Professional Documents
Culture Documents
History's Affective Turn - Vanessa Agnew
History's Affective Turn - Vanessa Agnew
History's Affective Turn - Vanessa Agnew
discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/248991060
CITATIONS READS
82 687
1 author:
Vanessa Agnew
University of Duisburg-Essen
27 PUBLICATIONS 167 CITATIONS
SEE PROFILE
Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:
All content following this page was uploaded by Vanessa Agnew on 16 February 2015.
Abstract
The article argues that contemporary reenactment is indicative of history's recent
affective turn, i.e. of historical representation characterized by conjectural interpretations
of the past, the collapsing of temporalities and an emphasis on affect, individual
experience and daily life rather than historical events, structures and processes. The
affective turn signals a break with the kind of ethical and political responsibilities that
adhered to some postwar historiography. The article makes this argument in reference to
recent German historical reality television series, including Abenteuer 1900, Abenteuer
1927, and Windstärke 8: Das Auswandererschiff. While their format is similar to that of
the Wall to Wall House series, resulting in a certain leveling of historical and
geographical specificity, the article shows that the German reenactment series use history
as a conceit for performing a particular form of cultural and political work - the attempt
to reconcile current economic and social conditions in postunification Germany
(Gegenwartsbewältigung). The article concludes by emphasizing the necessity for
continued scholarly interrogation of reenactment's epistemological and political claims.
Keywords: Reenactment; Affective History; Vergangenheitsbewältigung; Reality
Television; 1900 House; Abenteuer 1900; Germany; Unification
Introduction
While reenactment was long considered a marginal cultural phenomenon and ignored by
academic historians, the past five years have reversed this trend. The need to define
reenactment (see Agnew 2004; Cook 2004; McCalman 2004) has given way to wide
acceptance that reenactment is a vibrant area of study spanning a range of forms and
practices. Recent scholars use the term to include everything from living history
museums, technical reconstructions and 'nostalgia' toys (e.g. tin figures, dioramas and
architectural models) to literature, film, photography, video games, television shows,
pageants, parades and, reenactment's most ubiquitous instantiation, social and cyber
groups devoted to historical performance. What these forms share is a concern with
personal experience, social relations and everyday life, and with conjectural and
provisional interpretations of the past. We can, in other words, see reenactment as one of
the indicators of history's recent affective turn, and as signaling an end to what was once
regarded as the general neglect of affect within postwar scholarship (Cascardi 1999, p.
3).1
***
To date, most scholarly studies have dealt with reenactment as an essentially Anglophone
phenomenon and often within the framework of imperial historiography.3 It is clear,
however, that reenactment is not peculiar to any single linguistic, national or imperial
context and that many of its forms - including living history and historical reality
television - now have transnational reach. This is also true of Germany, a country with its
own historical traditions and political legacies. For Germany specifically, the turn to
affective history means breaking some of the longstanding public taboos surrounding the
simulation of the past.4 This has given rise to new possibilities for historical
representation, possibilities that may be cautiously welcomed within and without the
academy.5 The shift implies, however, that German historiography has been decoupled
from what was long understood to be its ethical, if not literal, raison d'être - explicating
the Nazi period and coming to terms with the past (something known as
Vergangenheitsbewältigung).6 If this decoupling raises questions for the discipline of
history, it should be self-evident that the need to confront fascism and other historical
injustices continues as before. Further, it raises questions about the nature of the cultural
and political work that affective history is now to perform, so too about the new
knowledge that affective history hopes to advance.
We expect affective history to open fresh avenues thanks to the kind of sympathetic
identification with the past that R. G. Collingwood (1946, p. 215) called the precondition
for historical understanding. As an offshoot of affective history, reenactment,
specifically, seems to offer a framework within which large-scale processes may be
reduced to a comprehensible scale and historical grievances redressed in the present. Yet
it remains an open question as to whether affective history understands its historical
mandate in the kind of ethical and political terms that were once hotly debated, but also
self-understood, by scholars and cultural producers dealing with modern German history.
By focusing on German versions of the British historical reality television series 1900
House, I will argue that, if anything, German reenactments tend to elegize certain aspects
of the past and elide what remains uncomfortable and troubling. Whether these
reenactments advance new historical knowledge thus seems doubtful. Drawing on a
distinction made by Helmut Peitsch (2006) about the dual valence of the term
Vergangenheitsbewältigung, I argue that this approach is tantamount to an act of mastery,
not one of confrontation with the past. These reenactments promote a form of
understanding that neither explains historical processes nor interrogates historical
injustices. What they do instead is deal with Germany today and, in particular, with the
aftermath of unification. The examples discussed below thus demonstrate that history is
the conceit for what could be called Gegenwartsbewältigung, or coming to terms with the
present.
Inside History
The historical reality television show 1900 House first aired on UK's Channel 4 in 1999
to immense popular and critical acclaim. The winning formula involved transplanting a
group of people into a historical setting where they took on the domestic roles of one
century earlier. Although the series claimed a high degree of historical professionalism -
a consultant historian added an air of credibility - it was also avowedly populist. Instead
of using 'talking heads' and professional actors, the show would depict 'ordinary people'
and their daily lives. Prospective participants were thus vetted for their psychological
robustness and their capacity to identify with the subject matter - to draw links between,
for example, their own biographies and those of the historical characters they were to
inhabit. At the same time, participants had to demonstrate a sense of naiveté and a
capacity for personal transformation. The director, Ross-Pirie, explained that experts
were generally unsuitable as reality television reenactors because of their tendency to 'just
get on with it'; laymen, on the other hand, could actually show the audience 'what the past
was really like'. When casting the butler in Edwardian Country House, for example, the
role thus went not to one of the Queen's eminently qualified employees but to a man
whose knowledge about service was limited to what he could recall about the formality of
his grandfather's table (Ross-Pirie 2006). A similar logic underlay the way in which the
various series were structured. Participants were subject to new and ever more
challenging situations so that their surprise, incompetence and sense of dislocation could
be registered by the viewer. This testing generated what has come to be referred to in the
language of Hollywood script writing as the 'inciting incident' that gives the series their
dramatic shape (Baker and Weinstein 2006; McKee 1993, pp. 135ff.).
Such directorial choices are instructive. They define history not in terms of narrating past
events and large-scale processes, but as the substance of transformative experience and
staging. Although reenactment often centers on the iconographic moment and presumes
an understanding of the past 'as it really was', reenactment is, one might say, always a
performance in search of a storyline. This is particularly true of historical reality
television, where the apparent lack of a script and openness of form foster a dependence,
first, on the psychological development (or anatomization) of the participants and,
second, on the materiality of their setting. Thus, we find that each of the House series
traces a similar arc - estrangement from familiar surroundings, depravation in the
historical setting, the precipitation of a crisis, followed by resolution (or expulsion from
the group), and finally reintegration into the present. The circularity of this movement
from present to past and back is often couched as a form of adventure tourism. The
German series, for example, go so far as to use the word 'adventure' in their titles and
characterize reenactment as a form of 'time travel' (Zeitreise) in which the participants
access the past via a 'time lock' or 'time tunnel' (Zeitschleuse; Zeittunnel) (Windstärke 8;
Abenteuer1900; Abenteuer 1927). In ways that recall the eighteenth century's
juxtaposition of time and place - voyaging to the Pacific was supposed to be like going
back in time - contemporary reenactment often gives the past an exotic or remote spatial
location. To use Lowenthal's phrase, the past is literally a 'foreign country' that the
reenactor - as eyewitness and ethnographer - tours, stages and describes on behalf of the
audience (Lowenthal 1985).
It is 1900 House's emphasis on both the quotidian and the exotic that helps explain its
tremendous portability. The format could be readily applied to other time periods - 1940s
House (2001), Edwardian Country House (2002) and Regency House Party (2004) - and
other contexts - The Ship (2002), Frontier House (2004), Outback House (2005) and
Texas Ranch House (2006), to name just a few. German television also capitalized on the
popularity of the Wall to Wall series, producing Das Schwarzwald Haus 1902 (The Black
Forest House; 2002), Abenteuer 1900: Leben im Gutshaus (Adventure 1900: Life in the
Manor House; 2004), Abenteuer 1927: Sommerfrische (Adventure 1927: Summer Resort;
2005), Windstärke 8: Das Auswandererschiff (Gale Force 8: The Emigrant Ship; 2005)
and, most recently, Bräuteschule 1958 (Brides' School 1958; 2007). Each of these series
makes use of similar structural components, a fact that contributes to a striking leveling
of historical and geographical specificity: 1920s Mecklenburg - Western Pomerania
comes to look like Edwardian Britain and the transatlantic voyage of the migrant ship the
Bremen uncannily like the voyage of the Endeavour to the Pacific a century earlier. This
sort of leveling is perhaps to be expected from a genre that tends to be more
psychological than historical. Yet there are also important ways in which these series
differ. As I will show in my discussion of the German House series, the main difference
lies in the larger meaning that these series hold for their respective national contexts. It is
the local stories that are not told about the past and the conflicts that do find voice in the
present that contribute most forcefully to the series' specificity and thus to their
contemporary relevance.
In making Abenteuer 1900, the director and producer cleaved to the Wall to Wall format:
the casting, location, narrative structure, even the filming, editing and voice-over all
followed a similar McHistory approach to historical representation. A family and their
servants would spend eight weeks living in a country house called Gut Belitz (Belitz
Manor) located not far from Rostock in the northeastern state of Mecklenburg - Western
Pomerania. As the producer, Thomas Kufus, pointed out in an interview, the series would
deal with the challenges posed by living under strictly 'historical' conditions and in the
absence of modern conveniences. For the servants, this 'living history project' would
mean mucking out the water closets and stables, overcoming qualms about slaughtering a
pig, and learning the price that hard physical labor exacts on the body and mind; the
country gentleman, his wife and children, in turn, would perfect their table manners and
social etiquette and end up enjoying themselves a little too much. Kufus stressed that this
division of labor and social standing was intended to raise a set of larger questions:
How do I master the problem of living with different social groups in a manor house?
How do I deal with the fact that the scullery maid has to work ten, twelve, fourteen hours
while everyone upstairs enjoys a banquet with music? But also, how do I deal with the
fact that I am only allowed to stand for something [repräsentieren] when everyone else
has to work hard and contributes to society?
For reasons already discussed, it comes as no surprise to learn that this reenactment
hinges on sympathetic identification among viewer, participant and historical subject: the
genre itself does not permit the kind of critical detachment that Bertolt Brecht thought
requisite for social and political change (Brecht 1991, pp. 639 - 640). What is striking,
however, is the way in which reenactment has a substitutive character that allows viewers
to choose from a variety of pasts in response to a conflicted present (Agnew 2004, p.
328). In the examples discussed here, the present-day viewer is aligned with a specific set
of historical class interests that most viewers do not in fact share (Agnew 2006). Viewers
do not identify with their historical corollaries - the governess, housekeeper and tutor,
who represent early twentieth-century Prussia's middling sort - nor do they see
themselves reflected in the exploited servants. Rather it is with the nobility, or, in this
case, the bourgeoisie (Großbürger) that viewers are expected to identify ('Interview mit
Thomas Kufus' n.d.). As a result, the task of reconciling bourgeois privilege with
bourgeois morality becomes the responsibility of the viewer as well. The central conflict
is defined, in other words, as one in which capitalism's costs are ethical ones that are
borne by the wealthy, not existential ones borne by the working and lower middle classes.
The wages paid out to the employees have no discernable source of origin and the
employees have limited means of disposing of their wages; the estate produces nothing,
yet goods appear like manna. It goes without saying that this never-never-land has no
bearing on the economic realities of Germany around 1900.
In the follow-on series, Abenteuer 1927, the distinctions between upstairs and downstairs
are even more rigidly drawn. The series - also set at Gut Belitz - centers on a single
woman hosting five musicians and writers for the summer. While the servants scrub
floors, peel potatoes and mow the estate's lawns with a blunt scythe, the guests learn to
dine, dress and amuse themselves 1920s style. There is a trip in a plane, a musical review
for guests from Berlin, riding and dancing, a camping trip to the Baltic and a lavish
wedding hosted for two 'visitors from the future' (Abenteuer 1927, Episode 9, 'Ein
Sommer der Liebe'). The resulting sense of social constraint contributes to a rather
confused picture of the period. On the one hand, the series gestures at the social
developments we associate with the early twentieth century - greater equality between the
sexes, the gradual emancipation of middle- and upper-class women and a relaxation in
social mores. In keeping with these changes, the wedding at Gut Belitz becomes an
occasion for referencing sex education, pornography and abortion, and the musical
review brings up the subject of transvestism. The household is also introduced to some of
the technological inventions that have come to stand for modernity - the airplane,
telephone, electricity, washing machine and vacuum cleaner.
On the other hand, this series - like reenactment generally - needs to uphold a vivid
distinction between past and present.7 In ways that would have appealed to Pierre
Bourdieu, the closer the past comes to the present - whether temporally or in superficial
disposition - the greater the emphasis on social behavior and class distinction as the
means of reinforcing the foreignness of the past (see Bourdieu 1987). The producers
enlist the services of a 'style trainer', Uwe Fenner, who instructs the guests in good form;
for the servants, says Fenner, 'there [is] no real etiquette only servants' rules'
('Interview mit Uwe Fenner' n.d.). So it follows that the guests and servants are divided
by an exaggerated insistence on form and by the hermetic spaces they respectively
inhabit (the guests only tour the downstairs shortly before leaving Gut Belitz, when, as
one of the scullery maids says, they are put on display like animals 'in the zoo'; Abenteuer
1927, Episode 12, 04:24).
By contrasting the Abenteuer series with literature from the 1920s, we gain an entirely
different view of Germany during this period. The novels of Alfred Döblin and Irmgard
Keun, for example, make clear that many of the contemporary social and economic
developments - poverty, civic unrest, paid women's employment and so on - were
predominantly urban phenomena (Döblin 2002; Keun 2002). Setting the Abenteuer series
in the Mecklenburg countryside thus seems a considered choice. Locating the estate far
from other signs of habitation - tenant farmers, local villages and the nearest city - puts it
out of reach of the kinds of thematic considerations that might trouble the series' view of
the period. Yet the geographical and social isolation of Gut Belitz also reinforces the fact
that 1920s Germany is no easy subject for historical reenactment. The early years of the
decade were plagued by hyperinflation, mass unemployment and political unrest; the end
of the decade saw the crisis of social democracy, the stock market crash and the rise of
the Nazi Party. If 1923 - 1929 represents a brief period of stability, the year 1927, like the
isolated Gut Belitz, assumes a special status. It is the only year of that decade that is not
explicitly mentioned at the German Historical Museum - the only year, one could say,
that was not characterized by momentous social or political events, the only year ordinary
enough to make a representative form of reenactment possible.
If this brings home the point that the two Abenteuer series have little to do with 1900 and
1927, it is worth stressing the series' pertinence for the present. Mecklenburg - Western
Pomerania is in the former German Democratic Republic, and there is a certain bitter
irony about introducing the discussion of class into a setting where class was never
supposed to exist yet high unemployment rates now make it an unavoidable reality. We
can, in other words, see the series' emphasis on class as a direct appropriation of the Wall
to Wall model, but one that has special salience for the German context. Aligning the
viewer with the bourgeoisie seems to fulfill a dual purpose. For Germans in the East,
whose experience speaks of historical discontinuity, the Abenteuer series perform an act
of wish fulfillment: what is missing in the present can be reclaimed from the past. For the
more prosperous West, by contrast, the nub of the series lies in the dilemma articulated
by the wealthy bourgeoisie, namely how to live with the uncomfortable awareness that
privilege comes at the price of others. The series thus produce two operative metaphors
for postunification Germany - first, there are the hermetic spaces of Gut Belitz that
transpose the upstairs/downstairs to an East - West axis and, second, the claustrophobia
that comes from having all social classes exist, as Kufus says, 'cheek by jowl under a
single roof' (hautnah unter einem Dach) ('Interview mit Thomas Kufus' n.d.). If these
metaphors seem mutually irreconcilable, then this, too, conveys something about the act
of Gegenwartsbewältigung that the reenactment attempts to perform.
The narrative traces an arc similar to that of the other House shows: a crisis is
precipitated through the estrangement from familiar surroundings, physical labor,
inequitable allocation of resources and lack of privacy and autonomy on board ship. In
Windstärke 8 this crisis centers on the distribution of labor. In the absence of prescribed
duties and a work schedule, tasks like cleaning the heads and baking bread have devolved
to a small group of increasingly resentful volunteers. The ensuing row avoids any
pretence of historical fidelity and is catalyzed exclusively around German - German
relations in the present. While one couple complains about the lack of activity and tedium
of shipboard life (Windstärke 8, Episode 3, 12:25), another participant from the former
GDR, who has been grinding flour to the point of exhaustion, says there is actually 'very
little free time [aboard ship] because there's always work to be done'. There are
passengers, he adds pointedly, who 'avoid getting their hands dirty' and 'getting stuck in
the shit' (13:13). The next scene shows such a passenger - a software salesman from
North Rhine - Westphalia - trying to give the children a math lesson. Although the
between deck conflict is resolved by instituting work details and a schedule, the
dichotomy between self-centered individuals and communally spirited ones is preserved
as an East - West division. 'I don't want to work with you ', says the East German, Jens
Schneider, to the Westerners, 'because you have a totally different outlook on life"
(Production Notes, Windstärke 2005). In Abenteuer 1900 and Abenteuer 1927, these
kinds of divisions are overcome through a celebration of capitalism's possibilities.
Windstärke 8 adopts a more distinctly elegiac tone and, drawing on a kind of Ostalgie
(Communist nostalgia), it mourns the loss of a cooperative way of life. As in the other
reenactment series, however, the transition from 'the past' to the present brings the
possibility of transcendence. The squabbles of the sea voyage are apparently forgotten the
moment the ship puts into New York harbor, where the Statue of Liberty and her promise
of 'freedom and a new life' seem to reconcile German divisions in the present (Episode 6,
34:35). We can conclude, however, that in the absence of critical historical interrogation -
the cipher at the heart of the reenactment - these social, economic and political divisions
are in fact likely to persist.
Conclusion
Acknowledgements
This article has benefited from discussions with Kader Konuk, Kerstin Barndt and Julia
Hell. I would also like to thank participants at the Settlers, Creoles and the Reenactment
of History Conference (10 - 12 November 2005) and the Reenactment Workshop at
Vanderbilt University (26 - 27 October 2006), in particular Jonathan Lamb, Iain
McCalman, Simon Baker and Helen Weinstein.
Notes
[1] While history's affective turn is a recent one, media, gender and cultural studies have
been referring to (or calling for) an 'affective turn' since the late 1990s. See, for example,
Robert A. Rosenstone (1998), who sees affective film as a fruitful alternative to the
narrative limitations of traditional history. See also Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (2003) and,
for a critique, Hemmings (2005).
[2] Using reenactment as an umbrella term does not go uncontested (see Gapps 2007).
[3] There are exceptions, including Julia Hell (2004), Todd Presner (2004) and Helmut
Walser Smith, whose article appears in this volume. H. Glenn Penny (2006) and Katrin
Sieg (2002) deal with German American Indian reenactments, although neither scholar
specifically refers to these practices as forms of reenactment.
[4] Consider, for example, the debates in the 1990s over Germany's Holocaust memorial,
in which the desire to document and commemorate the Holocaust was tempered by the
need to avoid sensationalizing, diminishing, misrepresenting or in any way symbolically
repeating its travesties. The winning design - a vast field of stone plinths supplemented
by an underground documentation center - suggests that these problems were
circumvented by an affective, but essentially nonrepresentational, solution.
[5] For research on affect within German historical representation, see, for example,
Johannes von Moltke's (in press) work on recent Hitler films.
[6] This point also extends to German history prior to the twentieth century, where the
question of the Holocaust hangs like an ethical, if not political, injunction over most
historical investigation. See, for example, Gilman (1989, pp. 200 - 201).
[7] The promotional material for the series also hints at this dichotomization and its
pedagogical function: 'The docu-series brings a piece of the German past to life, a past
that is distinctly different from everyday life today - vastly more freedoms but also the
loss of traditional figures of authority and ties. Thus, for the viewer, Adventure 1900: Life
in the Manor House constitutes not only a journey into history but also an impetus to
reflect on the present' (DVD Liner Notes, Abenteuer 1900 : Leben im Gutshaus (2004).
References
• 1.
• 2.
• 3.
• 4. Adorno, T. W. (1970) Ästhetische Theorie Suhrkamp , Frankfurt am Main
• 5. Agnew, V. (2002) What can reenactment tell us about the past?. BBCi History -
[Online] Available at:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/programmes/programme_archive/theship_history_r
eenactment_02.shtml
• 6. Agnew, V. (2004) Introduction: what is reenactment?. Criticism 46:3 , pp. 327-
339.
• 7. Agnew, V. (2006) Radio interview on historical reenactment. Cityscape Public
Affairs - prod. Jody Avirgan, hosted George Bodarky, aired 7 October, WFUV
• 8. Baker, S. and Weinstein, H. (2006) Presentation delivered at Reenactment
Workshop Vanderbilt University, TN, USA
• 9. Benjamin, W. (Arendt, H. ed.) (1973) Theses on the philosophy of history.
Illuminations London - Collins
• 10. Bourdieu, P. (1987) Die feinen Unterschiede. Kritik der gesellschaftlichen
Urteilskraft Suhrkamp , Frankfurt am Main
• 11. Brecht, B. (Lazarowicz, K. and Balme, C. eds.) (1991) Über experimentelles
Theater. Texte zur Theorie des Theaters Stuttgart - Reclam
• 12. Brewer, J. (2004) A Sentimental Murder: Love and Madness in the Eighteenth
Century Farrar, Straus & Giroux , New York
• 13. Cascardi, A. (1999) Consequences of Enlightenment: Aesthetics as Critique
Cambridge University Press , Cambridge
• 14. (Chandler, J., Davidson, A. I. and Harootunian, H. D. eds.) Questions of
Evidence: Proof, Practice, and Persuasion across the Disciplines Chicago
University Press , Chicago, IL - (1993)
• 15. Collingwood, R. G. (1946) The Idea of History Clarendon Press , Oxford
• 16. Cook, A. (2004) The use and abuse of historical reenactment: thoughts on
recent trends in public history. Criticism 46:3 , pp. 487-496.
• 17. Döblin, A. (2002) Berlin Alexanderplatz, dtv Munich
• 18. Gapps, S. (2007) Mobile monuments: a view of historical reenactment and
authenticity from inside the costume cupboard of history. Rethinking History -
(Forthcoming)
• 19. Gilman, S. (1989) Why and how I study the German. The German Quarterly
62:2 , pp. 192-204.
• 20. Hell, J. (2004) The angel's enigmatic eyes, or the gothic beauty of catastrophic
history in W. G. Sebald's "Air War and Literature". Criticism 46:3 , pp. 361-392.
• 21. Hemmings, C. (2005) Invoking affect: cultural theory and the ontological
turn. Cultural Studies 19:5 , pp. 548-567.
• 22. - 'Interview mit Uwe Fenner, Stiltrainer und Buchautor' (n.d.) in Production
Notes, Abenteuer 1927: Sommerfrische[Online] Available at:
http://www.daserste.de/abenteuer1927/default.asp
• 23. - 'Interview mit Thomas Kufus (Produzent) und Volker Heise (Regisseur)'
(n.d.) in Production Notes, Abenteuer 1900: Leben im Gutshaus[Online]
Available at: http://www.daserste.de/abenteuer1900/
• 24. Keun, I. (2002) Gilgi, eine von uns List Taschenbuch , Berlin
• 25. Sedgwick, E. Kosofsky (2003) Touching Feeling: Affect, Pedagogy,
Performativity Duke University Press , Durham, NC
• 26. Lowenthal, D. (1985) The Past is a Foreign Country Cambridge University
Press , Cambridge
• 27. McCalman, I. (2004) The little ship of horrors: reenacting extreme history.
Criticism 46:3 , pp. 477-486.
• 28. McKee, R. (1993) Story: Substance, Structure, Style, and the Principles of
Screenwriting Regan Books , New York
• 29. Peitsch, H. (2006) Mastering the Nazi past: comparing the concept in the FRG
and the GDR, 1945 to 1975. - Lecture, University of Michigan, September
• 30. Penny, H. G. (2006) Elusive authenticity: the quest for the authentic indian in
German public culture. Comparative Studies in Society and History 48:4 , pp.
798-818.
• 31. Phillips, M. S. (2000) Society and Sentiment: Genres of Historical Writing in
Britain, 1740 - 1820 Princeton University Press , Princeton, NJ
• 32. Poovey, M. (1998) A History of the Modern Fact: Problems of Knowledge in
the Sciences of Wealth and Society Chicago University Press , Chicago, IL
• 33. Presner, T. (2004) "What a synoptic and artificial view reveals": extreme
history and the modernism of W. G. Sebald's Realism. Criticism 46:3 , pp. 341-
360.
• 34. - Production notes (n.d.) Abenteuer 1900: Leben im Gutshaus[Online]
Available at: http://www.daserste.de/abenteuer1900/
• 35. - Production notes (n.d.) Abenteuer 1927: Sommerfrische[Online] Available
at: http://www.daserste.de/abenteuer1927/default.asp
• 36.
• 37. Reddy, W. M. (2006) The Navigation of Feeling: A Framework for the
History of Emotions Cambridge University Press , Cambridge
• 38. Rosenstone, R. A. (1998) Visions of the Past: The Challenge of Film to Our
Idea of History Harvard University Press , Cambridge, MA
• 39. Ross-Pirie, C. (2006) 'The House Series', Presentation delivered at
Reenactment Workshop Vanderbilt University, TN, USA
• 40. Sieg, K. (2002) Ethnic Drag: Performing Race, Nation, Sexuality in West
Germany University of Michigan Press , Ann Arbor, MI
• 41.
• 42. von Moltke, J. Sympathy for the devil: cinema, history, and the politics of
emotion. New German Critique - (in press)
• 43.
Privacy Policy | Terms & Conditions | Accessibility | RSS
FAQs in: English . Français . Español . 中文(简体和繁體)
© 2007 Informa plc