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i bungs « Re tine Soret Nea ob, Greece $ Fon LEROT IMAGINAIRE: AN AUDIENCE WIHTTHE m0 ‘ACHAEMENID KING. Linchary 2 m The portrait ofthe invisible king in the pseudo- Aristotelian de Mindi intended oe to evoke the structure ofthe divine woe It expands oa a preoeupatin in Greek = Sources with the inaccessibility of the worldly Oxental rule, atbuted to ‘laborate court protocol and the nccesiy of secu In specifi contexts, egal Temotenese is ofen a negative ti, used to denigrate pretenders or decadent incumbents; ican both enhance ostensibly sociable competitors and measure the Stas of petitioners and thir intermediaries Royal iaccesibilty or seclsion Gerves some of is impact from a contastng ideal of diet enecuners with he King. This ea ins visual and textual defnton in the scene of aroyal audi An encounter wit the Grest King is significant theme in naive about the Achaemenid court in Greek and Bibel erature, but itis most clearly stilted in images showing the enone king wit tendans and epproaching The ost slaborate surviving formulation ofthis was athe royal expt of Persepolis, where eal inthe ith ctu, two large stone reefs showing an tuchetypal king and hee footed the double saicases leading upto the massive aucince all begun. ty. Darius 1 The relationship betwee iconographic Impeessios ofthe audience to the Sting and procedure of atl ceremonies s diffealt t esublsh, Our surviving evidence tettis largely 10 a corona of presentation snd perception, This ail wil focus on he visual disemination of the idea of acces and commanicaton inthe audience scene; the wider context Provided by parallel Ierary evidence could expand our inrpetation of how these sence were viewed werent fn sd ‘The king enthroned in audience is patcualy intriguing sajet to consider 2 a projected and viewed royal image. Asa feee-fane image ofan eacounr beeween monarch and official, o¢ monarch and subject, itis a val foeut onthe border between ruler and ruled” AS both an iconographic an teorclimage, also les atthe active and very uncertain boundary between the eentalied \sualstion of power and its independent reception. Carin te qutation and ‘manipulation ofthe Achaemenid royal audience far beyond the rhyoial boundary ‘ofthe cour, we can perhaps begin to map the independent tarformeton of the King in the eyes of his subjects. The outside aspirations and expectations ofthe king. which may have infuence the independent reception ofthe suence scene, result ina monarch remade i many imaginations, The visual frame for royal audience can be traced from exly Achiemenid formulations in the royal architectural seting at Persepolis, The point of i transformation into a reference point forthe diverse empires supplied. in surviving. evidence by seals and sealings ured in royal and. provincial ‘dministation. Seals and ether mobile media provide an illatation of key phenomenon inthe tansmisson of Achaemenié iconogiphy: the reaction of mages though a variety of materials and sles The divers eultures under Persian rule encompassed muliple seams of styles and motifs which conned 'osufise visual media adapted to Achaemenid themes. Accord, my intret here isin the concious use of the seene ara conceptual structure hodsing the Persian king, rather than in the deal of syfisic synthesis or eiffsion of ‘individual mots. Visual variations may indicate intended changin meaning which we can now only guess. But the survival of some textual interpretation of stereotyped royal audiences (for instance, those in Greck frm bon the king's ‘etn, suggest that the image may communica ess abet the subjects imaginative relationship withthe Persian king, Potentially this could deepen out appreciation of the flexibility of images inthe Achaemenid ped. We could come to view them as points at which the identities of ruler snd subject Were Constantly e-visualised and reneptited By mate, hi wi wich ig an igh ae aces objet i ‘jemi i: cnn cou be fme npn of eaten ‘and ROYAL AUDIENCE AT PERSEPOLIS the decorative north and east facades of the audience hall or apadana building.* ‘height of the carved frame, inside the scene (fig.1)." defined separately by the raised dais supporting the throne.'' Th comparatively Ehrpeiges nape retinereae so eos fs week ow eae os hae wee ny meni no large empty space lf in font ofthe king reaches tothe edge ofthe humateria or incense humers, which mark the limit of the approach of visitor in riding costume." He bends forward ina bow, ling is face tovarls the King and pratng his hand to is lps ina gstire of respect tothe king The balchin closing the whole scene is decorted with pacing Hons anda winged disk, 2 Symbol usualy interpreted. at indiaing or tepresening the god Aburamazda (fig3)." The complex tone sis on lion's paws, while the footstool features bus hooves” The high status and privilege of cerin cmir members are ‘matked out by their visual proximity t the King, but their na-royal ident fs Indicated by their shorter height. These Figures, lke those ofthe king and bet themselves, are not individualised pores, but generalised, unlabeled mages ‘esgned to accommodate the ides of all thos in thet positon, The only ssevivng elit showing cared individ was the rele on Mt. Bisiun, where they are offered as witnesses to Darius Ps version of eveats leading to his acaustion of the throne. In contrast to that measre averting his inital legitimacy, the long-term building project of Pesepois pups spies to perpetual dynastic stability, paticularly in the juxtaposition of king and hei, tmong nameles courtiers Tn their original position, the mince onthostats were the fart ofthe spadana facade that projected furthest ou rom the interior of the massive colunned ball Flnking this fist double satese were figures representing the rest ofthe society ofthe erpie, These couriers, solders and groupe of ethnic rewesenaivs walk ‘Seniemion options, see Root 197% 238 (who tp Tor ‘grand arial) and rt iB nth he ewe camp ee eis ch nda 2 inthe direction ofthe acces stairways, but externally also converge onthe central tnuhronement ofthe king: guards sind behind, subject alk towards him” In ‘he uneal space of an icon cout, the presenation of an enthroned king with atendants and subjects ass his hcrarchcal ference, but also pest i 3s ‘open to display and ouside approach Facing the portion ofthe tenace which was left open and wide of acces, the scenes projerted an idea of @ fir royal acouner for feshly formed hiearehy. Unike the apadana aaiene relies these seenes would have remained visible to the most accesible tea of the tee throughout the Achaemenid development of Peseplis. The second use ofthe since scene inthe Hall af One Hundred Columns shows revision and reframing ofthis floo-level model.” fn this ll, ence scene, minus an Bei, is several feet above eyeevel, crowing fr 10% of symmetricelly anged armed guards in two sets of door jambs (figs). Enthroned kings on the north and south doors are pred ih the hero-beast combats on four sets of east-west doors, apparently exhibiting a diffrent facet of rosa identty" The peltioner approaches fom the direction of the el visitor fnteing the hall from the open tewace. The condensed scene gains «fy-whik bearer snd loses the symmetrical pair of cach attendant at the edge: the king's height appears a litle more exaggerated. A baldachin and above, m enlarged, snukzopomorphie singed disk would have topped these compositions. Several tres of Bright colour paining, incised decorative dtl and sks for gold ‘overly have also been discovered on these versions ofthe reli which would have increased its visual impact Inthe southern dor jambs ofthe One Hundred Coline Hall an also the single doorway showing isolated entrants in ‘he Cental Building, the layers of guards ae replaced by rinks of sbjects, cthncallydiferemiated by their dress, supporting the tone platform suaight Tucked, with ousietehed arms" These souther door jambs, whout thst ‘approaching petitioner donot give mass aces othe other side of tetera and the royal palaces. The massive doors are asymmetrical ilusion and lad instead fon a natow coved leading onl inde int more restricted areas ‘an audience with the Pesian king at it appears at Persepolis & a revised ae ovetauled ad semiticlly ine-tuned descendant of the enroned Soc ovine a found, for example, in the pated and carved wall cA al complexes at Nineveh and Til Basp* Yet the generic moti ser omc wih attendants, fa Banqueting or presentation contest of enone ecagnizable in the iconographic trations of mich of ‘ould hart to, As an established part ofthe ancient visual repertoire of ane it could bestow a archaic authority on new occupants. a ites erveen the Achaemenid and nco-Assyrian aniene sees fo ee eater in the sourcing of legitimacy in bo etl history and ll & fy the Persian kings Bepning wih Cys Tl Persian evens of i vcr had te advantage of exploiting the memory of ¢ mulietnis Asta Pe conus dintance, leap toging, tet own revel detested Fo Babylonian monarchy (626889 BO), A diachronic exchange of creme ee eented by the simian of the new enone 19 those cerns in also ocl} rook relief ad palace rain in the landscape in con of space given over 10 supporters of the King his sbjets ea retards, the architectural ames ofthe Perepotan audience ena ave of dei 10 define the empire’ peoples in catioship to rei oe ng. Designers atthe rojal capital alaped existing icons of on ecto io metaphorical images of equal ranked etnies, soporing the BRET ene or sanding ina sone of worship ot retognton with King on means ogusl and measured contribution that each ethic our Aaa tal por ofthe ing was # Key feature of Achacmeni ideology se ieulted in mitigates at Susa and at Nogsi-Restam, neat Me eee te aly oa tombs were losted, The foundion charter’ of Perera ered sae an clay tablets ad the place's glaze brick walls in Sse i plensexpandel ona tational rhetoric of Neat Eaten imperil a spoiaed sil of Gxt peoples al exotic mais rom the caer re were blended in palace creation nan old urban envionment cae ae SS pion went further a emphasising that a indica obec ees mere metre, si in a balnee eld by the king, and revered Shia fons acrtng 1 bit powers [ew 1m sian my ple i {he (5052) Ow, ery mach eke noo [of wht] in ou ef what or abhi fw] id you The subject in tum could recognize Darius bility to command with eellencein peace and war” This kindof thtori not only promoted the king's ok as biter [f metit, but also drew the subject into a kind of mutual recognition within the ieee.” This vision, hough defined fom the top down, enesuaged an imaginative engagement withthe idea of watchful monarch” The royal aullences, ringing the open trace at Peseplis, were petaps an invitation fo the subject fo partiipate nan exchange ofrecogiton snd benefit” ‘The. atlysie of royl iconography, alongside oficial iscrpions, a a rmctaphorcal efnton of the facet of Achaemenid power works relively well titin the surviving palace walls of the central capitals. They ofer a fay onsistent ye of image and an hoistcally planned environment, whese primary {efntion took place fom the end ofthe sith othe misfit century BC.” This ‘onsiset envionment, made evocative of archaic power, was fist produced ata Sage when Achaemenid dynasi legitimacy wa tl being proved wisi the fst tree sucessons, Later sponeos of building projet, such as Araxcrves Tl and Il pointedly maintained the ilsion of eonstency in het Selective dons at Persepolis, Sus and Hamadan, in onder t highlight thei genealogical inertance and to demonstrate their ability o revive and maintain the royal envionment. ei ot ard to eal the mages in these balsngs oficial” i the Sease originally sed by Rott define her std of royal images ‘But analysis of ionography in the Neat Bas is also subject to the reproduction td alteration of images in multiple media. Many components of Achaemenid ‘monumental imagery ae presentations of mobile aefis, or ampliieatons of tia re a rome ely ‘cone ‘2 kee ie shane a minor arts suchas ini jewellery.* Mos of the elements of the ance scene ‘Te oo jun anafeqable as whole, bare also highly motile as aeficts and Prestigious motifs" The nomadic baits of the Achaemenid court must have eau tht privileged royel space also fantion independent ofan wchtectural feting.” Yet audience scenes wih Achaemenid influence spread far beyond the Ckstnation of any wandering king" Apart from perished paintings ow tapesis, the only widespread vehicles fr emire composite senes were sea and thet sealing. GLYPTIC DISSEMINATION & TWO AUDIENCE SCENES IN SATRAPAL CAPITALS This dominance ofthe image reperote by elyptic is eommn to many periods in te Newt East, Sel images ae usualy pervasive by vitur of their sein royal lan pevate administration, thie silty to spain multiple denial cps andthe High mobility of both orginal and impressions, Within Achasmand stds ttbpic has become one of the majr focuses of publication and dscssion, wih the increasing avilbiity of exexvated corpses of sealed tablets end bull.” ‘This ieremed discussion builds on an existing stong tition of sisi alysis of surviving cylinder and stamp Seals. Among the phenomena being onsiderd in Achaemenid pyc are the mukipl styles of carving al shapes of ‘eal in simultancous use in lage aehives such those stored i the “reasury and fortification area at Persepolis In sch adverse attic context, he livid ‘Commissioning and consequat personal choice of motifs and syle has Become 2 Store important factor inthe aalsis of seal design. Reveatanases of both Eating chives and individual excavated seals visualise a specinan of shes, ‘ety Soeur to Pomepln emp} ao the mot onal pation Ro and al the sof nd teal ies, Line Alen o roi and combinations avilable to the highstatus seal commissioner" The imeraton of efferent styles and archaic or regional atibues can be See aking plac nthe audience scene in aly. Two sealings fom within the place adminisraion, impressed by seals carved wit the enttoned king show te extent of variation even nthe shatow of the columned halls: Fortfiaton sealing 22 shows an entvoncd ing and two approaching figures; this Is a recognizably archaic compositon, but in the Persepolis contest, it reall the apadana delegates and the cena audience relict A rather diferent eylinder eal usd in the Treasury complex daring the reign of Xerces cured a simplifies, square-amed audience scene of (0 figures, fone seated and one standing, both of whom are crowned inthe surving impressions of Treasury ssl 36, the scene of king in saicnce with his het?) i favoured over the balancing image ofa led hoes "In ater surviving seals, the audience scene ean be seen wilh other selected variants and combinations of recognizable Achaemenid iconography: For example, an unproverancedeylinder from the Louvre combines an auience scene centred around a large incense ‘bumer with a popular mot of the crowned king overpowering two fabulous beasts, shaded by 4 winged dite Other examples show 8 syncrtim with older Siles and themes, a cylinder aow in Zari places a est rgal figure with Several characterises ofthe Achtemenid audence blended wif elements of 4 radional Babylonian Banguet or presentation scene” The later example emonstates that any active dtemination ofan offical Achasrenid version of fentuonement such as thal precisely formulated at Persepolis fed back into 2 regional visual memory of older examples The avaiable epetore also incloded souress sucha actively wed herlom seals accessible archives, pe-Achaemenid rock reliefs and architectural images in Tran and elsewhere in the empire (Conscious arching of syle, mois and compositions was a sigan end at Persepolis and elsewhere.” Glplic variants, sill strongly evoting the Pesan ing’ ideaty in dress and atibutes, should be taken dnte account when sessing independently formulated versions inoter mails further ald in ‘he empire Moocey 198 8 to, constd wis Bayona exalt xe 4 Two furher examples of the Achaemenid aulience, made and sod within the empire at Daskyetum and Memphis, testify tote manpulive quotation and shsorpton into different functional contexts. Both, from saapel centres, reflect fuck futher on the trsmisson and circulation of the aulience seene and toned king in the cour. The fis, a lye example fom the western edge of the empire, suggests the extent to which iconography fom the royal capitals could tbe conseioualyadeptd in other media within stepal administration, ‘A numberof bull, sealed by roughly one hundred and eighty-five dsint seals and showing evidence of having sealed papyrus roll (and therefore perhaps fom an srchive), were excaveted fom bur context at te mound of Exile site interpreted by its excavators as the ancient srapal capt Dace The images, recently fully published by Dez Kaptan, were impressed by a varity of seal shapes and sles; no narrow date range was offered bythe erchaclogial ‘context and pethaps extended from the mi-ifh century tothe Beginning of he fourth, A lage seal earyngasrkng image fa royal audiecce was preserved on twelve surviving bullae (5) Kaplan's compiled drawing shows a sche tht «ras closely onthe monumental One Hundred Columned hl incanstion, ether than the many possible simplisions*” The sel engraver has atemted fo reproduce eared deal onthe king's air and thane, the paring on the textile throne cove pales the incised and punted detail of the door jamb scene at Persepolis" The winged disk, which surmounted all the monumental autince scenes inthe structure of the belch, i transfered to hovering mid-scene ~ 2 Plhcement used in otber cylinder seal compositions. The two Umoteria sill fine an open space in font ofthe king In spe and frm the sal appears 10 have been intended to eho the monumental rele, The diflerences are relatively minor, but possibly ste sailoring audience scene t the sal comumissionr’s own requirement, The Kings fluted érown sprouts two hanging tes, pehups representing the clot ends of dsder Tike Band attached tothe headess Ii ight hand snot hlding a slanted stat ‘ans that there tay’ have been tore than one esl carved th this Scene (a ect copy Fact bi iy Di pe co aed on indy Aen ” but is nevertheless raised and therefore resmbles a gestre of scknowlegement ‘The smal approaching figure deferential ase his hand to his lips but does not tend atthe wait, The figure Bohind him, ins our robe and esnng a spe, Similar to those standing behind the King, but outside the ballchin in the Pasepolitan scenes he may be citer the person being introduced ino adienee, or the person supervising i” He has been grated the greater visual satus in omparsan tthe sizes ofthe othe atendants,touh he remains shotr than the feated king" The surviving sealings re abbreviate, rolled inpeessios that Select diferent pars ofthe extended scene, but tend to focus on the enthroned ing and the first appreahing figure * Partally visible in some of the impressions is an Old Persan iseiption writes opzontlly above the scene which spells ovt the royal ame, Anaxerses™ Like the genealized royal image ise, the name is not Individualised and could remain relevant to any ofthe ive monarchs to bear that ‘ame, although is most likely tobe dated othe reign of the ist (465-424/423 BC) "Ina recent survey of royal mame seal in use at Preeplis, with reference to this Daskyeion seal, Mark Garson observes that while salngs preserving an Inscription of a king's name often rsa tothe activities of high oficial, they show no evidence of being diel used by the king himself or his immediate Family and close supporters” His conclusion that such royal-mme seal are ‘wielded by officials engaged in “mundane state administrative activity” suggests that this seal's monumenalizing audience scene isa distant evocation of cose contact with the king.” The use of «Pesepoian model shaped wound personal requirements may be an aspiration to privilege, rather than an automatic ‘mnaton off Theses adherence the alice wi far dose hn ay Surviving impressions from seals used in and around the palaces thamseves is peas compensation for ite distance fom both ite model and subject in a ‘rovncal administration espe er apn 200235 <0, " apn’ dounionNghlghs be epresin of yy a dpeieice whch sch a ‘Nera of elogualy weed magey fs apn 20 40). ‘That the Daskylcion seas image coud te the result of restive recepion ater than automat reproduction flies well with the analysis of othr extant ‘amples The evidence as it survives tsifes to the manipulation ard revision St cements of royal, images in. variable contexts rather than the uniform ‘Eplieon of official iconography, The fommulations which gente an ‘ERhoument af archaic stuborty, dynastic consistency and abstract cordination Sf genes sepresentatives in the royal capital ae required to adapt co ‘SKecmmodate diferent meanings in saapal administration and beyend. fn the ‘SSia epional examples we find the reception side ofthe orignal iconographic nese being atiulated “This flipside to offical iconography can be seen in a variety of diflzent media tend eas, but particularly in foneary contexts. The formulation of personal ‘R2mument, ike the production of personal or emi-offcal seals agin highs the posible ole of eommisione-diven selection of mots. A recent published BE fom Eayp is one example ofa transformed audience scene which relates to ‘fuer glypie content as well asf the stone roi ofthe architectural court dove Ths funerary stele was found inthe Gist -Modir ares of Sogar, the pee Shols of Memphis’ The limestone stele was excavated from a well Tecumonted conten, but this context was secondary, ina ster, uncied burial ‘Mich provides no secure date fore primary use“ The hieroglyphic and demote inptninseipon, prayers to Osns, name th deceased, Dedheres, and his Fagor as Arta, his mother os Tanotether~ one a Pesisn, the other 38 Ezytin fma®* The clean shaven Djedberbes undergoes Egyptian bul fghts i the ppe;regitr The publishers highlight several features which recall Achaemenid ress and sys of representation: the tail feathers of the winged dsk, defined Tnuulaure inthe io table. It would be interesting to speculate whether the Tate and iconographic mixture of Egyptian and Persian features isa conscious ‘Hfotto esr a dual ethnic deni for he product of mixed mariage. “Tne publishers ave unceain of the identity of the seated figure inthe Jower reper who clear recalls the hing inthe Achaemenid auaiene scene tis TeEtiny must remain as Tonga his example, which lack the figare labels of Vier Egyptian sloe rmains nique. The Sructure and representition ofthe ny Al si scene paalels an Achaemenid uence in the stong sinilaty of the rbd, tearded, seated figure, and his thone and the pose of the inactive atendant bind the second fering tbl, who claps his (or be) ight writ with his let hand (a pose adopted by sill atendants inthe andlence senes at Persp)" Some. of the apparent divergmces. fom Perseolitan sone representation neverteles commonly recur in glypte varstions of audience and presentation Scenes. Given that sone relief styles and comportons formed only one strand of imagery in use within Achaemenid administration in Iran, senes proceed for indiidals seross the empite canot he compared only to one suit canon af ficial iconography. The plentfal Neo-Assrian and. contemporary. eyptic parallel for the sallow bow ried to the lip ofthe regal figure assole with the generic themes of banqueting and food presentation these contimie to be ctvey adapted in the slyptcsubstaa of the Persian royal aullence, Tre second preseniation table also has Mesopotamian elyptic parallel. A. variant «own on the king's Rea isnot necessarily a sign of different sats, since coins, elinder tnd stamp seals show that independent versions of the royal igre could incomorae differences in style of headdress" The figure presenting both goods anda garlands rng tothe ropa gue takes up the centre of the scene on this personal monument the eferer beams the focus eather than the receiver. The omamentd ing he holds out inthe dieetion ofthe king isnot an obvious element from Egyptian tation, but the gstre of holding out rng tothe King does exist in Achaemenid stone reli, Fst inthe Bist rele and then on royal tomb rebels and Pesegls dow jambs Auamzda holds small vig over or in font of the king” The rng there derives from the symbolism of Mesopotamian invest, where it would be offered by a god asa syabol of the monarch's power and its divine source.” To ‘iow this offered ring as «contribution to the monarh’s sovereignty offered by & ‘uijeer would be quite transformation of the mods of kingship Beskwed by Ameen inn wi Stn Neptamin E tkrnd 6 rape [eosin] thee of beng “pre ret on tsp accep the {lown ‘an efile 9 tne ome peonalie ro fo eh Kp Aes fenng ing an ae pig m pono hi sp of ect ‘in companion nd sn Aivine patonage. Achaemenid royal insrptions emphaise the god Auras’ agency i fist bestowing the Kingship on Dai I, ibuing him ‘vith the qualities of Kngship and then his prtetion of the eysty and ite ‘scicvements Nevenbeless, Achaemenid iconography and rhetone incorporated fubjec etry and indvidals within the representation of royal power fo an anprecedented degree. The entoned king was direty represented supported by Symbolic representatives of he tink roupe he red The nscriions of Dai and later accounts of service in royal court and aries, rpreseced. the ‘lationship bewcea Persian King and subject as oe ofthe measured exchange of favour The independent modiieation of the Achaemenid raya aiene on hi sola could representa satement of material support to the king The tables of ‘produce and symbolic ing might bes permanent sateen! of diet conta! with Sud beneficonce to the Pessian ing BY logical inference, a begeicent ‘eltonship with the king ha «proportional effet on the giver's stats If his inerpretation comes close to representing the thought behind the commision’ ‘hoes, this version of the aodence moves the encounter on fom the moment before exchange, to pemmanentustation of beneicence and proportionate status, The idea ofthe aaience asthe arena for a subject's demonstration of his "alu and; by exchange of honour for vale, his sai, ispaalsled in leary Sources. The articulation of ec allegiance inthis same coment sugested ere by the mixing of Egyptian and Persian forms) also recurs The ater theme Becomes pill. prominent in audiences with the Persian king imagined sound Greek protagonists [NON-SUBJECTS IN AUDIENCE WITH THE KING So far [have only used examples from within the king's tertry and apparently ‘win eer saapal asminisrson or connected withthe sessed. Pern diaspora, The wider owumence of audience scenes suggests tt independent ‘reception and se of them to atculate projected relationships withthe Great King ‘brat (vis etfs) ep Kem 1988, 120, DBLSO; DNs Nae 05, bh "ter got mea eae ay eon, id Mes and AN Seep toe a Sem te 1718 he done eng peng Ki and representatives of his aubority went muck fuer” Tao intersting tarps refer wo Greck protagonist, whose relationships with Pesan royalty Frequenly brought oh fame and ches, disaster and censure. Scme atsans or commissioners in the Greek Meditaranean seem to have peresived the flexibility in the audience scene that allowed it o be sampled aod adapted within local hierarchies.” The fllowing two examples date from the second fo the fou century BC, but bth also appear 10 be revospectve imaginings of historic ‘tcounters Between king and Gresk champion, My Test example is one face of «caved statue base that once supported the ‘onze image by Lysippus of the parztastPoulydamus at Olymsa, setup (Wo senerations afer the alts victories (fig. 7)” The base depicts tne Skotos legendary exploits, one of which ia visit to the court ofthe Great Xing in Sse Here, simple audience sene format has been transformed into avis ste of ‘he toyal encounter. The tnditional spatial hierarchy of the ston-carved entroned king i inverted andthe audience scene support the athste rather than ‘he King being elevated by others The sist sidelong view ofthe Ling is adjusted to an open tree quater positon laying the king open to the more direct view and spproach ofthe viewer. His pace ino longer his own snd isnot eine in front ‘ot him by thumcora, Instead, his pac invaded by the heroic tlt, who not ‘only Breaks open the peaceful mating ofthe audence by commiting violence on 4 member of the immorals at the king's feet but even denies the basic Fuetionly” of the audience by taming his back om him. The femininity perceived by the Greeks in the Pesian court costume is emphasise by the King’s Spon hands, a womanly gesture of despa echoed by the aparently female attendants The scene, despite being @ comprehensive sata inversion stil tears some parallel with a more conformist audience: the able i demonstrating his abilities in the spac ofthe royal court, witnesed by the king feo eng sours onc ak i foci et iba erin Enon lw Can 0 28 ‘Or ore geteray) to ares fled worl Miler (1968-8) cs DSA a oe ps7 ele) te the mi i cee BC Gi 18 smh, mA puing see Miler TR ea, For Ae ning arian ching {even though iis pany atthe expense of his digi). Pausaniss' commentary on (Gr Sate claims that the let demonstrated his power atthe inviation ofthe tng, His undensble success still had positive implication (nthe ~tospective tadson for his states, The choies mein this comprehensively aeztve visual Tfversion ofa ryel audience sill demonstate some understanding ot vale 1 the reign subject or visitor inthe Achaemenid our. Asecond ater more fas, Greek adaptation of the royal asence aso sect play on its stractre to east the wisdom ofthe Persian king ito question. ‘foe waseof the Persians of the Dai pine, fom Apulis, shows developed Cesk portrayal of the Persian court on one face of volute Kater Fe)” ‘Uually dated to pei sighy later than the Poulydamss statu bse, around the end ofthe thie quater of he fourth ceatry BC, iis offen iwprcted as real of an historia drama or wellknown incident surounding te Persian [ston of Greece or the [onan cevolt Inthe regimented thre seas, the Great Rin and fis GraceoPersian court take up the middle register. The igen ‘Mince, desc in Greck fraveling clothes, confidently adresses him fom the ‘ght while #spearearr attends th King behind the trone onthe et!" Some ‘Getto sce to adapt iconographic ingredients of the Achaemenid audience Seene with some understanding of ther original contest. The two thumaera do not define the king's space inthe audines, bu instead mth space oxcupied by his teagurer below "Sacks of silver andthe nested veighed paige which formed apother Waasporable form of ulin within the a ted Rain dyeing of ant Cal 7 sete ee erga Teta eee one ad ny Alen ss ‘empire, are brovght tobe counted in the king's wealth”? The righ-tand "humaterion forms a barrie over which the rs of tree kneeling Pesan subjects reaches towards the King. The kneeling gues are paralleled in roughly Contemporary uses in Eayptian iconography, such a the einie symbols onthe base ofthe Egyptiansyle statue of Dari ound at Susa"* On the op right of ‘the competition, on the fringe ofa divine scene in which Greece reseves peer sttenton and privilege, the figure of Asa Istns to » guiding figure called eit (gpate). Ths soem to refer to the rhetrie of Dara’ Bsitun insertion Jn which he denied revolts inthe empire on his accession wo the spend ofthe ie, versions of which srelate from the end ofthe sth century orvards © In Persepoig, the shielding symbol of the benevolent Ahuramacda covered the very ‘op ofeach royal audience scene on either door jam or within the ommend bldachin, bu here, Zeus favours another eau. The word “Person te podium fon which the Grek Vstr stands explcly refers tothe Achaemenid coment of ‘he scene visualised ~ possibly ithe tile ofthe drama portrayed, bt tis ore ele describe the location, nthe royal cour ofthe cit ofthe Persians" The scene is conceived of entirely in Greek syle and Greek conceptions of Psi features, but structurally plays on the format of the audiene scene fn fonder to give 2 sceptical view of the Achaemenid hierarchy. In both. the Poulylamas base and Darius vase, the Pesan king is remade in an image recognizable tothe Greek imaginaio, but na way tat til exploits the space of the Achaemenid court In both, the metaphorical hirrchy which hel! the tmthroned king atthe top of a power sirvture above his subject heads, and blow the supervision of BeneRcent deity ie nverte. Eu the sociable court and 198. Darius" etal moulding of hes conquests mde enough impact t te thoroughly ‘es Peal rh ey Gk tnt Xm, 87 emai te audience space sill sractre the imagined sting for the demonstration of shill by the visting outsider I Tate literary soure lustre the degree to which the vst image of an sudience with the Persian king seems to have become embeded in generic stories Gf Greck encounters with the Achaemenid court. Philos" eephrasts of Themisioces eddressng the Persian king in Babylon, one of socond ot third entury CE collection of imagines, echoes many ofthe festres ofthe Greco “Ashacmeni eadience as we se potyed by the Dai painter” Thine henge th (Hes) av Mee, ae eo of Babson ad the 3 Prilostatus’ description, although puporting to be ofa real wal panting, need ot be evidence ofthe actual existence and srvval of one show ng Themistoces tela Persian king in conversation” As inthe two visual examples which we fave seen the convention themes of Greek austerity anc cleverness are Coneased with Persian luxury and complacency. The description dwells particularly on deals which take the image ou ofthe purely vsual reser and [rok otc senses engaged in the sesne Phiostrats doesn't describe thumareia, ‘ut does allude to catching the scent of frankincense and myn with which “the arbarans pollute the teedom ofthe ai. The talkative court surroundings are treked wih his emphasis on the muutrings of spearbearers marveling atthe thi tnd ‘he visting Greek, The proces of language, communication and understanding is Particularly emphasised by Philoestus An educated rene’s subconscious terry commentary onthe scene might include the sage-ke words reported as TThemistocies’ advice 10 the ing in Tae fih to fourth century” sources, particularly his waming tha, “3 man's discourse was like pice of tapestry ‘ven spread open it plas its Figures; but when iis folded wp, they are hidden {nd lost Themistocles thas took his st steps 1o great eseen as an adviser in the Persian court The native signposts available fr images ofthe Greck in audience such a5 the Daivs vate or Poulylamas rei, contrast with the absence of specifiy in the dynastic image at Persepolis, The ence sone sams have been a visual Stusture which could be aed both fo express the selfdefinton ofthe ruling Gynasty and the locally anced natives of parca groupe subject to royal power. The mutations of the image run parallel to a wider ge of encounters Ferweon individuals andthe king. Pils Tate sytess of image and txt inks the audience scene with a range of taratives in which a subject impresses the Persian king with thee skill or beneicence towards him The individuals ‘ualites and value are oflen direy linked tthe his or ber elicit Chraceristies sich at religious bel and politcal dient mick their ference from other groups. The folkleric gear proportionally takes up most of the snoedotes involving direct encounters withthe king” ‘Biographically named tales of competitive couriers and caer intrigue inthe royal cout exised in AKKadian Itertue fom the Mile Babylonian period ‘onvands™ With the terior expansion ofthe Achaemenid paid, they become ably more intematonsl snd thee strong presence in the Ine fifth and fourth entry suvves ae 8 gee, particularly in religous iteraire, well beyond” ‘With some variation, the sori lll of thee protagonist's elevation from poverty, onstrint or some frm of exile to an honoured poston clveto the monarch, as tu adviser or dinlomatic intermedia, usually within vaguely dened royal Space such as the palace or pression Like aspiring actors in Hollywood waiting the able of movie mogul, the point of discovery, where tv king tealss the ‘taites of his subject in audience, remains a central poin in the narative Themistocies, whose moment of recognition i clearly desenbel sk ocearng ina formal (and difficult to reac) abience withthe king, remairs one ofthe most ‘Sor sng suntan fi pe doo, he eee te St ‘beste sou of Dart 012010), The ong pros fe ry pe talent ceding nurse eS De 8 eet en wellknown and developed ethic heroes inthe orenal cour. Other anedotes Ire biopephical court tales of scholars or otherwise specially distinguished foreigners include Democedes and Cesise the” doctor Pouydams the pankratat and notably the biblical Esthet, who, like Themistoce,vansmited Information to the king which saved him Te plentfl strong peas inthe Aramaic and Hebrew biblical traditions, incoding Daniel, Ezra snl Nehemiah, emonsrate tht the tale of the foreigner communicating withthe Persian king td benefiting fom his favour int ie not a Grek preserve. Egyptian examples lide the biography ofthe apparel Bistorical Udahoteset,invibed on his ‘om dedicatory state.” Infuenced by aration of Egyptian offiia biographies, the inter, a doctor like Democedes and Ciesis, relates his diplomatic skill in ‘inerpeting Egyptian cultural ryuiemente to soccesive Kings” In ll these Iinguages,rocaming emphasis is placed onthe subjects kil a inlerretation, ther ability to mediate and dice th King’s power ~ quite often this interpretation Js eredy characte as prophesy." Fregenily retrospective and mgifed by rationalise raion, these glonicatons of individual lives in the Achaemenid ‘Court plac thee protagonists atthe hear (and sometimes origin) of Prin ale The tale of the encounter with the Persian king isthe ccision forthe dsonsration of vale and often etnie distinction, The space arog the throne ‘ables subjects om outside the Persian ability o take cente sage’ His or her {elffnition through communication and benefcene assigns ile action othe King, but requires that he remains asthe witness and measure ofall wort. The Persian king isthe listenes, the watcher, and the potential donor ofan, he FRigonon nce (vhom espe veh trol omens we ree ny atl 2 impartial but crucially persusable prof of valve. One ofthe important things suggested by these stories isthe breadth of popular expectatoe placed on the ‘momentary encounter with the Great King; abet exchange of conminicaton ot reward could continue to represent a source of status” Tndividuas’partepaion in the Achaemenid hierarchy anywhere, petaps even in the satrapl eur, ight be interpreted a distant engagement wit the monarch, Both commemoration of sn aspiration to this engagement may have been imagined inthe form of the royal audience. In comparison fo the mulingul body of metitocrte stories, the fructire of the audience image is an economical snapshot, ia some attic ontexts it clearly embodied the naratve cues forthe eelling cf an exemplary ie in international relations. The dense layer of symbolic visusl acretions on some versions of the sudience extant sith the empire, och as that of Djedberbes, renin del to interpret. They suggest a cusiomizing response to Achaemend iconography equivalent tothe imaginaive embedding ofthe king in reponal narratives. The g's image in these examples was Furor transformed and peronalind, each personal commissioning of a new abject or memorial conjured a ing defined by his subjet's identity. The audience seene is adapted alongwith other developed images of social interaction such as the hunt, in the aredlation of eal hicrarcies interacting with. Achaemenid rule, chown on Anatolian funerary ‘monuments and Sidoniansarcophag "All could be adapted to enpres he stats of local hierarchies. This adaptation could be taken 10 the edge of sate ot Subversion, as demonstrated inthe negatively tilted Grek varaions, reflecting tack on the participants a sens of cultural superior. Neverteles, the king remains the enral reference point for consequent reputation and. rowan. Retrospectives of the end of Achaemenid rue seem to take the aepation of the royal abience beyond the obliteration ofthis central protagonist. There are tw forms of epilogue othe uence with the Persian king provided by the end ofthe dynasty at Aletandt's invasion, The firs textual heme cceurs in two wits who portay fhe wise commentaries of diferent companions upon Alexander's enthrnement in to capitals. Both play on the roles of his courtiers {es the preservation of privileges grated to the sanctary of Apollo = Magnesia othe

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