‘Anglo-Saxon’ is the name given to the historical petiod extending from the fifth to the cleventh century, although these boundaries must be regarded as flexible. At the beginning of the petiod the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were essentially pagan but there is evidence of some contact with and knowledge of Christianity. The systematic conversion of the Anglo-Saxons began at the end of the sixth century through the work of Augustine of Canterbury. This module aims to explore how the literature of the Anglo- Saxons reflects their conversion to Christianity, and how there developed a distinctive literary idiom that combined aspects of Christian doctrine with the heroic culture of the Anglo-Saxons. ‘The ‘heroic’ is a central theme in the literature of Anglo-Saxon England. It is used in the literature of warfare such as The Batt of Maldon, but also has an important place in religious and meditative writing where the heroic ethic is debated and redefined in a Christian context. The text in which the heroic comes under most scrutiny is Beowuf, which is used as a focal point for the course. The text offers a subtle and perceptivesynthesis of Christian ideals and heroic values which the coutse aims to draw out. All the literary texts studied wete written in the vernacular of Anglo-Saxon England, known to modern scholars as ‘Old English’, and the module aims to give you some experience of the language through the use of parallel texts, where the original is closely translated in Modern English. Learning outcomes You will be expected to work independently, and the assessment for the module is intended to encourage the investigation of literary and historical texts, and the formulation of judgements and critical points of view. Your written work will be expected to show evidence of critical analysis of the material and the ability to develop an argument or series of arguments covering a number of the texts studied for the module. Module structure This module is divided into nine units. The notes to each unit provide an introduction to the topic and the texts under discussion, and give some guidance to the questions and issues that surround each unit of material. ‘There are bibliographies and reading lists for each unit. 1 Anglo-Saxon History and Society: Who were the Anglo-Saxons? 2 Anglo-Saxon History and Society: ‘The Introduction of Christianity, Literacy, and the Bonds of Society 3 King Oswald of Northumbria 4 The Heroic and Battle Literature 5 The Dream of the Rood 6 The Wanderer 7 Beowulf I: Introduction; Grendel and Beowulf 8 Beowulf Il: “The Fight at Finnsbuth’ and ‘The Finnsburh Fragment’ 9 Beowulf III: The Dragon Episode Texts For each unit the module reader contains primary texts, all of which are in Modern English translations. ‘The translations from Anglo-Saxon are my own. I have provided in parallel the Anglo-Saxon or ‘Old English’ texts for those who may wish to investigate the original formulations. For Beowaff the set edition is by Michael Swanton which contains the Old English text and a parallel translation. This is the best edition for students coming to Beowulf for the first time.Introductory reading ‘The reading list that accompanies Unit 1 contains titles of general interest. Bruce Mitchell’s An Invitation to Old English and Anglo-Saxon England contains much useful background on the literature and the period itself presented in a succinct form. Martin Welch’s Anglo-Saxon England, written for English Heritage, is a sound introduction to some of the general themes of Anglo-Saxon history and culture, as ate Dorothy Whitelock’s The Beginnings of English Sociehy and David Wilson’s The Anglo-Saxons. The latter two titles are now quite old, but valuable and worth reading. Nicholas Higham’s Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons is dense but useful for its contribution to more recent debates on the nature of Anglo-Saxon identity. Essay topics ‘Written work for assessment must total 5,000 words. ‘This may take the form of one OR two essays chosen from the topics listed below, or an alternative topic or topics agreed with the tutot for this module. Draft essays may be submitted to the tutor for this module for informal advice and comment prior to formal submission. Essays are to be submitted by way of Moodle. They will be assessed along with other work submitted for the Medieval Studies MA and will be considered at the MA examination board which meets twice each year with the external examiner. For the essay(s) you are advised to show a range of reading from the primary texts; however, you may concentrate on TWO of the literary texts. Beowuffis the exception and the essay may concentrate on this text alone where appropriate. 1. ‘Although it is the product of a thoroughly Christian culture, there is in Anglo- Saxon literature a tension between Christianity and pre-Christian heroic culture.” Discuss 2. In what ways would it appear that Anglo-Saxon literature adapted and modified heroic culture to its own ends? Is it possible to refer to the emergence of a ‘new (Christian) heroism’? 3. In Anglo-Saxon literature, does Christianity have the effect of compromising ideas about the heroic? 4, Battle is the traditional site for heroic action. Discuss some of the ways in which Anglo-Saxon literature uses ideas of battle. 5. In the light of the texts you have read for this module, what, for the Anglo- Saxons, constitutes a heroic figure? Jover6. Inwhat ways, if at al, is it possible to think of Beovulfas a narrative with a Christian design and purpose? 7. ‘Beowulf fanctions as a critique of the heroic’ Discuss. Contact details I can be contacted by e-mail (wmarx@uwtsd.acuk) ot by post at the Department of English, School of Cultural Studies, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, Lampeter, Ceredigion, SA48 TED. William MarxUNIT 1 ‘Anglo-Saxon History and Society: Who Were the Anglo-Saxons? The questions with which | would like to begin are these: who were the Anglo- Saxons? What do we mean by the term or label Anglo-Saxon? What does it mean to speak of Anglo-Saxon England? These questions raise issues about what constituted the Anglo-Saxon peoples? Our sense of the geography of Anglo-Saxon England is that it excludes the Celtic regions of Wales, Scotland and the Cornish peninsula. And this is often how Anglo-Saxon England is defined in ethnic terms as well; that is, Anglo-Saxon England is said to have comprised the non-Celtic peoples, or excluded the Celtic peoples. There has been a tendency to see a rigid boundary between Anglo-Saxon society and culture on the one hand, and Celtic society and culture on the other. In terms of a time-span, Anglo-Saxon England is usually said to cover the period from the mid 5th century to the mid 11th century, that is to 1066, the Norman Conquest following the defeat and death of the last Anglo-Saxon king. These are crude boundaries, and reflect political considerations more than cultural ones, but they are useful. This time-span is what separates us from the reign of Richard I and the world of Chaucer, the late 14th century. So, using even the crude boundaries in time from the mid 5th century to the mid 11th century, the period of time known traditionally as Anglo-Saxon England is a very long one indeed The purpose of this Unit and the next (Unit 2) is to examine three themes, (i) the political trends of the period, (ii) the most important cultural and social development to affect Anglo-Saxon England, namely the coming of Christianity, and (iii) some aspects of the social structure of Anglo-Saxon society. Political trends Sometime after the year 410 AD there began the withdrawal of the Roman legions from Britain, This was one effect of the gradual weakening and deterioration of the Roman Empire in Europe. The effect of the withdrawal of the Roman legions and the Roman military presence and to some extent its administration - butit is mainly 1the withdrawal of the army which is important ~ left Britain and the British society prey to attack and internal disruption. The picture that archaeologists have developed for us of late Roman Britain is one in which, to varying degrees, the native Celtic population, the Britons or the British, had become significantly, some would say thoroughly, Romanized, These are the people we call the Romano- British. They would have been fluent in Latin and would have received a Roman- style education in rhetoric, literature, and law. This kind of Romano-British society was most fully developed in the lowland regions of Britain, that is, mainly in the east and the south. The highland regions such as Wales, and the north were only marginally Romanized, and, of course, the northern boundary of Roman Britain was fixed at Hadrian’s wall which was a defensive line extending from Newcastle to Carlisle. The highland regions such as Wales retained much of their native Celtic language, culture and social organization. The Romano-British of the lowland regions of Britain, those who were Latin speaking and very Roman in outlook, formed a type of aristocracy; they lived in villas, and were also urban dwellers. Their role as leaders was that of landowners and administrators and lawyers. Romano-British society of the lowland region was characterized by a high level of bureaucracy, it seems, and in such a society it was useful for a leader to be well versed in the law. What the lowland Romano-British leadership were not were warriors or military leaders. In this society the leadership had ceased to be a military elite as well; that function had become a specialized function of the Roman army. So, with the withdrawal of the Roman army, the lowland Romano-British had no army to call upon to defend themselves against invaders or sporadic attacks. Significantly, however, the highland regions of Roman Britain, such as, indeed especially, Wales, which had never adopted a fully Roman way of life or social structure, were relatively quickly able to re-establish, if they had ever really abandoned, the native tribal social structure in which the leadership was a military leadership. This, archaeologists and historians argue, explains why Wales survived ‘s0 successfully for so long as an independent social and political group. The Celtic people in Wales were much more successful than their counterparts in lowland Britain in maintaining their self-identity. The Welsh had retained, or quickly redeveloped, a military elite and social organization which supported it - essentiallya tribal, military society. In the lowlands, the situation was much different; with only an administrative elite, there was no effective military leadership or defence. It is in this kind of context that the Anglo-Saxons first make their appearance in written history. Archaeologists may tell us a different story, but we will look first at written history. The coming of the Anglo-Saxons to Britain is documented in a famous work by the monk Bede; he is known as the Venerable Bede and was a monk at the monastery at Jarrow, in Northumbria, near present-day Newcastle. His most famous work of historical writing is known in English as the History of the English Church and People. This he wrote in Latin and completed it in 733. It is important to remember that Bede was an Anglo-Saxon, that he was writing about what he thought were the origins and development of his own people, and that he was writing almost 300 years after the coming of the Anglo-Saxons to Britain Consciously or unconsciously, Bede was writing from the point of view of an ‘Anglo-Saxon and his work aims to justify the progress of the Anglo-Saxon peoples. To some extent Bede has been responsible for fostering a myth about the origins of Anglo-Saxon England: See DOCUMENT 1: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book one, chapter 15. — see first paragraph Bede characterizes the original Anglo-Saxons as mercenary soldiers who had been invited by the British to protect them against their enemies from the north, the Picts. Bede also has something to say about the origins of the newcomers: DOCUMENT 1: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book one, chapter 15 — see second paragraph Bede identifies the continental homeland of these peoples as that of the Germanic tribes, and he paints a picture of Anglo-Saxon tribes as settlers, not merely invaders. The conclusions that nineteenth-century historians of Anglo-Saxon England drew from Bede was that Anglo-Saxon England began as a mass migration from the Germanic continental homeland to Britain, and that the Anglo-Saxons gradually displaced the native Celtic peoples, the British. In this account there was a mass movement of peoples within Britain as well, as the Celtic peoples, or the nativepritish, were gradually driven westward and re-established themselves in Wales and Cornwall and elsewhere in the west of Britain. This may be the picture that Bede wanted to promote or indeed the way he understood the origins and development of the Anglo-Saxons ~ the myth or view of the past with which he himself had grown up. Certainly this reading of his account of the arrival and settlement of the Anglo-Saxons in Britain, along with other meagre sources for the period, gave rise in the 19th century and 20th century to what has become known as the Germanist myth of the origins of Anglo-Saxon England; namely, that the ethnic origin of the founders of England was essentially Germanic and therefore quite distinct from the Celtic ethnic groups. This is a powerful myth and has strongly effected the self- identity of England and Britain, that Britain is made up of two distinct founding ethnic groups, the Germanic peoples and the Celtic peoples, and that England (as distinct from Britain) was Germanic in origin. This view of the origins of Anglo-Saxon England may be based on a too uncritical reading of the sources. A written source much earlier than Bede is the work of Gildas, who was also a monk, but a British monk, who, In around 540, wrote a work highly critical of his own people and the way they had lost political control of the country. Here he tries to assign the blame for the decline of the British; is work is entitled The Ruin of Britain. Gildas was writing from a Celtic viewpoint and some 100 years after the coming of the Anglo-Saxons, so there are severe limitations to his work as well. His style is also highly rhetorical, so we are never certain how accurate he aims to be. Here is how he describes the coming of the Anglo-Saxons: See DOCUMENT 1: Gildas, The Ruin of Britain, chapters 23 and 24. What Gildas describes here is first the invitation to the Saxons to come to Britain as mercenaries, and then, in a piece of telescoping, he refers to the revolt of the ‘Anglo-Saxons against their British overlords or employers, so that the Anglo-Saxons begin to take over political power through their military superiority. The significant aspect of the account of Gildas is that there is no mention of migration and settlement of Germanic peoples from the continental homeland on a large scale. His picture is more one of a military take-over. In this respect, Gildas can be said to contradict Bede ~ or the historic myth that is based on Bede - who seems to 4give us a picture of mass migration and settlement. Who is right? 1 should say that not all historians have accepted the Germanist view of mass migration and settlement, but it is really the discipline of archaeology which has changed the picture of the settlement period. Archaeo- logical research has developed the theory, with varying degrees of confidence, that the coming of the Anglo-Saxons to Britain was not a migration of Germanic people on the grand scale that has been traditionally assumed, a migration that would have included military personnel as well as farmers, but something more like a military take-over by a relatively small group of leaders of high-status, what we might think of as aristocratic warleaders. The Germanic culture was one in which the leadership was a military elite, and, so the theory goes, over time this Germanic military elite displaced the Romano-British leadership or aristocracy, which was non-military and could not defend itself. In this theory the number of Anglo-Saxons involved in the take-over is relatively small, a few thousand by some estimates, mostly high-status people with military skills and inclinations; these developed aristocratic households on the Germanic model of the hall (as described in Beowu/f) with its related buildings. These people were not farmers, but because of their status within the society, they were in a position to purchase or exchange for the agricultural surplus. In this view the Romano-British villa and urban settlement gave way to the hall-complex. But, what of the native Celtic or British population? One of the arguments against the notion of a small scale military take-over has always been linguistic: after all, in England, English, not Welsh, is spoken, and place-names in England are largely Anglo-Saxon. There are almost no place-names which are of Celtic or British origin until we reach the western parts of England. This evidence of place- names has been thought to confirm the theory of mass migration which obliterated native Celtic sites and evidence of settlement. The theory or view that has been developed to account for the idea of a high-status military take-over by a relatively small group of Anglo-Saxons argues that the Celtic population, apart from its leadership, remained largely in place and largely intact. In other words, the theory argues that there was no mass displace- ment of Celtic peoples to the west, but rather a high degree of stability andcontinuity among the majority of the population, that is, farmers and peasants - those who worked the land. The new Germanic elite was successful in bringing stability and establishing social organization at a high level. What happened then was that the native Celtic peoples underwent a process of acculturation; the verb is acculturize. These terms are used by archaeologists and social historians. There are a number of historical examples to support this theory. The argument is that, in the case of Anglo-Saxon England, the Celtic or British peoples gradually adopted ‘Anglo-Saxon culture and language; thet is, they effectively became Anglo-Saxons. The evidence of place-names is explained away by the argument that the evidence we have for place-name records (as distinct from the place-names themselves) is relatively late, well after the settlement period, and that Celtic place-names have been obscured by translation in Anglo-Saxon. What look like Anglo-Saxon place- names frequently mask what were originally Celtic place-names. This view is widely held now by archaeologists and historians of the settlement period. Its implications for the self-identity of the English are enormous, for it argues that the English are not largely ethnically Germanic but Celtic, and that in terms of ethnic roots, there are more similarities than differences between the Ce we need to think of the term or label ‘Anglo-Saxon’ as a cultural term, not an peoples and the peoples of England. From our point of view, it means that ethnic one. Anglo-Saxon England could be said to have developed a distinctive culture based on the contributions of Celtic people and 2 Germanic military elite. Eventually, it is argued, Celtic peoples became absorbed into this hybrid Anglo- Saxon culture and came to assume positions of power and influence ~ perhaps after only a few generations. This view of the origins of Anglo-Saxon England has important implications for how we read its literature and look at its material culture. We need to be open to the mixture of contributions to the culture Another implication is that when we look at Anglo-Saxon history, we are looking at political expansion and conflict, not necessarily ethnic expansion and conflict. In the initial stages, of course, the leadership was Germanic. Document 2: MAP MAP |: 660 Here we can see the political expansion of Anglo-Saxon England by around 660. 6You can see that the Cornish Peninsula still remained British or Celtic. Beginning in the north we can see the emergence of the large kingdom of Northumbria, The kingdom comprised two more ancient regions, Bernicia which was centred on Bamburgh in present-day Northumberland, and the southern kingdom of Deira, based on York. These two names are in fact British, and indicate ancient Celtic kingdoms. The two were united but occasionally exhibited the tendency to split apart in times of political crisis, as they did, for instance, after the death in battle of king Edwin. Further to the south, we can see the existence of the British kingdom of Elmet, the area around present-day Leeds, which was taken over by Northumbria in the latter part of the 7th century. In the area round the Wash, there is a clearly discernible political group known as the East Angles, bounded to the south by the East Saxons, and further south still, by Kent. To the west of Kent lay the area controlled by the South Saxons and the West Saxons. In the central part of the country we can see a variety of tribal distinctions = the Middle Saxons, Middle Angles, Hwicce, and Magonsaete. The political conquest and take-over by these peoples were determined in large measure by geographical factors, The settlement of Northumbria, for example, was made from the sea, while the East Angles penetrated the rivers flowing to the Wash. The importance of geographical factors is illustrated by the fact that, whereas Kent was the first Anglo-Saxon kingdom to be converted to Christianity, its near neighbour of Sussex was not converted for another 50 years, the two being separated by the almost impenetrable weald, meaning ‘densely forested area’, ‘The names for political and social groups in Anglo-Saxon England very often sound like names with which we are familiar. The modern name Sussex is a development of the tribal name, South Saxons. Bede was able to speak of Northumbria as the home of the people living north of the river Humber. East ‘Analia refers to the East Angles and this region was divided into two parts, Norfolk, that is, the North Folk or people, and Suffolk, that is, the South Folk or people.‘And many of the regional place-names used today are survivals of Anglo-Saxon place-names. Document 2: MAP I During the course of the 8th and 9th centuries, the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms vied among themselves for supremacy in the island. Bede mentions the existence of an ‘Anglo-Saxon overlord, what the English called the Bretwalda. This term may in origin have been used to designate ruler of Britain, that is, one king who held overlordship over the others. The kings named by Bede as overlords or Bretwaldas were from the South and West Saxons, Kent and East Anglia, followed by 3 kings of Northumbria. In the latter case, the power of Northumbria was constantly being challenged and the period was one of endemic warfare. By the late 8th century we can see the emergence of the Heptarchy, the 7 kingdoms of: (i) Northumbria (which you can see has spread its domain to the west coast), (ii) East Anglia, (ii) Essex, liv) Kent, (v) Sussex, (vi) Wessex (which was beginning to take over the Cornish Peninsuala), (vii) Mercia. Mercia was a coalescence of the Midlands people mentioned earlier, and under king Offa (757- 96) established its ascendancy in central England. Docment 2: MAP 3 By the time of Offa’s death in 796, two threats were emerging: (i) the gro’ g power of Wessex, under king Egbert, and li) the beginning of Viking raids on the east coast of Britain. The Viking attacks were sporadic and took place over a long period. In the course of time, the Vikings became intent on settlement. Beginning in 865, the iking army made a concerted attack on Northumbria, Mercia and East Anglia, and successive defeats of the Anglo-Saxons led to the partition of the country and the establishment of what became known as the Danelaw. As you can see, the Vikings were concentrated in the Norse kingdom of York, Danish Mercia, and East Anglia. Among the Anglo-Saxons, Wessex became predominant, and under king Alfred (who ruled from 871-899) and his successors led the counter attack. The Viking attacks, and the growth of Wessex as the dominant power in Anglo-Saxon England, were among the factors that led to the emergence of a kingdom of England. From the late 10th century the Viking invasions became aimed at theconquest of England. The Battle of Maldon was fought in 991, and represents still the phase in which the Vikings were raiding the country. But raiding gave way to the desire for military and political conquest. There was a period of fighting between the Anglo-Saxons under Athelred the Unready and Svein Fork-beard, king of Denmark. The result is that in 1016 Cnut who was king of Denmark became also king of England. Some time after that he became king of Norway as well. There is therefore an inter-connection between Denmark and Norway which has one effect of making certain Danes and Norwegian rulers think that they have 4 claim to the throne of England. MAP 4: England under Edward the Confessor England was ruled by Danish kings, Cnut and his sons, from 1016 until 1042, In Document 1042 the line of the kings of Wessex was restored in the person of Edward the Confessor, son of Ethelred the Unready, who since 1016 had lived in exile in Normandy. Edward was king of England, but the ancient names of Northumbria, Wessex, East Anglia, and Mercia remained, no longer as kingdoms but as the territories governed on the king’s behalf by his poerful earls. ‘The next section, ‘Introduction Il’, takes up those other themes mentioned at the beginning, literacy and learning, and the coming of Christianity, and some aspects of the social organization of Anglo-Saxon England.ano) seq wmsmoy fq “101 soup uonns-opuy 5.37048 Ano) Ua pig ‘sump ya PIO “WREATH P1030 ajsetear03 sour oy 5 SLL) “(Hs 3H} “6564 “AMNO) “OmeeaUD YUBuE PIO “eeswEED “Y sxemmeap () sSensuey (6y00q umo2a) Ga}209 uenfua fo sBumanog mur “POKTUS AOI (ayd weoqog) suorms-op8uy 24 "NOSTAS PAE. “(qt ‘wopu) Beran weag ‘Pui HORS OFEUY “AOI ORIEN [resin Apmnoped ae aa pus uo sandy aE Jo _guaweraes, vowws-of8uy ay yo dansenb a UO sas HELD yo zoe 369 25 LL) “(2661 ‘kawag ‘woo siiamag jo Aojoomasy MUL ‘SUOMI cLPuy my pur, mona “muon, “RHEL SION ‘Suqpean Exepuoms IFN (wompopy) sarzpungy aur ‘spa “sone EV puE Bom gL (Goreng pre lawaqomep) pooy ayy fo woaicl #3 (aid “sj00q winnag) and pun youmic we dus 2 Qysresqug) sepTEAA) SOBSEID TeAAIPON seUOMEUTNN coo ‘yowppena :ps0;x0) penn uoxns-o13uy 3 YoU PIO fo woRnAU Uy “THAN SOI (ag6t “Te; :psopro) womupe uy “YsNBuG FIO oF apm ¥ “wosugEY “D POHL Poe OUI son% amyezay uoxes-oj#ay WO ypo madi 230 ottos yo 15 5 8H01 sar as ae Vaioeg Jo worsysuEN pre Wo AMaVAOOTIAEE ‘9NELRIM DOE NOXYS-OTONY‘e10'Tre 39a TTS ‘ym po aameiayy ‘ASojosaare “kzos uoxws-o7Fay 30 odes yo afte opus 60 sojpzesujeaa fectponed smn :ZL6} wos ‘pUnysue woXTS-OFBU sreappowaa Cover ‘vopao) uo uy woxns-op8uy :puortut Jo Surre uy {RT "8oRUE'D 09g-059 57009 odO8 Aoprsu a 3 OF tosenC WDA "UORAPHET ALO ner sowmayueyy) annadsad wow 0 sy woxmg-of8uy ‘TeMPOC A'S (Conor ‘amasnyy UsHIE 24 GopION) OLIN days oof Wein HAL HEA aE HATE (eR6r ‘puOsxO) suoms-op8uy UE" (eu6t "CES eye ey, -OpUOT) ups PEE “yoogpIay w stDHNIG-dS ooET woHNS > * (6161, ‘wopRUD) onupau pun Susep ‘dys aun ‘punostyoog ‘suowsaox2 =] 708 “yoUNdys oop ong ay “prapIyA-SORIE COLGI 2SPRquED) puopBiEy Nowns-oFUy OF wo}OMpo.A Uy nosy MEN SLL *HORLOT) 9501-996 Luv uoxos-ouy fo 289 wapiog a4L ‘39 ‘SISK SHETT "FUIML, “HC “SPIRE THE SE Teng 2 pe AHoyoeNDy purig uo%ws: siugauoq pu suosoman, aamsnoar sy PIO #93 "TPE BE ST>NAIS cust “sopuery a8i24 onder Pio “Feddns VL aie ‘vopLeT) Kaoog wud PIO fo RimauBong Pun 317 AUE "AEE "DEES Catt "wopaOT) Lao Yeu ape Pum snus PIO “URsHEed PC ‘Gust “wope0") woMoPeuddo 1 soso :huoog omms-ofuy ‘sp9 ‘sat4 FUSE SH0}0C. pa “a sr] kazog wna P10 fo uBtsop 24s wo sSosse anol soy fo aN seca sbi Pio medion usnSug PIO 0% woumdwe aBpuqueny ayy *sp> ‘Bf Coast “Temsperd‘DIORO) psa wows FBuy uowoyt “Te SEMEN Money waayy 2K ysiug PIO “pe ‘paar “dW oust ‘stonqunea) Lavog nda pio fo seuBooup uo ssoanos ‘spa “we ‘AsosE pus ammyessyyy uous s8 “sou woe Wy “aN, oe ONE any} womms-BuY EMCO YELP) HE IO Jo soueUOHIN propos a, "UI W9POHY ob “piaty Jo woudoanap ap savnsuoUtep GZO aM) 'erEH “yo Gur "81D “HE ainda yoni a fo Aiosy ¥ IOOKE TD Bonu venti np Jo Kuosig ¥ “B00 DV ‘qd weoqpa) 9¥oniay mp “an04 wO=RNS eanmpey) a8om3uo7 Sus. aur, "wat “TD ottog yo L0H (1)UNIT 2 Anglo-Saxon History and Society: The coming of Christianity, Literacy; and the Bonds of Society Literacy and Learning Most of the literature written in Old English - Anglo-Saxon literature ~ survives in the dialect of the region or kingdom of Wessex, what is called the West-Saxon dialect. Many of the surviving texts were undoubtedly composed in other parts of ‘Anglo-Saxon England; scholars can say this because of internal evidence and evidence from language. King Alfred was king of Wessex between 871 and 899, during the period of Scandinavian invasion and settlement in the region of the north east of Anglo-Saxon England known as the Danelaw. Wessex was the most powerful and cohesive Anglo-Saxon political unit. King Alfred was a great patron of literature and of historical writing. He encouraged the work that made up the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle and translations of important Latin works into Old English. The political stability of Wessex allowed for the production and preservation of literature, whereas the political state of the rest of Anglo-Saxon England was probably detrimental to the preservation and survival of texts. So it is to Wessex that we owe the survival of the bulk of writing in Old English. King Alfred took part in the production and dissemination of writing in Old English, and there survives in Old English some original works and translations that are attributed to him. | think we can assume that Alfred was literate, but whether he was able to handle the work of translation without some help is open to question. His preface to one of the translations attributed to him, gives us some insight into the general state of literacy and learning in 9th-century Wessex. He refers to what he perceives as the devastation brought about by the Scandinavian invasion and settlement, and links this to the decline, even the disappearance of literacy and learning Document 4: King Alfred’s Preface to his translation of the "Pastoral Care" This passage is useful as an indication of the status of Old English: Latin is the high status language of learning, but English is a worthy substitute. We can seein some of the prose writings from the period that the English language is being stretched to accommodate new concepts of philosophy and science as well as theology, and in this way the language grows and expands its range of discourse. English is being made to do the job of Latin, and by the end of the Anglo-Saxon period it is a serious rival to Latin as a literary language. This passage also indicates the initiative of the royal house in promoting the use of English. The king is assisted by churchmen (the various priests named), but King Alfred is the one who promotes literacy beyond the narrow confines of the literate church hierarchy. We have a glimpse in this document of an important initiative by the king to promote literacy and learning in English. As we can see, however, the church made the major contribution to the production and survival of texts. This issue should be seen in a wider context, that is, the question of literacy. It was at one time fashionable to say that most, if not all, Anglo-Saxon poetry was the result of oral composition, that is, it had originated and had been transmitted through an oral tradition. In this theory, the manuscripts of Anglo-Saxon poetry that have come down to us are seen as merely records of this type of composition; that is, they do not represent any significant literate compositions in themselves. While | do not want to deny that some poems probably had their roots in an oral tradition - most narrative poetry does, if you trace it back far enough - we must not rule out the importance of the tradition of literacy in preserving these texts by committing them to writing. And | would want to argue that the literature we have - for example Beowulf ~ reflects a literary shaping of raw materials that descended in an oral tradition. In other words, | do not think that the texts we have in manuscript form are innocent of the colouration and shaping of the culture in which they were copied, namely a thoroughly Christian one. The manuscripts are probably not passive witnesses to an oral tradition. Briefly then, how and when did the conversion of Anglo-Saxon England take place? Our lack of first-hand witnesses for the first century and a half of Anglo- Saxon history can be explained in part by the fact that Anglo-Saxon England was for this period pagan and, for all intents and purposes, was not literate. But, the regions in which the British, that is, the Celtic peoples, were politically dominant 2were Christian. It was not until the initiative taken by Pope Gregory the Great in 597 that any attempt was made to convert the pagan Anglo-Saxons, even though Christianity survived in Celtic Britain. In 597, an emissary from the Pope, namely ‘Augustine, arrived in Kent and within a few years had coverted King Athelbert and his followers, Incidentally the king’s wife was already Christian; she was a Frankish princess and had been allowed by Athelbert to worship in the church of St Martin outside the city walls of Canterbury. The church is named by Bede and is the oldest place of Anglo-Saxon Christian worship: Document 3: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 1, chapter 25. A&thelbert held the position of Bretwalda — the position of overlord -, and following his own conversion, the kings of Essex and East Anglia also received baptism. The mission was spread even further when Atthelbert’s daughter married King Edwin of Northumbria and was accompanied on her journey north by the priest Paulinus and other missionaries from Rome. After a fairly lengthy period, Edwin himself submitted to baptism, his example being followed by his ‘comitatus’ or ‘witan’: Document 3: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chapter 13 This triumph of Christianity in Northumbria was shortlived as in 633 Edwin was killed in battle and the kingdom of Northumbria reverted to paganism. On becoming king, Oswald (635) sought a new mission, not from Canterbury, but from the Celtic island of lona, which was led by bishop Aidan. Aidan and his followers established their base at Lindisfarne or Holy Island off the east coast of Northumbria, and set about the re-conversion of this Anglo-Saxon kingdom. Within 70 years of the Augustinian mission, the whole of Anglo-Saxon England had been converted, even though in many areas the conversion was only skin deep and paganism lingered until a fairly late date. That this was the case is indicated by surviving texts such a law-codes whi h, under Christian influence, strove to stamp out heathen practice. Bede provides us with some clues about the survival of paganism: Document 3: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chapter 15The significance for the question of literacy of the conversion of Anglo- Saxon England to Christianity is that Roman Christianity was a bookish and literate religion. Christianity is based on a book, the Bible; the Bible is one of the central symbols of Christianity. And because the Bible was believed to be the revelation of God, and, because of the Bible, Christians were able to read the word or the message of God, the ability to read was considered something sacred, almost mystical. Through reading one had access to truth. What this means, then, is that literacy, the ability to read and write, had a special place in Christianity, and was promoted. In the Preface to the Pastoral Care referred to earlier, King Alfred draws an implicit link between the disasters which have happened to the Anglo-Saxon peoples and the decline in learning. This is not a sentimental respect for learning, but, | think, a deeply held belief that literacy is central to a Christian society. The disasters which have taken place are the results of a decline in the Christian faith, as evidenced by the decline in literacy. We should never minimize the close connections between literacy and Christianity. We may say that the main vehicle for the conversion by both the Roman and the Celtic missions was the monk, and the foundation of monasteries was an important feature of 7th- and 8th-century England. One might mention St Augustine's monastery at Canterbury, the twin foundations of Monkwearmouth and Jarrow, founded by the king of Northumbria and the home of Bede, and the famous double house of Whitby, which hosted the synod of 633. This was an important episode for the cultural history of Northumbria. Northumbria had been served by two missions, the Roman and the Celtic missions, and divergences between practices in the two traditions had led to confusion, for example, over the dating of Easter. The synod of 633 decided to adopt Roman practice as the standard one for the whole of the Anglo-Saxon church. While the spirit of the Celtic church continued to contribute to Anglo-Saxon culture, the dominant influence came to be Roman, and this had significant influence, particularly in the area of visual arts. ‘The monasteries were important centres of learning and international culture. Canterbury had, in the 7th century, a Greek archbishop and an African abbot, both scholars of repute who established and fostered the monastic school. Bede himself 4was an outstanding scholar in fields other than history. He had taught himself Greek — a most rare accomplishment in this period - and at the time of his death was engaged in a translation of the New Testament from Greek. Many abbots, such as Benedict Biscop, abbot of Jarrow, travelled widely on the continent and collected manuscripts to enrich their libraries. There was an important trade in manuscripts which would be lent out to a monastery for copying or copied in one monastic house and given as gifts to another. There can be little doubt that the monasteries of Anglo-Saxon England provided the most effective medium, probably the only consistent medium, by which texts could be systematically copied. It was not only religious writings in Latin that were copied, but the indications are that the monasteries were centres for the transmission of Anglo-Saxon literature as well. In the 8th century, churchmen are found censuring the monks and priests whom they considered too interested in secular literature. One council [of Clofeshoh] in 747 condemned priests who preached like secular bards and monasteries which had become the haunt of minstrels. At the end of the 8th century the monk Alcuin wrote to the bishop of Lindisfarne condemning monks who invited harpists to entertain them at table; he wrote: When priests dine together, let the words of God be read. Itis fitting on such occasions to listen to a reader, not to a harpist, to the discourses of the fathers, not to the poems of the heathen. What has Ingeld to do with Christ? This passage makes clear that there was a close contact on the part of some monks and priests with pagan, secular and vernacular literature. If Alcuin condemned the interest of monks in pagan literature, he did not rule out the use of Anglo-Saxon poetry for a religious purpose. Indeed, as was suggested earlier, much of the obviously religious Anglo-Saxon poetry is probably the product of two traditions, one pagan, the other learned and Christian. It may also be the case that some Anglo-Saxon religious poetry and indeed a text like Beowulf, were written in direct competition with pagan writings. The particularly Christian colouring of Beowulf may indicate that the ori inal secular poem (which has been lost to us) was appropriated by monks and made to conform to aChristian outlook. The story of Caedmon (which is a Celtic name) as told by Bede in the Ecclesiastical History illustrates in a number of ways the ‘conversion’ of a secular art and the vernacular language of Old English to a religious purpose Document 5: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 4, chapter 24 This document gives the narrative in a Modern English translation as well as translation of the hymn itself. The document also includes the original Old English hymn, which is the earliest surviving example of English poetry. This is an account of a visionary experience and a miracle. At its core is the idea that the English language, which at this stage is the language that had developed within a pagan heroic society, can be used to express religious and spiritual themes. The latter part of the narrative shows that Caedmon is taught passages of scripture and is able to turn these into Anglo-Saxon verse narratives. In this way, the Church can be seen effectively to be converting the pagan Anglo-Saxon language into a Christian language. Anglo-Saxon Society | want to turn now to the last theme, Anglo-Saxon society. This is a large subject, but there are two features of Anglo-Saxon society which | want to discuss because they have particular importance for the literature; these come under the general theme of the ‘bonds of society’, and concern (i) the theme of loyalty to one’s lord, and (ii) kinship, and the obligations of kinship. The picture we have of heroic society is one in which the bonds of loyalty were essential to social cohesion. In the 1st century AD the Roman historian Tacitus wrote of the customs of the Germanic peoples, and one feature which impressed him, above all others, was the bond of loyalty which bound a man to his chieftain. Tacitus noted that the loyalty was personal; a successful chieftain attracted followers. These followers would be prepared to die for their lord; indeed, according to Tacitus, it was considered ignominious for a man to survive his lord on the field of battle. In return for this loyalty, a lord provided for his followers horses, weapons, treasure (after @ successful expedition), and food and drink in his hall: 6Document 6: Tacitus, Germania, chapter 14 The picture of Anglo-Saxon society which comes to us from vernacular poetry, such as The Battle of Maldon and other sources, is not substantially different, even centuries later. Tacitus, we think, was aiming to idealize the values of Germanic heroic society in contrast with the decadence of Rome, and a similar motive may guide Anglo-Saxon poetry. The heroic ethics of loyalty may be better understood as ideals, but nevertheless ideals that are deeply rooted in the society. During the course of your reading of poems such as the Wanderer and the Battle of Maldon (which was written in the last decade of the 10th century), you might keep this central theme of loyalty in mind. It was an important subject for literature, and this tells us something about the social values or ideals of the society. A text such as the Wanderer derives much of its strength and interest from the exploration of the theme of loyalty, and reading it, we have perhaps a clearer indication than a historical source can give of the deeply rooted nature of loyalty as a bond of society. To illustrate this theme further we can turn again to Bede’s Ecclesiastical History. Writing about the conversion of Edwin, Bede tells of an assassination attempt on the king: Document 7: Bede, Ecclesiastical History, book 2, chapter 9 ‘The second feature of the bonds of society that | want to refer to is kinship. ‘As was the case with the feature of loyalty, so the theme of kinship is an important one in Anglo-Saxon poetry. The obligations imposed by kinship bonds can be illustrated through the laws and customs governing vengeance. It was the expressed duty of the kin to exact vengeance for the murder of one of their family, either by waging a vendetta (or feud) or, in the case of the kin, to force the killer to pay the dead person’s kin the blood-price or wergild, that is ‘man-price’. The amount of wergild was carefully set out according social status in successive law codes of the Anglo-Saxons. Thus, we find in the earliest law code, that of Athelbert of Kent, the clause: Document 8: ‘Laws of Athelbert of Kent’, clauses 22 and 23.‘Thus it was the duty of the killer to pay wergild in order to escape the vendetta or feud, but if he escaped, it was the duty of his kin to pay a reduced wergild. ‘The duty of the kin is apparent in other ways in the law codes. They had the duty of arranging marriages and paying compensation if there had been any fraud, They also had a duty to protect minors. We read in the 7th-century ‘Laws of Ine of Wessex’: ta husband and wife have a child together, and the husband dies, the mother is to have her child and rear it; she is to be given six shillings for its maintenance, 2 cow in summer, an ox in winter: the kinsmen are to take charge of the paternal home until the child is grown up. The wergild was the chief distinguishing feature of the various classes of society. The king obviously had the highest wergild. Below him was the class of nobles, in origin the gesithas or ‘companions’ of the king. Already in 7th century Kent he was being called an earl, although this word carried none of the connotations of office, It is interesting to note that in Old English the word eor! in different contexts could mean ‘man’, ‘warrior’, or something approaching our modern sense of ‘earl’, that Is, noble. Outside Kent the nobleman might be known as @ gesith or thane, The thane was distinguished in the laws, not only by his wergild but by higher penalties for misdemeanours. For instance, when referring to the problem of non-Christian marriages, the laws of Wihtred of Kent state: Document 9: ‘Laws of Wihtred’, clause 5 ‘The ceor! was the name of the ordinary freeman. The great historian of Anglo- Sexon England, Stenton, has called the ceor! the basis of Kentish society in ‘thelbert’s time. He was independent, had many rights, and although he had no claim to nobility, he was subject to no lord below the king. The laws of Kent protected him and his household against breaches of their peace. Although the West-Saxon ceor! had @ lower wergild than his Kentish counterpart, he was nevertheless the independent head of a household whose rights were protected. Finally, below the class of ceor/, there existed a class of slaves who enjoyed no wergild, which even the influence of the church could not eradicate completely. 8There are many issues about Anglo-Saxon England that could be investigated: the emergence of towns, the development of trade both domestically and overseas, and government in the late Anglo-Saxon period. Anglo-Saxon England should never be regarded as the poor relation of Norman England, and it was anything but a cultural and intellectual backwater that the Normans took over in the 11th century. 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Historians have never been able to decide on the precise location of Brunnanburh, but the area around the Solway Firth has been suggested. The later of the two battle poems is The Battle of Maldon which took place at Maldon in Essex in 991. Ihave included with these documents a page headed ‘The Battle of Brunanburh’ which sets out the political events between 937 and 991 (Maldon), and up to 1016. The Battle of Brunanburgh is a celebration of an important Anglo-Saxon victory in what was a long campaign to recover the Danelaw. It is militaristic in its emphasis and tone, but in the midst of this the poet introduces a Christian perspective. In this text, in what ways and to what effect is heroic given a Christian perspective? The Battle of Maldon commemorates a battle fought in 991 at Maldon in Essex in which the Anglo-Saxon forces (who were, of course, Christian) were defeated by a Viking raiding force. The Vikings were pagan, and are referred to in this way in the text. The Battle of Maldon dramatizes the battle in strikingly heroic terms from the point of view of the Anglo-Saxons: the Anglo-Saxon force is defeated, it would seem, down to the last man after their leader, Byrhtnoth (one of the four chief nobles in Anglo-Saxon England, the ‘ealdorman’ of Essex) has been killed. The latter part of the poem focusses on Byrhtnoth’s men making speeches in which they declare their loyalty to their leader and vow to die fighting the Vikings to avenge the death of Byrhtnoth. This theme is remarkably similar to the account of Germanic heroic values given by Tacitus in the Germania (see Document 6). Although it is tempting to say that this is evidence of the persistence of an heroic ideal in Germanic culture from the 1st century to the late 10th century, there are no other examples in Anglo-Saxon heroic literature, noteven Beowulf, which articulate the theme of men dying for their lord. The conclusion that scholars have drawn is that the poet of The Battle of Maldon has taken this idea probably directly from Tacitus and incorporated it into his poem to heighten the heroic character of the text and to provide an explanation for the defeat of the Anglo-Saxon army and the death of one of King &thelred’s four chief nobles. One of the intriguing features of The Battle of Maldon is the way in which the poet, who clearly would have been Christian, uses the Christian perspective in the narrative. Early in the poem Byrhtnoth declares that the heathen Vikings must die in battle, and says that God alone knows who will control the battlefield. But, the contemporary audience would have known that the Vikings, who were not Christian, would at the end of the day control the battlefield, and it would not be the (‘heathen’) Vikings who would fall in battle but the Christian Anglo-Saxons. When Byrhtnoth kills one of the Vikings the poem says that he thanked God ‘for the day's work that the Lord had given him’ (see lines 146-8); it is at this point that the events leading to Byrhtnoth’s death begin. There is, it would seem, a degree of ambiguity in the way in which the poet uses the Christian perspective, and this is a subject for debate. Might the poet of The Battle of Maldon be aiming to suggest something about his own people, the Anglo-Saxons, at this point in their history? One thinks back to the way in which King Alfred in his Preface characterized the earlier Viking invasion and settlement in the Danelaw in the 9th century. In your reading of The Battle of Maldon consider the nature of heroism and the way in which it is presented. Although this is a late Anglo-Saxon text, it has been argued that it articulates more clearly than almost any other text Anglo-Saxon heroic ethics and ideals. In that sense, it may be an attempt to recreate something that has been lost from the culture. Whatever is the case, the text is a useful point of reference for secular, heroic ideals and a system of heroic values. To what extent does The Battle of Maldon give a Christian perspective on heroic ethics and ideals? How does this presentation of heroism differ from that in Allfric’s Life of Oswald?‘The Battle of Brunanburh ‘The date of the battle is 937. The Anglo-Saxon forces were under the leadership of Athelstan (A2pelstan), king of Wessex. King Alfred of Wessex; reigned: 871-899 Edward the Elder; reigned 899-924. Edward was the’eldest son of Alfred. ‘Athelstan (pelstan), reigned 924-939. -Athelstan was the eldest son of Edward the Elder. Be had been brought up in Mercia, and he was recognized as king of Wessex and Mercia. Athelstan had a stronger base of power than his father, and in 927 his supremacy was recognized by the kings of Scotland and Strathclyde and the English lord of Bamburgh. Over the next four years his supremacy was extended over the ‘western and northern kings of Britain, and many of the Welsh princes. The Battle of Brunanburh (937) began as the result of an alliance of Olaf (Anlaf; Norse king of Dublin), the king of Scotland, and the king of Strathclyde; the latter two were threatened by English domination, while Olaf’s father had been expelled by Athelstan from Northumbria in 927. Athelstan’s army was drawn from Wessex and Mercia. The battle destroyed the alliance of Anlaf and the kings of Strathclyde and Scotland. The victory of the Anglo-Saxons achieved for them a certain sense of political identity, and the state over which Athelstan was king included peoples descended from the Danish settlers who had been enemies of King Alfred of Wessex. Edmund; reigned 939-946, He was brother of Athelstan and had fought at Brunanbuch, In the text he is referred to as Edmund /&theling. Fadred; reigned 946-955. He was brother of Athelstan and Edmund. Fadwig; reigned 955-959. Endred had died without children, so Eadwig, the elder son of "Edmund, became king. Eadwig’s reign begins a period of peace which lasts to 980; during this time Anglo-Saxon England was free from the threat of foreign invasion. Jt was in 980 that the series of Danish raids and attacks on Anglo-Saxon England began, which led to the Battle of Maldon in 991, and the eventual conquest of England by the Scandinavians. Also, it was during this period that Byrhtnoth of Essex came to power along with ealdormen of Mercia and East Anglia. Edgar; reigned (957) 959-975. Edgar was the second son of Edmund. In 957 the Mercians and the Northumbrians renounced the allegiance that they had given in 955 to Eadwig, and shifted their allegiance to Edgar. On the death of Eadwig in 959 Edgar was accepted as king of Wessex. Edward; reigned 975-978. Edward was the son of Edgar by his first marriage. ‘Bthelred (the Unready); reigned 978-1016, He was the son of Edgar by his second marriage ‘and half-brother of Edward. He became king under suspicious circumstances and seems never to have felt secure and confident as king. It was in 980 that the Danish attacks on Anglo-Saxon England began again, so destroying the peace that had existed since 955. It is during the reign of Zthelred, in 991, that the Battle of Maldon occurs and the death of the ealdorman Byrhtnoth, who was one of the four most powerful nobles in Anglo-Saxon England. ‘Edmund; reigned April to November 1016. He was the son of Aithelred. 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Its origins have puzzled scholars who have detected influences from the liturgy, hymns, sermon writing, rhetoric, theological controversy, the Anglo-Saxon riddles, and the tradition of heroic writing. The text is a striking for the ways in which it conceives the story of the crucifixion of Christ in terms of an heroic ethos, while at the same time retaining the theme of suffering. The poet's brilliant strategy is to present the story of the crucifixion from three perspectives, that of the dreamer, the cross, and Christ. Further, within the account of the crucifixion, Christ is presented as a young warrior preparing for and then doing battle with the Devil, while the cross relates its own story of passive suffering. The cross is presented as a follower of Christ and as a member of his comitatus. His instinct is to defend his lord, but, paradoxically, he is obliged to suffer humiliation and not to seek vengeance against those attacking Christ. One of the intriguing aspects of The Dream of the Rood is how the text uses and at the same time redefines heroism, producing, it would seem, something that we might call ‘Christian heroism’. A sheet accompanying The Dream of the Rood headed ‘Analogues’ contains a translation of a Latin sermon which uses the rhetorical device of personification for the cross. It may be that this sermon, which was widely distributed in the Anglo-Saxon period, is in the background of the Old English poem. The sheet also contains some material from the liturgy for the ‘Exalation of the Holy Cross’ which contains some of the themes and ideas found in The Dream of the Rood and may have influenced its composition. In your reading of The Dream of the Rood consider how the conflict between heroic ideal and Christian obedience is developed. Both the dreamer and the cross are keen to relate their stories. What purposes can you suggest for the emphasis in the text on personal revelation? 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The battles with Grendel and Grendel’s mother are interspersed with a number of digressions from the main narrative. Please ignore them on this first reading; we shall take up the implications of some of them in the next unit. Introduction to Beowulf Beowulf is the longest and most interesting of the Old English secular poems that survive. It is a poem which survives in a 10th- or 11th-century manuscript, was probably composed sometime between the end of the 7th century and the beginning of the Sth century, and is set in a period sometime between the end of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th century. Further, while the poem is written in Old English, its materials have nothing to do with Anglo-Saxon England. The poem is set in Scandinavia in the area of southern Sweden and Denmark. See the map in Michael Swanton’s edition (pp. 30-31) for the geography of the text. Beowulf opens in Denmark, and Beowulf, an outsider, makes his first appearance in this setting, in the court of the Danish king, Hrothgar. The first two episodes, the fight with Grendel and the fight with Grendel's mother, take place in Denmark. The second part of the poem is set in the homeland of Beowulf, among his people the Geats. The race, tribe, or nation of the Geats, Beowulf’s people, have vanished from history, and for historians of the poem the Geats have presented a real mystery. However, it is thought that the Geats inhabited southern Sweden but were eventually conquered and absorbed by the Swedish nation. So the geography of the poem and its historical setting and its setting in time are all quite remote from Anglo-Saxon England. Why, one asks, does the most important Old English poem say almost nothing about Anglo-Saxon England? Why did scribes take the trouble to copy it out since it seems so far removed in time and place from 10th- century England, the period in which the manuscript of the poem was copied, orthe 8th century, when the poem as we have it is thought to have been composed, or at least committed to writing? In one way, these questions are provocative and need to be asked, but they may not have been so to the 10th-century Anglo-Saxon audience of the poem. The poem clearly draws on a strong Germanic tradition of legend and history, history mixed with legend in characteristic medieval fashion, and the poem Beowulf would not present such problems for us, as modern readers, if our own mythology and legendary history were Germanic rather than classical and Christian. As readers we have little trouble accepting a poem such as Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis or a play such as Antony and Cleopatra which spring from classical mythology and history respectively. We are, or can become, fully conversant with classical mythology and history; a mention fo the figure of Venus or Adonis, or Cleopatra, conjures up a whole series of associations. The same is not true, however, for Germanic mythological figures and history. A mention of ‘Weland the Smith’, or ‘Mathilda’, or ‘Ingeld’, or ‘Sigemund’ does not easily bring to mind a legend or association, because we do not grow up with Germanic mythology and history. The Germanic mythological figure ‘Ingeld’ is referred to a number of times in Beowulf as part of the hinterland of the narrative. You will recall the question in the passage from the letter by Alcuin that | gave in the first unit, ‘What has Ingeld to do with Christ?’, ‘Ingeld’, a figure that means so little to us, was central to Germanic mythology in much the same way as Lancelot is a figure central to our own mythology. Itis this sort of immediate knowledge of mythology and legendary history which is lacking for the casual modern reader of Beowulf and which makes the poem seem out of place in its Anglo-Saxon, Old English medium. Such a response, however, would probably not have been the cse for the poem's contemporary audience. We need to recall that Anglo-Saxon culture was of Germanic origin, and a poem written in Old English with a setting in a Germanic region such as Scandinavia in the legendary past would have been probably about as unusual for an Anglo-Saxon audience as a play about Antony and Cleopatra to an Elizabethan or indeed modern audience, or the stories of Arthur and Camelot to a modern reader. It is important that we realize that when we aren reading Anglo- Saxon literature we are dealing with a culture and society in many ways verydifferent from our own, a society for which Germanic history and legend were perhaps more immediate than Christian history and legend, at least in the period following the conversion. One might still ask, however, why the poem was preserved and written down. What might it have represented to its Anglo-Saxon audience? In other words, what type of poetry is it? Or, what tradition of poetry does it grow out of? There are a number of threads to these questions. First, as | have pointed out, Beowulf, the hero, is of the nation of the Geats, a people which has vanished from history, but for which there is historical evidence of their existence at one time in what is now southern Sweden. The end of Beowulf actually prophesies the end of the Geatish nation and the conquest of the Geats by the Swedes because of the death of Beowulf, the last king. The latter part of the poem can be seen as an elegy both for the death of a king and the death of anation. It has been correctly observed that the poem ends on a note of gloom; the only positive note is the memory of the exploits of the hero Beowulf. One might argue that the poem is the epitaph for both the Geats and the hero, Beowulf, and one can recall here some lines from another Anglo-Saxon poem, The Seafarer: The best epitaph for a man is the praise of those living and speaking about him afterwards for what he did while on earth, brave deeds against the enemies .... Beowulf ends on a note of gloom, but the poem also celebrates the deeds and exploits of the poem's central character, Beowu/f, and in this respect the poem can be said to be an heroic poem, in the same way as The Battle of Maldon is an heroic poem. Both describe the ultimate defeat of a nation, a hero, or a group, but this sense of defeat is mixed with a snese of pride in the glory of the heroes. In both texts the deeds of the heroes are celebated as examples of the past glories of the nation, and as examples or models for the contemporary audience. In one sense, then, Beowu/f is an heroic poem; it celebrates the glories of a hero of a past age. In this respect, however, the poem was probably not merely an historical curiosity for the Anglo-Saxons, for as we can see from The Battle of Maldon, heroic poetry not only celebrated the glories of the past, but provided or suggested models of behaviour and ideals of society and culture. Certainly the 3poem Beowulf is not meant to suggest that people ought to go around slaying monsters and dragons, but the text does show codes of honour and correct behaviour in the face of adversity, and in this respect it has a moral theme. The poem has other purposes as well, and one is always provoked to ask what relevance it was thought to have to the Anglo-Saxon Christian culture in which it circulated. How did the Anglo-Saxons see their pagan, heroic past in relation to their Christian culture? The period which Beowulf evokes is pre- Christian and therefore pagan, but one asks if this means that the poem is without Christian colouring and without Christian relevance. This is a central problem for interpretations of Beowulf. | want to raise here another issue which is relevant to our reading of the poem. | think that we need to imagine what we might call ‘layers of composition’ in the poem as we have it. There can be little doubt that elements in the poem, perhaps the basic story-line or the legends about Beowulf the hero, have their origin in an oral tradition. Perhaps there was a whole series of stories about Beowulf and his exploits. At some stage this material from oral tradition was probably gathered together and given some shape as a literate poem; in other words, it was written down. What relationship such a putative text had to the poem as we have it in our 10th-century manuscript is difficult to say, but it is not unlikely that the poem as we have it represents a very late stage in a process of composition and recomposition and addition. We need to be aware of the possibility that the poem represents almost an interpretation of ancient Germanic legendary material, directed to a Christian Anglo-Saxon audience. The heroic character of the text survives, but it may survive along with others sorts of material, interpretations and colourings. Grendel and Beowulf For the first mention of Grendel see Swanton pp. 38-39. The Beowulf-poet introduces Grendel in the context of a version of the story of creation and the fall and the origin of evil. Grendel represents and embodies the force of evil because he is associated with Cain; he is a descendant of the race of Cain who was 4excluded or exiled from society because he murdered his brother. Grendel, the descendant of Cain, is described as an outcast, an exile, and a solitary figure. The Old Testament story of Cain was a powerful one because, for the Anglo-Saxons, Cain’s crime, the murder of his own kinsman, was the most devastating crime for a family to endure. The ethics of heroic society were governed by the idea of the vengeance for wrongs done to a member of a family. In the account of aspects of Anglo-Saxon society in unit two there is a discussion of the law codes, and the obligation on the part of an individual or family to pay compensation, ‘wergild’ or ‘manprice’, for crimes committed against another family. Practically and on a much deeper level this system of payment breaks down in the case of crimes, be they intentional or accidental, involving members of the same family. Thus, the crime of fratricide, Cain’s crime, could never be avenged. The profound tragedy that even accidental fratricide could cause is illustrated by a passage in the latter part of Beowulf. See Swanton’s edition, pp. 150-53, This is part of Beowulf’s account of his youth. To make sense of this look at the genealogy of the ‘Geatish Royal House’ in Swanton’s edition (p. 206). Beowulf describes how ‘Hesthcyn’, the second son of the Geatish king ‘Hrethel’, had accidentally killed his brother ‘Herebeald’, He articulates the legal problem in this way: That was a conflict without compensation, a wicked crime wearying to ponder in the heart; but nevertheless, the prince (’Herebeald’) had to relinquish life unavenged. (Swanton, p. 151) What follows illustrates how enormous was the emotional effect on the father, king Hrethel, who died of grief. This passage gives some indication of how for Anglo- Saxon heroic society fratricide was devastating, and it suggests something of the significance that the Anglo-Saxons attached to Cain’s crime. For Anglo-Saxon heroic culture and in the context of a poem like Beowulf, it served more effectively as a myth to explain the introduction of evil into the world than did the story of the serpent tempting Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden. There are a number of references to fratricide in Beowulf, and each one carries with it a profound sense of devastation. Indeed, fratricide could be seen as one of the controlling themes of the narrative, and | think it is possible to see it as, a metaphor for the whole system of vengeance and feud that governed heroicculture. Further, | think it is possible to argue that the Beowu/f-poet has chosen to develop this theme in the way that he has in order to show the weaknesses and limitations of pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon heroic culture. What are we to make of Grendel? In origin Grendel is troll, a member of the living dead. Trolls are found frequently in Germanic literature and are related as a type to the zombie. What the Beowulf-poet has done is take the traditional figure of the troll or zombie and develop that figure in Grendel into a more significant or mythological figure of evil within what we would recognize as a Christian context. There is a mixture here between traditional Germanic mythology and Christian mythology. It is important to recall as well that in addition to kin-killing, the Beowulf-poet has built into Grendel associations of feud, vengeance, and exile. | discussed the significance of exile within Anglo-Saxon heroic culture in connection with The Wanderer, and this theme is taken up by the Beowu/f-poet in another way in the figure of Grendel. Overall, what the Beowulf-poet has done in creating Grendel is to ‘demonize’, that is, he has created a demon from the most deep- seated fears of Anglo-Saxon society: fratricide, feud, vengeance, exile. In other words, the Beowulf-poet has created in Grendel a figure of profound evil, a mythological figure, similar to Satan in more traditional Christian representations of evil. The figure of Beowulf is drawn from the Germanic tradition of the ‘strong man’ or the ‘berserker’, a warrior of exceptional strength. This is a feature of Beowulf, his great strength, that is frequently mentioned in the narrative. In an important sense Beowulf is a traditional type of figure and would have been recognized as such by the contemporary audience. The Beowuif-poet has used this traditional type, but has given to him and to the task that he has to perform a different dimension. Grendel is not just a troublesome troll of traditional Germanic legend, but an embodiment of profound evil. What role does the Beowulf-poet conceive for Beowulf in his fights with Grendel and Grendel's mother? What is the nature of his mission in taking on these battles? The situation that the Beowu/f- poet creates is highly suggestive. Read the account of Beowulf’s fights with Grendel and Grendel's mother, and pay special attention to the hints and suggestions that the Beowu/f-poet builds into the narrative; see:-Swanton, p. 53: Hrothgar’s speech: ‘I knew him...’ Swanton, p. 67: ‘The King of Glory -Swanton, p. 67: *,.. And then may the wise God ...’ -Swanton, p. 67: ‘... But to these, the people of the Weders, the Lord granted ...’ Swanton, p. 95: See the paragraph beginning ‘Grendel’s mother, a woman, she-monster ...', and especially the description of the nature of Beowulf’s power. -Swanton, p. 109: The paragraph beginning: ‘Then she sat upon ...’ -Swanton, p. 111: The paragraph beginning: ‘Then, because of the battle- gore...’ Swanton, pp. 117-9: The story of Heremod and Hrothgar’s sermon. The passages and contexts that | have listed above are, as | have said, suggestive, and can be used to form a picture of the kind of hero that the Beowulf-poet wanted todevelop. The world of Beowulfis pre-Christian or pagan, but this does not mean that the narrative cannot encompass Christian ideas. Christianity early on developed the notion of the ‘righteous pagan’, and something of this way of looking at pre-Christian heroes may be relevant here. It is as if the Beowulf-poet, like the poet of The Dream of the Rood and The Wanderer, sought to redefine heroism in Christian terms. It has often been observed that Beowulf is shown doing battle with monsters, not men, and the Beowu/f-poet has given a dimension to his monsters and hero himself that lifts the narrative above the level of the traditional heroic narrative. How has the Beowulf-poet conceived the conflict between Grendel and Beowulf? How can we characterize Beowulf as a hero? 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Whereas in the first part of the narrative Beowulf is a young warrior, in the dragon people, the Geats, for fifty episode he is an old man who has been king of years. Significantly this has been a time of peace. The narrative itself is highly complex, and to try to unravel some of this complexity | have included in the course reader two charts. The first shows the different phases of the narrative and the different speeches surrounding the key event. The episode is conspicuously organized around the number three: three speeches each describing three episodes, and Beowulf attacks the dragon three times. There may be thematic significance in this use of three to organize the episode, but the technique may equally well be a structural one, simply a way of arranging such a large body of complex material. The second sheet reconstructs the two histories that form the background to Beowulf’s fight with the dragon. These concern Hygelac’s last raid against the Frisians, which is referred to on four occasions in Beowulf, and the ongoing feud between the Swedes and the Geats which covers three generations. In an important way these two ongoing narratives, which are in the past and which at the same time impinge on the narrative in the present, are more than anything typical Germanic heroic narratives; they have all the elements that in their own right would constitute a narrative about warfare and vengeance. The interesting feature of the dragon episode is that these highly conventional pieces of heroic narrative are counterpointed by Beowulf's fight with the dragon; they are all made to focus on this one event, what critics refer to as an ‘epic moment’. The dragon is a monster, not a human being, and in this respect the fight with the dragon is similar to the fights with Grendel and Grendel’s mother. It is possible to see in Grendel and Grendel's mother demons embodying what was most destructive within Anglo-Saxon heroic culture ~ feud, vengeance, exile — and at the same time that they represent forces of evil in a religious sense. The dragon similarly represents a destructive force within heroic culture. The Beowulf-poet has 1constructed the narrative around the dragon fight, and when the dragon is aroused to vengeance, this has the effect of igniting all the destructive forces that have been and will be at work in heroic culture. One of the keys to uncovering the design of the episode, | think, is Beowulf’s last speech where he describes how he ruled the kingdom for fifty years; these were fifty years of peace (Swanton, p. 165). Consider the complexity of the dragon episode in the ways it combines the narrative of Hygelac’s last raid and the ongoing feud between the Swedes and Geats with the Beowult’s fight with the dragon and his death. Does the text seem designed to condemn heroic culture? Is there perhaps an implicit admiration and even nostalgia for pre-Christian heroic culture? How does the monster, the dragon, function in this episode and what is the nature of Beowulf’s fight with the dragon, that is, what is he fighting against and what is it that ultimately destroys him?Beowulf: the Dragon episode 2210b-2230: Swanton, p. 141 2231-2277: Swanton, pp. 141-43 2278-23492: Swanton, pp. 143-47 2349-23992, Swanton, pp. 147-9 2397-2416 Swanton, pp. 149-51 2417-2515 Swanton, pp. 151-5 2516-2537 ‘Swanton, p. 155 2539-2891 Swanton, pp. 155-173 2892-3027 Swanton, pp. 173-9 the beginning of the crisis of the dragon “history of the treasure; lament of the last survivor the dragon is enraged; Beowulf resolves to fight the dragon -narrator recalls 3 events of Beowulf’s history “fight with Grendel —Hiygelac’s last raid an episode in the Geatish-Swedish wars, that led to Beowulf becoming king of the Geats —retums to present time; Beowulf seeks the dragon Beowulf’s speech which recalls 3 episodes in his life his youth in the household of king Hrethel; the accidental (kin-)killing of Herebald (Hrethel’s eldest son) by Haethcyn (Hrethel’s second son), and the analogy of the father who dies of grief; king Hrethel dies of grief conflict between the Geats and the Swedes, in which Haethcyn, now king of the Geats, was killed. There is a brief reference to the battle of Ravenswood. -Beowulf’s victory over the Frisian champion Daeghrefn during Hygelac’s last raid. ~present time: Beowulf addresses his followers ~Beowulf’s fight with the dragon; the death of Beowulf. ~the speech of the messenger. “refers to Hygelac’s last raid against the Frisians (LL 2910b-2921), “renewed conflict between the Geats and the Swedes (UL 2922-2998), with an account of the history of the conflict, and a detailed account of the battle of Ravenswood. ~foretells the end of the Geatish nation and the exile of the warriors (Il. 30076-3027).1 sy wo peyeuion eap amp Jo aus *Ruseoys- oe 3 ‘ou Ba opagep ay Jamey oy) ypsouy ways sunuon sey Sy mo Ly ym jo Ve ey “Tuoi Jo wospuesd‘sea0 ain yo 28/9844 “ype uo yo uals pueoy axe | 2809 Jo soepfoau yse=N8 aIy pus ‘Buys pus ssaup Sjareiq Oa sayy yo300}{ uF suonegR;99 31 $y wou anoy patra ey {99-yse2 ‘rIzt-20zt yinwor ‘andar wewoy 2 1 Kep wspow 2g 4 aynoxp pres 8,28 JO ans reuodusl atp Ig “Maco oy pauayor st 2epaKH a4] “stow 3200 a1oys uo ype Jwfnoxy sem Aooy ain ye pu gmneg yeacu e uy uayeay Sea Yaa} AttonD OM ‘panier sem ory ysmrc 24, youdobo Kressaoou op fe pus Sule aysamod smd as0y) 1 veqepney, uos sy was ay “Siau8;oN Sy popeAuT jo polhno woypue ue sea yo Jane “— yo0y ‘sqmany ayy fo Kaos ayy “sano, Jo Ka ‘uopsiy yo 22qumna 8 u punoy 51 pre “we0d 24p ut sade jo soyunnu Suess m1 saFee pres 10 wonypodxo snonses sgtnmoag Jo Gos amg vo 28a yep suo “ooee-uwer ‘249 jo wouney ap sepoyour wrod exp J ved STU, “ABE 40 290d BE 79 20 ‘mourey 2 UE potuny uooq sey pu “Krug 30 3 pate e Jo psEO sdeiq aig yo 292uv ayn pasnar soy sm "Jonn am Aq p>4aMIP seas sve26 ODE 40) aunsean JO pmeoy 249 pepsend pay woBRIg ip yeIN UNE! 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