University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education

Moroccan Hassidism: The Chavrei Habakuk Community and Its Veneration of Saints
Author(s): Gil Daryn
Source: Ethnology, Vol. 37, No. 4 (Autumn, 1998), pp. 351-372
Published by: University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3773787
Accessed: 15/02/2010 16:48

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless
you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you
may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=upitt.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed
page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of
content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms
of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of Pittsburgh- Of the Commonwealth System of Higher Education is collaborating with JSTOR to
digitize, preserve and extend access to Ethnology.

http://www.jstor.org
 University of Cambridge

MOROCCANHASSIDISM: 1 CHAVREIHABAKllK
COMMUNITYAND ITS VENERATIONOF SAINTS

I Gil Daryn

This articleinvestigatesan ethnicallymixed, nonterritorialcommunib centeredaround

a rabbi of Moroccan origin. Through exploring the unusual stages of this rabbi's
sanctification and of the establishment of the community itself, the idiosyncratic
combination of traditional North African Jewish elements and Ashkenazi Hassidic
elementscreatesa syncretismthat is prominentfor the venerationof saints, whichserves
the rabbi as an instrumentfor legitimizinghis own status and as a way of consolidating
his congregation. The source of the community'sattraction, as well as its rabbi's
charisma,lies in its liminal, sociallyambiguousstatus and location, and transcendence
of ethnicand culturalboundaries.t(Moroccanvenerationof saints,Hassidism,liminality,
ethnic boundaries,MoroccanHassidism)

On a torridSabbathin June1992,whiledrivingin the Galilee,I chancedupona row

of carson the narrowroadleadingto the tombof the prophetHabakuk.Thusbegan
a year's study of ChavreiHabakuk(the HabakukCongregation).This accidental
entranceinto the iSleldbeganmost inauspiciously:at the height of the Sabbath,I
intrudedby car on a congregationof OrthodoxJews, andcompoundedthe sacrilege
by enteringthe sacredprecinctaroundthe gravebareheadedanddresseddisrespect-
fully in short sleeves, short pants, and sandals. About twenty men immediately
surroundedme, demandingvociferouslythatI leavethe site. Some suspectedme of
be1nga journalistassignedto spy on them and on a governmentministerspending
the Sabbathwiththem;otherscameto my defenseandtrzedto calmtempers.Before
I couldturnback,the rabbiheadingthe congregationapproached.A handsomeand
courtly man, gentle and well spoken, he rescuedme from the pressing crowd.
Graspingthatmy arrivalhadbeenquiteinnocentandwithoutsinisterintentions,he
invitedme to join him in enteringa largetenterectednearthe tomb.Within,at long,
set tables,sat a groupof peoplewhoseheterogeneity was evidentat firstglance:most
were dressedin elegantsuits andblackhats, but some were in jeans, T-shirts,and
yarmulkes.Otherswore traditlonalMoroccangarb, and amongthem sat Hassidim
wearinglong silk coats (kapotot)andfur shtreimels(hatsworn by Hassidimon the
Sabbathandholidays).The rabbiannouncedthatI hadclearlybeen zsentXand my
arrivalwas no accident;instantly,peoplewho momentsearlierhad been tryingto
evict me smiled, maderoom, andapologizedfor theirbehavior.
The hilluloth(memorialfeasts;sing. hillulah)andpilgrimagesto saints'graves
are the key to understanding the communityitself and its leader.The rabbiis of
Moroccanoriginandis perceivedby his adherentsas a saint.Thecommunity'sinitial
memberswere MoroccanJews (today,more thanhalf the membersare Moroccan
Jews and the vast majorityare of NorthAfricanand Araborigin). Therefore,the
351
ETHNOLOGYvol. 37 no. 4, Fall 1998, pp. 351-72.
ETHNOLOGY, c/o Departmentof Anthropology,The University of Pittsburgh,PittsburghPA 15260 USA
Copyright 1998 The University of Pittsburgh.All rights reserved.
352 ETHNOLOGY

hilluloth and pilgrimages, and the rabbi himself, should be examined within the
framework of the veneration of Moroccan Jewlsh saints in Israel.
In some of Chavrei Habakuk'shilluloth and pilgrimages to saints' graves there
are divergences or innovationsrelative to the patternsof saint venerationcustomary
among North AfricanJews living in Israel. The rabbihimself embodies simultaneous-
ly images of Moroccansaints and AshkenaziHassidic rabbis. He createdthe Chavrei
Habakukcommunity, andtherebya new phenomenonin Israel:MoroccanHassidism.

PILGRIMAGESIN JUDAISM

Pilgrimage is a paradigmaticand paradoxicalhuman quest, both outward and

inward, a movement toward ideals known but not achieved at home. As such,
pilgrimage is an image for the search for fulf1llmentof all people inhabiting an
imperfect world (Morinis 1992a:ix-x). In Judaism, the concept of pilgrimage dates
from the First Temple, when Israelites traveled to the Temple thrice yearly to
celebratePassover, Pentecost, and Tabernacles.Gravesitevisitation is also an ancient
Jewish custom; the books of Joshuaand Jeremiahmention prostrationon the graves
of the Patriarchs(Kahana1986:29) The Roman conquest and the destructionof the
Second Temple in 70 C.E put an end to Temple pllgrlmages, and in subsequent
generationsthe custom of gravesitepilgrimageswas strengthened.During the Middle
Ages many Diaspora Jews traveled to the Holy Land to visit Jerusalem and to
prostratethemselves on the burial sites of saints (Weingrod 1990:10). Moroccan and
other North African Jews developed a special traditionof pilgrimage to and hilluloth
at saints' graves. In Israel, Moroccan immigrantshave preserved and revived this
tradition.

VENERATION IN MOROCCANTRADITION

Alenerationof saints plays a central role in Moroccan Jewish life and is an

importantcomponent of their ethnic identity (Ben-Ami 1984:207-13; Bilu 1984:44;
Goldberg 1983:67). The tzaddikis a pious man, well versed in the Torah and
kabbalisticstudies, charismaticand spirituallycompelling (Bilu:1984:44, 1987:285),
deeply religious, honest, and innocent. As a saint, he possesses supernaturalpowers
which enable him to influence events and people and to intercedewith God on their
behalf (Weingrod 1990 13)eThese powers do not fade when the saint dies and can
cont1nueto beneElthis adherents2(Bilu 1987:285). Among MoroccanJews? faith in
saints is strongly entwined with the Jewish mystical tradition3 and with the
Maraboutisticelement that characterizesNorth African Islam4(Goldberg 1983:67-
68). Howevers unlike Islam, Jewish custom centered aroundthe graves of deceased
saints (Bilu 1987:285; Ben-Ami 1984:190), althoughthere also were living saints in
Morocco (Ben-Ami 1984:46-55). What differentiatedthese tzaddikimfrom ordinary
mortals was their ability to perform miracles; to cure the sick, eliminate danger,
protect, and rescue (Weingrod 1990:13-14). A person who had received a miracle
 MOROCCANHASSIDISM 353

often became the saint's zslave-: that is, a special relationshipdeveloped between the
saint and the zslaveb who submittedcompletely to the saint and accepted his every
pronouncement(Ben-Ami 1984:54-55).
The hillulah is a specific form of pilgrimagewith roots in the Middle Eastern and
North Africanpracticeof sanctifyingsaints' graves and in the traditionof pilgrimages
to these burial sites (the ziyara). The ziyara is, on the one hand, an Islamic
component, and on the other, connected to kabbalisticmystical practices originating
in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Like the tzaddik himself, the gravesite is
considered holy, and helievers hope that their pilgrimages evoke saintly intercession
on their behalf and an end to their troubles and suffering?no matter what the cause
and form of these adversities (Westermarck 1926:175-78; Bilu and Abramovitch
1985:84; Weingrod 1990:10-12). According to Weingrod (1990:11-12), among
Moroccan Jews the hillulah is the central event and focus of saint veneration, and
usually takes place at the gravesite on the anniversaryof a saint's death. However,
some hilluloth are celebrated ln a synagogue or house associated with the saint.
Graves located near residential areas are also customarily visited on Fridays or
immediately after the Sabbath and on the first day of each Jewish month. Every
family adheres to one saint or anotherwho has helped the family or has appearedto
one of its members in a dream. It is customary for pilgrims to immerse themselves
in a miEveh(ritual purification bath) before visiting the saint. One of the central
ceremonies of the hillulah is the public auction of candles honoring the saint. Large
donationsconfer honor on the donor, and all contributionsare dedicatedto the saint.
Hilluloth last several days and, among other activities, include slaughtering kosher
animals, feasts honoring the saint, imbibing Arak (a strong alcoholic beverage),
danclng, singing, and candle-lighting(Ben-Ami 1984:85-99; Goldberg 1983:66-68).
The cultural patterns structured into hilluloth express collective emotions which
reinforce Jewish solidarity and brotherhoodin the spirit of Turner's zvommunitasX
and contributeto consolidation of Jewish identity (Bilu 1984:45, 1987:286).
Since the 1960s, veneration of saints by North African Jews in general and by
MoroccanJews in particularhas undergonea renaissanceand is flourishing (Ben-Ami
1984:208). Pilgrimages to saints' graves and hilluloth in their honor are similar to
those which had been customaryin Morocco (Deshen 1977:112; Ben-Ami 1984:208;
Bilu 1984:46-50). Recent studies focusing on the phenomenon have indicated that
initiators, organizers, and participantsin the renewed veneration of saints in Israel
generally belong to lower socioeconomic strata, live in developmenttowns (Ben-Ami
1984:207-11; Shokeid 1984:269; Ben-Ari and Bilu 1987:246-50), and have their
ethnic origins ln North Africa (Weingrod 1990:90? 110). Men and women are not
segregated at hilluloth (Bilu 1987:291, 1988a:307). On more than one occasion this
intermingling of the sexes has spawned objections to this sort of religious activity
(Deshen 1977: 119-21; Ben-Ami 1984:224-25). An additionalimportantcharacteristic
of hilluloth is their lack of central organization and informality (Bilu 1987:290;
Weingrod 1990:83, 86) .
354 ETHNOLOGY

In IsraelSfourpatternsof saintvenerationby MoroccanJewscan be discerned.

With each pattern,the attachmentto saints severedby immigrationto Israel is
renewedto perpetuatethe venerationtraditionin Israel.(I) Existentburialsites are
appropriated or adoptedby MoroccanJews;e.g., the gravesof RabbiShimo'nBar
Yokhai (acronym:Rashbi) in Meiron5and Rabbi Meir Baal-Haness(Ben-Ami
1981:302, 1984:211-12;Bilu 1984:46; Bilu and Abramovltch1985:84). These
famouss1tesare locatednear majorurbancenters(Weingrod1990:94). (2) Local
traditionsare revived, and/or sites associatedwith new saints are created or
discovered,usuallyneardevelopmenttownspopulatedlargelyby immigrantsfrom
Morocco.This patternhas two forms.In some cases, old local Holy Landcustoms
such as the traditionsand hillulothconcerningthe graveof Honi HaMeagel,6near
Hatzorin the Galilee are revived(Ben-Ami1981:302-03 1984:212;Ben-Ariand
Bilu 1987:263-64).In others, a Moroccansaint is ztransferredb to Israel, usually
following individual initiatives stimulatedby dreams (Ben-Ami 1981:323-24,
1984:209;Bilu 1984:46).(3) New contemporary saints,suchas RabbiHaimHouri
of Beersheba,are created(Ben-Ami1984:210;Bilu 1984:46;Weingrod1990:1-8).
(4) Venerationarises aroundliving saints speciElcallyRabbiIsraelAhu-Hatseira,
knownas BabaSali, andhis son RabbiBaruchAbu-Hatseira (BabaBaruch).During
his lifetime,BabaSali's housewas a centraland important pilgrimagesite. He was
renownedfor his scholarship,blessings,and miracles,and his followersincluded
Moroccanand AshkenaziJews. Afterhis death,his gravebecamea sacredsite for
an enormousannualhillulah, and his son, Baba BaruchSwas recognizedas his
successor, endowed(like his father)with supernatural powers (Bilu and Ben-Ari
1992:672-74;Weingrod1990:98-99).

IN HASSIDISM
VENERATION

WithAshkenaziHassidim,unlikeamongNorthAfricanJews, the living saint's

personalityandlifestyleareemphasized.Thetzaddik,theenlightenedandcharismatic
saintSleadsthe communityof adherentswhichassemblesaroundhim. The tzaddik
communicates with Godthroughmysticismandcanperformvariousmiracles(Alfasi
1974:1617, 1975:65; Scholem 1941:334, 337; Weingrod 1990:16). Scholem
(1980:247)describesthe Hassidictzaddikas wonewho lives in permanentdevotion
to the Creator. . . andhis missionis to flghtevil. Thetzaddikis the em1ssaryof the
spiritualworld help1nghumanityb . s OfHe uses his powerstO aidhis generationand
his followers.The tltle
accepted of a Hassidictzaddikactivelyleadinghis community
is Admor(acronymfor adoneinu,moreinuv'rabbenu,meaningour master,teacher
andrabbi).The Admor'stitle, andusuallyhis powerandcharisma,passfromfather
to son, formingdynasticchainsof Admorim(Scholem1941:331).In mostHassidic
communities,the Admorwearsspecialclotheswhichdistinguishandset him apart
fromhis followers.Admorimacceptmonetarycontributions fromtheiradherentsfor
adviceanddeliverance,but do not specifSra sum.
 MOROCCAN HASSIDISM 355

From its inception in the eighteenthandnineteenthcenturies, Hassidic individuals

and families always assembled around a tzaddik and attachedthemselves to him. In
other words, a Hassidic community is uniiSledby adherenceto and dependenceon the
tzaddik who leads it and on the lifestyle and customs he has decreed (Scholem
1941:342-44). In a Hassidic beit midrash(study house), the Admor maintainsa room
in which he sees followers. The beit midrash serves as a meeting place for the
Hassidim, who also dine with the rebbe(affectionateYiddishized form of rabbi) on
Sabbaths?feasts, and pilgrimages. In some Hassidic communities, members live near
the Admor and his court. Various community institutionsare established aroundthe
court to provide income, housing, and education. The most prominentcharacteristics
of Hassidic communities are mutual aid, complete solidarity (Mahler 1961:29-37),
and the Hassidim's boundless adorationfor their rebbe and their burning desire to
please himO
Pilgrimages to saints graves in Hassidic communities have not received the
scholarly attentiongiven to Moroccan hilluloth; studies of the matter are scant and
partial. According to Weingrod (1990:16), the phenomena of miracle-working
tzaddikims and to a lesser degree hilluloth, exist among the Ashkenazi Hassidim.
Hassidic pilgrimages take place on the anniversaryof the tzaddik's death (in Yiddish
yahrzeit),aiFxterfirst conductinga large dinner in the Hassidic court zfor elevating the
tzaddik'ssoul. " The dinnerincludesextensive quotationof the tzaddik'scontributions
to Torah knowledge, singing, and a tisch (Yiddish lit. table). The tisch is a
rambunctiousaffair in which the Admor distributesleftovers from his plate and wine
from his cup. At the tzaddik's grave? it is customary to pray chant psalms? and
implore the tzaddik for help. Most of the pilgrims are male, and in some cases,
female participationis expressly forbidden.If women do join a pilgrimage, the sexes
are strictly segregated. When Hassidimand NorthAfricanJews conduct simultaneous
pilgrimages to a site, they remain apart and the disgust the Hassidim feel for the
North Africans is blatantlyapparent(Bilu 1988a:307-08). In recent years. the custom
of spending Sabbaths at a tzaddik's grave has developed in smaller Hassidic
communities, but this is generally done hy individuals, not groups. In sum. the
Hassidic patternsof adorationof tzaddikimandpilgrimagecustoms are quite different
from the veneration rituals of North African Jews. NonethelessSthere is a shared
mystical element in the foundations of Hassidic adoration of tzaddikim and the
Moroccan veneration of saints.

THE TZADDIK AND THE RABBI

Among a variety of activities?veneration of saints plays a central role in the life

of Chavrei HabakukSRabbi Der'i's7 adherents, and includes pilgrimages to graves
and hilluloth connected to various taddikim. The most important unifying and
consolidating event? the year9s climax which gave the group its names is the
pilgrimage to the Galilean grave of the biblical prophet Habakuk. This must be
356 ETHNOLOGY

understood with reference to the social, cultural and human context in which it
occurs.
Rabbi Shimon DerSi at present heads the Birkat Shmuel institutionsz which
include a beit midrash yeshiva, kollel(subsidizedyeshiva for marriedmen) building
fund, charity tilnd, lecture series, and publication of the writings of the Netanya
tzaddik. In the interestof brevity, I will use terms favoredby ChavreiHabakuk:zthe
Rabbi" refers to Rabbi Der'i, and "the TzaddikXdenotes Rabbi Shmuel HaCohen
Kaufman, the zsecret tzaddik" of Netanya.
As a youthzthe Rabbiemigratedfrom North Africa duringthe mass immigration
of the 1950s. Until his adoptlonby the Tzaddik he studied at a numberof yeshivot.
Many stories (each with several versions) describe his first meetingwith the Tzaddik,
and it has become one of many myths surroundingthe two figures. Accordingly,
Rabbi Der'i, at 31, traveled to Netivot to ask the Baba Sali for his blessing and
salvation; the latter told him he would HIndsuccor at the hands of the tzaddik of
Netanya.
The Tzaddik, Rabbi Shmuel HaCohenKaufman,scion of a rabbinicalfamily and
a renowned Torah scholar, became a Hassid in Poland, his birthplace. In Israel, he
did not live within a Hassidic community, and settled with his wife in a small room
in a suburb of Netanya. From an early age and for most of his life, he tried to
remain hidden, and publishedsome hooks anonymouslzz.He demandedsecrecy from
people he blessed. an lnclination whsch spawned tlle title the secret tzaddik of
Netanya.- Over the years he became famous as a Torah genlus and a miracle-worker.
Although his neighbors in Netanya barely knew him his fame was worldwide
and people from othercountriescame to obtainhis blessing. ChavreiHabakukrelates
that even the Admor of the Hassidic communityto which the Tzaddikbelonged (one
of Israel's largest Hassidic communities) came to ask for his blessing when he fell
ill. Another story describes how that same Admor stood outside the Tzaddik's room
for a quarterof an hour in pouring rain, waiting for the latter to finish his prayers.
In addition?he was known for his direct contact with the prophet Elijah
The Tzaddikchargedvast sums for his blessingsgyet he lived in extreme poverty
and eontributed his entire fortune to the needy and to a fund subsidizing Torah
scholars. He had no children, and toward the end of his life, God promised him a
son. Indeed, H1veyears before hls death, God sent him Rabbi Shimon Der'i. The
Tzaddik laid his hands on the Rabbi's head, blessing and healing him, and then asked
to be blessed in turn, as a sign that he acknowledged the greatness of his newly
adoptedson. Thus the Tzaddikcut across the ethnic boundariesgenerally separating
Ashkenaz1mand Jews from North African and Arab countries. During the Rabbi's
flve years with the Tzaddik, he absorbedhis adoptivefather's powers and charisma,
andbegan to deal with blessings and miracles in a variety of areas, lncludingmedical
matters, bus1ness and even reprleves from military reserve duty.
The Tzaddik9sdeath and the passage of his powers to his son markedthe end of
the first phase of the Rabbi's appointmentas successor and transformationinto a
tzaddikin his own right, althoughhe continuesto noteSat every opportunity,that the
 MOROCCANHASSIDISM 357

Tzaddikis the sourceof his legitimacy.This is emphasizedin manyways, especially

in the namegivento the yeshiva:BirleatShmuel(theBlessingof Shmuel).Thus,the
Rabbi blesses, but his power is the Tzaddik'spower, and his blessing is the
Tzaddik'sblessing.
Followingthe Tzaddik'sdemise21 yearsago, the Rabbidecidedto establisha
yeshivain his mentor'smemory,followingthe Talmudicdictum:zErecta yeshiva
on his graveX(i.e., in his memory).The Tzaddik'shome,the sacredroomin which
he blessedthousands,is partof the new yeshivaandis usedby the Rabbifor private
meetingswiththosewho seekhis help.Mostof his fundingcomesfromthe fortunate
who have been saved by the Rabbi'sblessings. The rest comes from weekly and
monthlycontributlons fromChavreiHahalQuk, someof whosemembersgive as much
as a tenthof theirincometo theyeshlva,andfromsteadycontributionsby purchasers
of framedpicturesof the lateTzaddik.Underpressurefromhis father,the Rabbi's
son, Rabbi Aharon, who heads the kollel, changedhis surnameto that of the
Tzaddik,and is now know as RabbiAhreleKaufman.

THE CHAVREIHABAKUKCOMMUNITY

The presentcommunityis a varied group of about 100 men, most of them

betweenthe ages of 30 and50, residingbetweenBeershebain the southandHaifa
in the north.lChethreadbindingeach to the Rabbiis the supernatural;
to wit, the
Rabbi'smiraclesand blessings have been their salvationand changedtheir lives
immeasurably.To illustrate,one member,a colonel in the IsraeliDefense forces,
declared,

I never believed in this stuff [miracles and supernaturalevents], but my ten-year-olddaughterwas very
ill, the doctors told me that she needed complicated and risky heart surgeryt otherwise she might die
wlthm several days, and I had to glve my permlssion for them lO perform the operatlon. Xcould see my
daughterfading away in front of my eyes . . . and d1dnot know what to do. Luckily, a frlend of mine
told me about the Rabbi so I decided to try him. Immediatelyafter I f1rstmet with the Rabbi I felt
better. He patiently heard about the situationand told me to come again the next day. When I arrived
his face was shining. He told me he prayed for the girl's sake all night and I have nothing to worry
about. I should give my consent for the surgery without any fear. He also troubled himself to see the
girl, gave her his blessing and holy water to drink, and assured us all that she will be all right. What
I really could not believe was that the Rabbi talked with the doctors before the surgery and informed
them about different steps of the forthcoming surgery. After they had completed the surgery
successfully, they came and confessed that they were all astonished by what the Rabbi told them
beforehand. They said the Rabbi actually anticipatedthe differentdifElcultie.sthey will have to face and
how many hours the operationw1lltake wlth an unbelievableaccuracy. He ls a very special manza man
vf mlracles. Since then I have been an admlrer of the Rabbl. I was not a believer before, lbuthe
changed my life, you can see me now wearing th1syarmuLke,praying and partlcipatingin this hillulah.

Likethosewho join cults (Lofland1966:50-51),ChavreiHabakukmemberssee

theirentranceintothe groupas a turningpointin theirlives. In effect, eachmember
is a zslaver in the sense delineatedby Ben Ami (1984:54-55),andhis relationship
with the miracle-working Rabbiis one of totalacceptanceandsubmissionsimilarto
358 ETHNOLOGY

the relationsbetween a Hassid and his Admor (Scholem 1941:337). Members

routinelygreet each other with the salutation,shulem(the Yiddish form of the
Hebrewshalom).
More thanhalf of the membersare of Moroccanorigin, the earliestadherents
havingbeen the Rabbi'sboyhoodfriendsandtheirrelatives.Overthe years, other
Sephardimandsome Ashkenazimhaveassembledaroundthe Rabbi.Mostmembers
have middle to high socioeconomicstatus and the group includesbusinessmen,
managers,professionals,bankpersonnel,retiredhigh-rankingarmy officers, and
publicservants Members9 religiousorthodoxyandaffiliationsarealsoquitediverse,
rangingfrom the secularto the ultra-Orthodox and Hassidic. The majorityare
traditionalor religiousJews;abouthalfbecamereligiousfollowingtheirencounters
with the Rabbi.The minorityare the secularand the Hassidic(belongingto three
differentHassidiccommunities)? each havingaboutten members.Thus, both in
backgroundand heterogeneity,ChavreiHabakukmembersdiffer from the usual
participantsin Moroccanvenerationof saints.
Whileat firstglanceChavreiHabakukappearsopento all prospectivemembers,
in fact a selectiveprocess,similarto thatcharacterizingcultszoperates(see Lofland
1966:51-62).A personcan join the group aifterthe Rabbihas first glven him a
miracleor adviceandlaterinvitedhim to participatein his Torahclasses. Alterna-
tively, a membermayinvitea friendor relative,usuallyone in needof a blessingor
salvation.The Rabbidemandsregularattendance in his classes, anddoes not permit
the auditorswho crowd his lessons to participatein ChavreiHabakuk'sother
activities. Althoughwomen are permittedto come to the classes, and a separate
curtainedalcove is providedfor them,they rarelyattend.In additionto his weekly
class, the Rabblorganizestwice-yearlyTorahsessions, full days of lecturesby
famousrabbislastingwell into the night?pilgrimagesto sacredgraves (described
below), and special events. The classes were establishedthirteenyears ago in
responseto requestsand demandsby the initial small group of Moroccanswho
faithiilllyadheredto the Rabbifromthe time of his adoptionby the Tzaddikand
assistedhim duringthe Elrstdaysfollowingthe Tzaddik'sdeath.
The texts studiedin the classesarethe Tzaddik'sbooks.The contentis Hassidic
andincludeskabbalisticexegesisof theTorah,gematria8 calculations,andnumerous
referencesto the kabbalistRabbiIsaacLuriaandto the BaalShemTov (the Beshtz
founderof the Hassidicmovement).Makingliberaluse of Hassidicfablesandtales,
includingexamplesfrom modernIsraelidaily lifeSthe Rabbiinterpretsthe text,
focusingprimarilyon basic Hassidicthemessuch as sanctifilcatlon,9 love of God,
prayer9ritual immers1on,joyfill worship?and the kabbalist1c conceptof tzimzarm
(divinelight)(Alfasl 1975:37-44).Examplesof sanctification of Godaretakenfrom
the Holocaust,from Hassidichistory,andfrombattlestoriesaboutIsraelisoldiers
andofElcers;the Rabbibelievesthe latterto be modern-day sanctifiersof God.While
lecturing,the Rabbiproducesa convivialatmosphere makingextensiveuse of
by
Yiddish(theTzaddik'smothertongue)andAshkenaziintonations andpronunciations,
assiduouslyinterspersed withjokestoldin MoroccanArabic.Thus?the Rabbicreates
 MOROCCAN HASSIDISM 359

an unusual combination of North African ambiance and religious Hassidic themes,

and ties them to the Israeli modern national ethos. Every class ends with evening
prayers and cakes blessed by the Rabbi The distributionis somewhat frenetic, and
enthusiastic participantspress forward, stretching their arms toward the Rabbi to
receive handfuls of pastry. The atmosphere is reminiscent of the Hassidic tisch
(Altasi 1975:46).
Relationships within Chavrei Habakuk are those of an extended family. They
meet merrily every week, do voluntary work for the yeshiva, and help each other in
times of stress or grief. For his part, the Rabbi repeatedlyemphasizes his intention
of founding the NetanyaTzaddik's Hassidic community(BirkatShmuel) and stresses
that Chavrei Habakukare not merely Torah scholars but Hassidim. They must be
united, aid one another,participatein all members'joys and sorrows, and in general
act as a large family. The Rabbi speaks frequentlyabout brotherhoodand communi-
ty, in the spirit of the Besht? and about the spiritual and physical salvation that
members bring one another. Accordinglys the Rabbi personally invites each of his
Hassidim to the engagements and weddings of his children. In addition to family
connections among the members, who bring their relatives to classes, a number of
them are also related to the Rabbi directly or through marriage.
In some cases the Rabbi helps his adherentsactively. He arrangesjobs, usually
in connection with the yeshiva. Members emphasize that the mutual aid and
togetherness that prevails in the community create a feeling of family and security,
and contend that partaking in the classes and hilluloth gives them pleasure, inner
peace, and a chance to rise above daily travail. Others assert that being with the
Rabbi and with other members fortiElesthem with spiritual sustenance for the entire
week. The Hassidim aver that they eome because of tlle miracles they rece1ve
through the saintly Rabbi and out of recognition of his greatness. The Rabbi's
personal beadle, himself a Hassid, related that the Tzaddik appeared to him in a
dream and commanded him to go to Netanya to serve the Rabbi.
Chavrei HabakukSsattitudetoward the Rabbi is that of Hassidim to a tzaddik, a
spiritual father and savior. No one would dare disobey him or leave a class early.
Stories abound of members who leit a hillulah early without permission and did not
reach their destination, due to automobilebreakdownor other mishap. Nonmembers
who disobeyed or harmedthe Rabbiare said to have received far worse punishments.
Class attendeesconsult with the Rabbiaboutvirtuallyeverything, includingbusiness,
family, and even the most personal matters. Most requests concern physical and
mental health issues. Members assign miraculousand supernaturalinterpretationsto
everything concerning the community, from the Rabbi's adoption by the Tzaddik to
the money he demands for his blessings. Although the Rabbi denies that he is a
tzaddik various Birkat Shmuel publications, such as the prayerbook and Passover
Haggada translated into Moroccan Arabic, refer to him as zour teacher and rabbi,
tzaddikand Admor, Rabbi Shimon Der'i. may he live longX-phraseology generally
reserved for the heads of Hassidic communities.
360 ETHNOLOGY

VENERATIONOF SAINTS

Veneration of saints is almost as varied as the membersthemselves, and consists

of customs and events different from one anotherin characterstype of participants,
and significance. The pilgrlmage to Habakuk's grave in the Galilee is the most
importantevent conducted hy Chavrei Habakuk, whose members believe that the
Rabbi established the tradition of HabakukSabhath. as it is known, about eleven
years ago, for esoteric kabbalistic-mysticreasons known to him alone.
The pilgrimage takes place on an auspicious date chosen by the Rabbi, and
includes a stay of two days nearthe holy grave. The Rabbiproclaimsthat the prophet
Habakukis the Messiah son of Joseph, has great powers, and affects all who spend
a Sabbath at his grave; therefore, anyone in need will have his graveside prayers
answered. Thus the Rabbi creates the reputation essential to a pilgrimage site,
assigning it a special characterunavailableat other sites (Morinis 1992b:18).
HabakukSabbathis not called a hillulah by the members and is meant to he a
solemn and diff1cult Sabbath zin the desert," as the Rabbi puts it Admittedly,
sleeping in tents in the wilderness is a powerful experience for many of the
participants, and includes physical hardship and fear of harmful wild animals.
Moreover, absence from one's family is considered an element of self-denial which
contributesto the puriflcationof one's soul and cancellationof sins. Still, the event
itself is joyful and exhilarating.
In June 19939 at the pilgrimage that I attendeds all of Chavrei Habakuk
participated about a hundred menc as women are not allowed to do so. Five
members of the community, all of Moroccanorigin, voluntarilyorganizedthe event.
In a tent erected for this purposenear the grave, the group conductedprayers and ate
festive meals, according to the traditions of North African Jewry. Between the
prayers and during the meals the Rabbi made emotional speeches emphasizing the
members egalitarianismand the solemnity of the occasion. In addition he exhorted
his followers to commit themselves by solemn oath to things such as refrainingfrom
reading secular newspapers and keeping a religious silence, and worshipping God
simply, a central Hassidic theme (Scholem 1941:346). During the meals, the Rabbi
organized singing contests of Moroccanand Hassidic songs and distributedwhiskey
from his silver gohlet. Drinking from the rebbes cup, and drinking together in
generals are distinctly lHassidiccustoms (Alfasi 1975:48). Every meal ended with an
Ashkenazi-style tisch Apparently, the most important and emotive event for the
participantswas receiving the Rabbi'sblessing on Sabbathaifternoon.The pilgrimage
ended with a meal after sundown, followed by climactic singing and dancing, with
the Rabbi leading his flock in dance around the grave. AiEterwards,all worked
together to strike the camp and returnedhome in the early hours of the morning.
 MOROCCANHASSIDISM 361

HONORINGHILLULOTH

The Tzaddik's hillulah is celebratedin a sumptuouswedding hall in Bnei Brak

near Tel Aviv? on the anniversaryof the Tzaddik9sdeath. Individual inv1tationsare
sent to about 2,000 men and women, including Israel's Chief Rabbis and many
respected public Hlgures.A week later, a more modest hillulah in the yeshiva marks
the anniversary of the death of the Tzaddik's witoe.This hillulah is open only to
Chavrei Habakuk. Both hilluloth have been taking place for fourteen years.
On the one hand, the Tzaddik's hillulah has characteristicssimilar to those of
other Moroccan hilluloth: a festive North African ambiance created by a band, a
ceremonial meal, and sales of candles to honor the Tzaddik (sales netting tens of
thousands of shekels). On the other hand it contains Hassidic aspects foreign to
MoroccanJews; rigorous segregation of the sexes, a complete and precisely planned
program, and separationof the hillulah dinner ffom the pilgrimage, which includes
candle-lighting and psalm-chanting.The most prominentaspect of these hilluloth is
their transcendenceof ethnic boundaries, in venerationand zadoptionXof Ashkenazi
(Hassidic) saints by a community most of whose members originate from North
African and Arab countries.
The hilluloth honoring Rabbi Shimon bar Yohai (Rashbi) in Meiron are
celebrated twice a year. Here too the combination of Hassidic and North African
characteristics(with greatersimilarityto Moroccancustoms) is obvious. Women are
permitted to participate but the sexes are strictly segregated. A tisch is held
following the dinner. The festive meal is held at the gravesite a Moroccan band
provides the musice and the Rabbi sells candles honoring the saint. The hillulah's
most important moment precedes the meal, when the Rabbi, wrapped in a long
silvery robe and wearing a traditional Moroccan hat, enters within the fences
surrounding the grave and blesses all Chavrei Habakuk, whose members press
forwardenthusiasticallytowardhim. These hillulothwere institutedby the Rabbinine
years agoe
The hillulah in honor of the Ba'al Shem Tov takes place in the home of one of
the members. It commemoratesa miracle the member experienced about eight years
ago, after becoming completely paralyzed The Rabbi advised the man's wife to hold
a feast honoring the Ba'al Shem Tov and the man was healed. This hillulah is similar
to those honoring Rashbi in Meiron. During the hillulahs the Rabbi interruptsthe
singing and drinkingseveral times to extol the Ba'al Shem Tov and his teachings. As
in Meiron, the Rabbi and his son Ahrele sing Moroccan songs, electrifying the
participants.The hillulah ends with the Rabbi's blessings, dancing, and distribution
of blessed pastries. This hillulah, too, is a clear case of crossing ethnic boundaries
and the adoption of a Hassidic saint by Moroccan Jews.
Other pilgrimages with fixed dates are those to the TzaddikSsgrave on the last
day of every Jewish month, and penitentialprayers at Habalouks grave. The Rabbi
may also decide on additionalpilgr1mages.In general these pilgrimages are limited
362 ETHNOLOGY

to small groupschosenby the Rabbl.These pilgrimagesare in Hassidicstyle and

entreaties,andprayers.Womenneverparticipate.
includeonly candle-lightingS

HASSIDICCOURT
OF A MOROCCAN
THE DEVELOPMENT

The ChavreiHabakukcongregantsthroughouttheir historyhave transcended

ethnic,cultural andsocialboundaries.Whenpeoplecrosssuchhoundariestheytake
with them the world-viewsand ethos with which they have grown up, yet are
influencedby and adaptthemselvesto their new circumstancesand environment,
leadingto an inevitablesyncretismcontainingthe potentialfor innovation.
Transcendingboundarlesbegan with the Tzaddik an AshkenaziHassidwho
daredto adopta son of Moroccanorigin;a highlyunusualact amongHassidim,who
are knownfor theirhaughtyattitudetowardSephardicJews. The Rabbicrossedthe
boundariesin the oppositedirection,acceptingthe Tzaddikas his spiritualfather
goingso faras to havehis own sonchangehis surnameto Kaufman. l0As theRabbiSs
biologicalfatheris still alive,thistoo is exceptional.PerhapstheTzaddik'sresidence
outsidea Hassidiccommunitymadeit possiblefor him to take this extraordinary
step. The Rabbiwillinglyacceptedthe authorityof an adoptiveAshkenazifatherand
beganto emulateHassidicculturalcustoms.Unliketheforcedadoptionof Ashkenazi
Europeancultureby immigrants who cameto Israelin the 1950s(Shokeid1984:269)
RabbiDer'i did so of his own freewill, categoricallyopposingthe acceptedtrendof
MoroccanJews over the last tWO decadestowardethnicseparat1sm anddevotionto
roots.
The ChavreiHabakukhas crossedthe sameethnicboundaries:the Ashkenazim
acceptedthe leadershipand authorityof a Moroccanrabbi,andthe NorthAfrican
Jewsbeganto veneratean Ashkenazitzaddik.Forthe Hassidim(mostof whomlive
in Hassidic enclaves led by Admorim)who have joined ChavreiHabakuk,the
transitionwas even sharper.Theysaidthatthis actcouldhaveled to theirexpulsion
*om theircommunitieshadthe Admorimin questionbeenunwillingto sharetheir
exclusiveauthorityO The Rabbiin turndemandsthateachHassidremainloyalto his
origlnalAdmor Furthermoreabouthalfof ChavreiHahakukwereformerlysecular;
in otherwordssthey havecrossedan additionalboundary,thatfromsecularculture
to re lglon.
. .

Transcendenceof boundariesand liminallocationson inarticulated culturalor

social marginsSor being on their interface, can confer power and charisma(Douglas
1966:94-113; Bilu 1988b:131-33). The Rabbi is the product of boundarytranscen-
dence, emlrodyinga special combinationof cultures and customs, and his ethnically
ambiguous status on the margins of both Ashkenazi and Moroccan Jewry has
contributedto his powers charismas and attractionfor a variety of followers. The
meetlng of cultures and transcendenceof boundaries have also created an unusual
fusion of Ashkenazl-Hassidic and Moroccancharacteristicsz and form a unique
sociocultural institution:the Birkat Shmuel Hassidim In effect, a Moroccan
Hassidismhasbeenestablishedin whichmost of theHassidimareJewsfromArabic
 MOROCCAN HASSIDISM 363

countriesand the communityhas taken its name from a tzaddikwhc) was an

AshkenaziHassidlivingoutsideHassidismsandthe Tzaddiksadoptedson manifests
a coalescenceof an Admor a leaderof a Hassidiccommunityanda Moroccansaint.
The uniquenessof BirkatShmuelHassidismis evidentin an examinationof the
variousstagesof its evolutionwhencomparedwiththe stagesof the developmentof
saint venerationof North AfricanJews in Israel. While some of the stages are
parallel,in BirkatShmuelthe usual orderis reversed(see Figure 1). Comparison
revealsthespecialroleof venerationrituals;e.g., hillulothandgravesitepilgrimages.

StageI

One expectsthe milieufor the appearanceof a Moroccansaintin Israelto be a

communityof NorthAfricanJews?concentrated in developmenttowns, in difficult
materialandsocial circumstances,creatinga communityin searchof a saint. In the
case of BirkatShmuelHassidism,however,the startingpointwas totallydifferent:
the Tzaddikwas a self-secludingHassidisolatedfromhis community,living in an
economicallystableareain Israel.

Stage2

Next is the revelationandtransferof charisma.Revelationis usuallyassociated

withthe supernatural mysticaleventof a livingor deceasedsaintSor his funeral,his
grave, or to dreamsin which the saint appears.In general,these phenomenaare
connectedto the personalinitiativeof one of the communitymembers(Ben-Ariand
Bilu 1987:259-61;Ben-Ami1984:21-32;Bilu 1984:48).In the Rabbi'scase it was
Baba Sali who refilsedto help him, knowinghe would receive succor from the
NetanyaTzaddik,who immediatelyidentifiedthe youngDer'i as his son. Fromthe
momentthe Rabbiwas revealedas the spiritualheir of the childlessTzaddik,lhe
remainedat the latter'sside until his death. Duringthis period, he absorbedthe
TzaddikSscharismaandspiritualauthority,makingit possiblefor him to act on his
own. In otherinstances,this stagecan last for severaldays, hours,or even minutess
as was the case with the transferof powerfrom BabaSali to his son BabaBaruch
duringthe last momentsof the father'slife (see Bilu andBen-Ari1992:677).
Likethe Rabbi,BabaBaruchhaszchatavot(meritof the fathers),whichincludes
divine graceand blessingsthatthe son receivesfrom his father'ssaintliness(Bilu
1988b:131-32 Bilu and Ben-Ari 1992:674-76).This is similar to the baraka
(blessing)associatedwithMuslimsaintsln Morocco(Westermarck 1926:35;Gellner
1969 xviiS 12, 74; Shoke1d1984:256[IEl]),and ls also thoroughlyacceptedby
HassidimSwheredynastiesof Admor1mpass zchut avot from fatherto son (Alfasl
1974:7; Scholem 1941:331). Stories aboutthe rebbeSthe Tzaddik'sAdmorwho
askedthe formerfor his blessing,andaboutthe Tzaddik'sconnectionto the prophet
Elijah, reinforcehis zchut avot. The basis of the Rabbi's legitimacy,therefores
transcendsethnicboundaries.AuthenticitycomesthroughBabaSali, throughthe
364 ETHNOLOGY

Figure 1: Creation and Venerationof MoroccanJewish Saints ill Israel and the
Establishmentof Birkat Shmuel Hassidism

Veneration of Moroccan Jewish Saints Birkat Shmuel Hassidism

(holy grave, site, or living saint) (the saintly rabbi Rabbi Der'i)

Stage 1.
Community in search of a saint Existence of a living Ashkenazi Tzaddik.

mysticism mysticism

Stage 2.
Revelation of saint or holy site; transfer Revelation of the Rabbi, his adoption by
of charisma. the Tzaddik, and transferof charisma.

1.

mysticism mysticism

Stage 30
Popularizing the saint and establishlng the Saint in search of a community and
authenticity of the saint or grave. creation of the Chavrei Habakuk.

mysticism

Stage 4.
Populanzlng the saiIlt and establishing his
authentlclty. Consolidation of Birkat
Shmuel Hassidism.
 MOROCCAN HASSIDISM 365

Tzaddikand his Admor, and indirectlyfrom the prophetElijah. The barrenTzaddik's

seeking a mystical solution to his childlessness is a notion acceptable to both
Moroccan Jews and Hassidim. Zchut avot was mystically transferred, when the
"roots of the Tzaddik's soulX passed to the Rabbi, and these supernaturalmeans
allowed the Tzaddik and the Rabbi alike to cross accepted ethnic boundaries.
As with Baba Baruch (Bilu and Ben-Ari 1992:676), the Rabbi's entranceinto his
father's house symbolizes the successor's literal and figurative assumption of
sainthood. This developmentconnectedto the belief in the mystical power associated
with the saint's life, which is similar to the holiness and magical power attributedto
a deceased's possessions in Morocco; viz., the consumptionof an Admor's leftovers
at a tisch (Bilu 1988b:129) and sanctificationof Rabbi Nachman of Bratzlav's chair
by his Hassidim (Vitztom 1991:55). The Rabbi's taking the tzaddik's place at the
latter's home is taken as confirmationof the successor's worthiness (Bilu 1988b:129).

Stage 3

This stage Is devoted to the establishmentof the saint9sor gravevs authenticity,

publicizing their existence, and zmanufacturingcharismaand selling the saint" (Bilu
and Ben-Ari 1992:679). This is done through dreams in which the saint appearsto
adherents (Ben-Ari and Bilu 1987:253) or, as with Baba Baruch, to the successor
(Bilu and Ben-Ari 1992:678), miracles occurringnear the grave, or throughhilluloth
in the saint's honor (Ben-Ami 1984:208-13; Weingrod 1990:97-100), and using
modern public-relationstechniques (Bilu and Ben-Ari 1992:679-81).
With Birkat Shmuel tIassidism, however, this stage was entirely different, and
can be dubbed za saint in search of a community"because the point of departurewas
a "semi-secret" tzaddik. The lengthy phase of gathering a following, now called
Chavrei Habakuk, began after the Rabbi was revealed and received the Tzaddik's
charisma. After the Tzaddik's death, the Rabbi began performing miracles and
bestowing blessings, which over the years developed into a weekly practice. Like the
Tzaddik, the Rabbi wondrously cured barrenness and successfully blessed couples
with male offspring. The group of people who benefitedfrom blessings and miracles
gradually increased and thus began the weekly Torah classes given by the Rabbi.
Lacking a common territorialbase, community consolidation began through the
creation of a distlnctive routine (the Rabbi's weekly classes) rooted in the miracles
conferred by the Rabbi and admiration for him. Based on a direct and personal
relationshipbetween the Rabbi and his admirers on his charismaticpersonality, and
supportedwith mystically charged tales, the establishmentof the Chavrei Habakuk
community resembles the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century establishment of
Hassidic courts (Scholem 1941:331-34). This phase of Chavrei Habakuk's
development lasted about eight years, beginning with the Tzaddik's death and
culminating in the institution of the Rabbi's weekly classes.
366 ETHNOLOGY

Stage 4

The fourth stage in the establishment of Birkat Shmuel Hassidism is further

consolidation, instltutionalizationof activities, and strengthenlng of the Rabbi's
authenticity.This phase parallelsthe third stage of creating a Moroccansaint or holy
grave. Where revelation of a saint or gravesite occurs with an extant community, it
leads to a direct transitionfrom the revelation-and-transfir-of-charisma stage to the
establishment and expansion of the saint's authenticity. But with Birkat Shmuel
Hassidism, this stage began with the Rabbi's weekly classes and continued with a
variety of yeshiva activities, including hilluloth and pilgrimages. The continuity and
resemblanceof father and son, of the Tzaddik aIldRabbi, like that of Baba Sali and
Baba Baruch, is an importantcomponent in establishingthe successor's legitimacyS
and a central tactic that this Rabbi, like Baba Baruch, used (Bilu and Ben-Ari
1992:678). Like Baba BaruchSthe Rabbi anchors his authenticityby 1ssuing books
of the TzaddikSswritings, andprayerbookswith colorful illustrationsand explanatory
descriptions of the Tzaddik. Other publications are about the yeshiva built in his
honor and of the Rabbiwho heads it. The prayerbooksalso featurepoems written by
ChavreiHabakukmembers in the Tzaddik'smemory in a style similar to hillulah and
ziyara songs customarily composed in Morocco to honor saints (Ben-Ami 1984:99-
145).
Despite the similaritybetween the Rabbi's activities and BabaBaruch's, there are
prominentdifferences in scope and character.The Rabbi's advertisingis small-scale,
usually aimed only at Chavrei Habakukmembers and their familiesSand communi-
cated through informal social networks. Even in the case of large hilluloths such as
the hillulah honoringthe Tzaddik, personal invitationsare sent to a carefully selected
list of people, and the general public is not invited. Furthermore,the community's
most important event, the pilgrimage to Habakuk's grave, is limited to Chavrei
Habakuk and guests personally invited by the Rabbi. In contrast, the Baba Sali's
hillulah, organized by his son, is a national-scalecelebrationextensively covered by
the media (Bilu and Ben-Ari 1992:680). The difference between Baba Baruch's
approach and the Rabbi's is particularlysalient in Chavrei Habakuk's recruitment
patterns,which testify to its semi-closed nature.The Rabbi'sHassidic customs attract
AshkenaziHassidim, whose presence increasesthe Rabbi's authorityand expands 1t.
The comparisonshows that the saintly Moroccanrabbileading the BirkatShmuel
Hassidim became a tzaddikthrough a process in which the usual order of the stages
of saint creation by MoroccanJews in Israel was reversed. Furthermore,while there
is a clear similarity between the development of Birkat Shmuel Hassidism and that
of European Hassidic communities in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the
resemblance of the Rabbi to Moroccan saints such as Baba Sali and Baba Baruch is
also indisputable.
 MOROCCANHASSIDISM 367

VENERATION OF BIRKAT SHMUEL HASSIDISM SAINTS

This section addresses two issues: one deals with how the veneration of saints
arose with Birkat Shmuel Hassidism; the other seeks to answer the question of how
the HabakukSabbathpilgrimage became the most importantveneration ritual of the
Chavrei Habakuk. The matter of saint venerationrequires a comparison of Chavrei
Habakukpatternswith those of Moroccan Jews in Israel.
First, Chavrei Habakukcontrastswith MoroccanJewish sects in socioeconomic
status, location and distribution of residence, and ethnic crossing. Second, the
initiator of Chavrei Habakuk's events is almost always the Rabbi. Third, Chavrei
Habakuk'svenerationof saints the Tzaddik, his wife, andthe Besht all Ashkenazim
clearly transcends ethnic boundaries, an unknown phenomenoIl among North
African Jews in Israel. The only Moroccanthey adore is the Rabbi himself. Finally,
there is the syncretism of Moroccan and Hassidic customs within Birkat Shmuel
Hassidism, which is in sharp contrast to the heavy emphasis North African Jews
place on their own customs in their hilluloth (Ben-Ami 1984:208; Bilu 1984:49;
Weingrod 1990:81-85). This combinationof MoroccanandHassidic customs reflects
the members' ethnic origins and the Rabbi's desire to demonstrate continuity, to
emulate the Tzaddik, and to avoid things to which he objected. One might say that
Chavrei Habakukhas continued Moroccan hilluloth cloaked in Hassidic garb. The
marriage of a largely Moroccan community and a Hassidic tradition produced a
special torm of veneration ritual in which hoth Hassidim and Moroccans can
e e

partlclpate.
It is therefore clear that Chavrei Habakuk's veneration rituals have different
meanings from those typifying North African Jews, such as the veneration of saints
and hilluloth as partof ethnic renewalceremoniest or as proudly def1antdemonstra-
tions of unique ethnic traditions(Weingrod 1990:81-85) in reactionto the melting-pot
policies prevalent in the early days of the Jewish State that essentially demanded
conformityto the dominantAshkenaziculture(Shokeid 1984:269). Chavrei Habakuk
voluntarily adopted syncretic customs tO blur ethnic distinctions.
Otherexplanationsused to accountfor the renewal of MoroccanJews' veneration
of saints are also not applicable to the Chavrei Habakuk. These tnclude the
problematictransition of these Jews from religious to secular society (Bilu 1984:48;
Shokeid 1977:93; Weingrod 1990:76), their difficulties, low socioeconomic status,
and stages of absorption in Israel (Bilu 1987:288; Deshen 1977:119-21; Weingrod
1990:85), as well as experiencing tension regarding security and war (Ben Ami
1981:342, 1987:89; Bilu 1984:49). Moreover, Chavrei Habakuk hilluloth do not
serve the purpose of family reunion (Shokeid 1977:103; Weingrod 1990:78-79), and
these gatheringsdo not presentopportunitiesfor catharsisor role-reversalfor women,
as has been suggested regarding North African Jewish hilluloth (Weingrod
1990:79-81).
There are however, similarities between North African pilgrimage customs and
those adopted by Birkat Shmuel Hassidism. With both, veneration rituals have a
368 ETHNOLOGY

centralplace 1nsolvlng personalsemotional andphysicalproblems,and confer a

sense of relief and securltyon participants.These elementsare also sharedby
AshkenazlHassldicvenerationcustoms.The weeklyclassesandaudlenceswith the
Rabbiandreceiptof blessedpastriesat the end of eachclass answerthe adherents'
needsfor resolvingpersonalproblems,supportandsecurity,anda sense of a direct
channel to higher powers; however, these conditionsdo not fully explain the
venerationof saints in BirkatShmuelHassidism.This is why the initiativefor
establishinghillulothandpilgrimageshadto come fromthe Rabbihimself.In sum,
the Rabbi uses saint venerationas supportfor his legitimacyas leader of the
congregation,as the Tzaddik'ssuccessor,andas a saintin his own right.
Now, the secondissue; how andwhy the HabakukSabbathpilgrimagebecame
the jewe} ln the crc)wn of ChavreiHabakukSs veneratlonrituals,leadingthe groupto
appropriate the prophetSs name as its own. The answer lies in Birkat Shmuel
Hassidism'snew and uniquecombinationof Moroccanfeaturesand customswith
those of AshkenaziHassidim,and in the resultantmessageof ethnictoleranceand
acceptance.Pilgrimagesites representa degreeof puritygreaterthanthe cultural
valuesof any pilgrim.New valuesandnew representations of existingvaluescreate
new pilgrimagesites (Morinis 1992b:18).Clearlythe Rabbi neededto invent a
traditionanda new pilgrimagesite to representthe fusionhe attemptedto createin
BirkatShmuelHassidism.Thisis apparently thereasonthatBirkatShmuelHassidism
has no hillulothfor Moroccansaints, as they primarilyrepresentvalues of ethnic
distinctivenessandseparatism(Weingrod1990:81-85).In addition,the choiceof the
grave of a biblical prophetfree of any ethnic identity and associatedwith a
pilgrimagetraditionsince medieval times (Vilnai 1985:40) suited the diverse
compositionof the community.Furthermore, becausethe communityis dispersed,
an isolated holy site where the entire group could gatherwithout any member
claimingprivilegeby proximitywas proper.Sincespendinga Sabbathat a gravesite
is neithera Moroccannor a Hassidicpattern it suitablyreflectsthe uniquenessof
Birkat Shmuel HassidisrneSpendinga Sabbathat Habakuk'sgrave requiresa
relatively long stay at the site, in order not to transgressSabbathlaws. This
introducesthe importantelementof hardship,dueto the difflcultphysicalconditions
anddangersof thewilderness,andincreaseswhatPreston(1992:33)calledzspiritual
magnetism,-the site's powerto attractpilgrims.Moreover,becauseonly permanent
membersare allowed this pilgrimagecontributesto the event'sdistinctiveness.
Becausethe Habakukpilgrimageis the Rabbi'sinitiativethroughrevelation,he
beneflts from the same added honor as conferredon Moroccansaint creators
(Ben-Am11981:323-26;Ben-ArlandBilu 1987:266).Thereis a sort of reciprocity
beiweenthe lnitiatlngRabbiand the saint's grave:the Rabbireceives honor and
admirationfor hls initiatlve,and in turn enhancestlle slte9s lmportance(as by
assert1ngthat Hahakutis the Messiahson of Joseph).Since the 1nitlatlveand the
choice of site are perceivedby adherentsas connectedto the Rabbi'sesoteric
kabbalisticknowledge,thisreinforcesthegraves importance andhis veneration.The
pilgrimageto Habakuks grave is the group's most importantconsolidatingand
 MOROCCAN HASSIDISM 369

distinguishingevent and an extremely powerful sharedexperience to which members

reverently refer throughout the year. Its renown is evident by the government
minister's participationin the past and requestsby many who come to the Rabbi for
permission to take part.

CONCLUSIONS

The Chavrei Habakukcommunity is a combinationand fusion of different ethnic

traditions, forming a new social framework, Moroccan Hassidism While there are
similarities between Moroccan saints and Hassidic Admorim and between Moroccan
and Hassidic veneration rituals, in Israel they have always remaineddistinct. North
African Jews and Jews from Arab countries have usually not found a place within
Hassidic courts (except within Habad [Lubavitch] Hassidism). In Birkat Shmuel
Hassidism, the blending of two cultures is prominent in veneration rituals, and
apparentlythese rituals bridge the two worlds. The Rabbi's emergence in the liminal
space between societies and cultures is the basis of his attractionand power. The
community's development in this gap facilitated the special synthesis that gives the
group its distinctiveness and force.
Beyond the specific historical clrcumstances, the synthesis special to Birkat
Shmuel Hassidism was made possible by the unusualpersonality of the Rabbi, who
manages to blur hls congregants' heterogeneity and preserves an ethnic ambiguity,
which is the group's sine qua non. In BirkatShmuel Hassidism, veneration of saints
is first and foremost the Rabbi's means of consolidating his community around
himself
Having no common territorialbase, ChavreiHabakukexemplifies a nonterritorial
communitywhich overcomesthis disadvantagethroughmodernmeansof communica-
tion and transportation. Birkat Shmuel Hassidism and its Moroccan Admor are
innovative phenomena rooted in traditional sources, but include the postmodern
collapse of culturalboundaries. But was the formationof this new type of Hassidism
a chance product of specific circumstances, or should the phenomenon be ascribed
to social and cultural conditions and processes in Israel and abroad? Given the
polarization of ethnicities in Israel, the strong trend to return to one's roots and to
emphasize ethnic separatism, the estahlishment of a Moroccan Hassidism and
veneration of saints is an extraordinaryoccurrence. At this juncture it is diff1cultto
say whether it expresses a decline in interethnictensions, is an isolated phenomenon,
or represents the beginning of a larger soclal process. Even if the rise of Birkat
Shmuel Hassidism indicates a relaxation of interethnlctensions the latter does not
adequately explaln the former. Moreover, as noted, the phenomenon cannot be
associated only with Jews from North African and Middle Eastern countries.
Therefore, a more general explanationmust be sought.
Given the rationale and motives attestedto by most of the congregants, it may
be possible to understandthe phenomenon as a response to the crisis which has
affected most Western and developing societies during recent years; i.e., the
370 ETHNOLOGY

disenchantment with modernsocieties, the sense thatsome transcendent realityis

missing?and the increasingprocessesof rationalization and secularization(Cohen
1985:295).In otherwords, BirkatShmuelHassidismsatisfiesa searchfor meaning
in the modernworld, andan attemptWtorecenterthe worldX(Cohen,Ben-Yehuda,
andAviad 1987:321-24).
I believethatbeyondthis BirkatShmuelHassidismmustbe viewedagainstthe
backgroundof a specific, deep, and complexcrisis that Israelisociety seems to
experiencetoward the end of the millennlum.Almost twenty years after the
beginningof realizationof hopes for peace (with the visit of PresidentSadatto
Jerusalem)Israelisociety has not yet begunto enjoy the promisedalleviationof
perpetuated tension.Zionismhasceasedto be relevantas an ideologicalplatformor
central motivatingforce for contemporaryIsraeli society; nor has there been
signiflcaIltsubstitutionInternalsocial conflictboth betweensecularand religious
Jews, andbetweenthe differentpoliticalparties,seemsto be headingfor unbridged
polarization.Moreover,in the last few decades,therehas been a generallack of
strong, secularleadershipwhich could unitethe nation.These conditionsseem to
createfeelings of disappointment and hopelessness.Againstthis loss of direction
withinsecularsociety, Orthodoxsocietyseemsto enjoya relatlvelysatisfyinglevel
of ideologicalvigor and charismaticleadership.However,this view is somewhat
misleadingas OrthodoxJews also suffer from severe inner conflict concerning
religiousandpoliticalmattersandaredeeplyinfluencedby secularloss of spirit.The
successof the messagesembodiedin BirkatShmuelHassidismseemsto be a result
of this stateof affairs.
NOTES

1. Fieldworkwas carriedout between June 1992 and June 1993*and was fundedby the Shaine Center
of the Departmentof Sociology and Anthropology,The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. I am grateful
for the Center's support, and thank Professors Victor Azarya, Meira Weiss, Moshe Idel, Issachar
Ben-Ami, and Alan Macfarlane, who generously gave of their time. I am especially thankful to
Professor Don Handelman for his encouragement and beneElcialadvice during the course of my
research.
2. With Muslim saints the power of the saint increases because of his death (Westermarok1926.159).
3. '4Mysticism' here refers to esoteric knowledge associated with the use of spiritual power to
manipulate,peopleand nature.
4. Westermarok(1926:195) mentionssaintsthatwere veneratedby MoroccanJews and Muslimsalike.
5. Rabbi ShimQ'nBar Yokhai is the alleged author of the mystical Zohar (The Book qf Splendor).
6+ Honi HaMe'agel was a holy man and renowned sage who lived in the first century B.C.E.
7 With the exception of Habakuks grave and well-known public figures, people and places are
referred to by fictitious names.
8. Gematriais a form of numerology, in which each letter of the Hebrew alphabethas a numerical
value.
9. Sanctificationof God (Hebrew, kiddushhashem) refer.sto acts of personal sacriElceor willingness
to risk one's life for the sake of religion.
10. The history of Chavrei Habakuk stands in contrast with the history of other Sephardic Jews in
Israel. FIassidim(with the exception of Habad) never accepted SephardicJews in their courts. It was
the LithuanianMisnagid Yeshivas who admittedSephardicstudents, among them Rabbi Der'i. At this
 MOROCCANHASSIDISM 371

time, the Sephardim took upon themselves Misnagid forms of prayer and dress, yet they were not
accepted as equals and suffered humiliationand contempt, as RabbiDer'i himself remembers. This was
one of the main reasons for the break with (the Misnagid) Rabbi Schach, led by Rabbi Ovadiah Yosef
and one of the bases for the establishment of his political movement: Shas. In the present case, the
syncretism between the Hassidim and the Sephardimseems to be much more successful and to go far
beyond simple mutual tutelage. Thus, Rabbi Der'i made his son adopt an Ashkenazi name, although
both of them endorse the Shas Moroccan Party.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Alfasi, Y. 1974. Hassidism. Tel Aviv.

1975. Studies of Hassidism. Tel Aviv.
Ben-Ami, I. 1981. Folk Veneration of Saints among Moroccan Jews. Judaism and Islam, eds. S.
Morag, I. Ben-Ami. and N. Stillman, pp. 285-344. Jerusalem.
1984. Veneration of Saints among Moroccan Jews. Jerusalemo
1987. On Research into War Folklore: The Saints' Motif. Sefer Dov Sadan, eds. S. Werses
et al., pp 87-104. Jerusalem.
Ben-Ari, E., and Y. Bilu. 1987. Saints' Sanctuariesin Israeli Development Towns: On a Mechanism
of Urban Transformation.Urban Anthropology 16(2):243-72.
Bilu, Y. 1984. Veneration of Saints among,Moroccan Jews in Israel-Contents and Implications. New
Directions in Study of Ethnic Problems, eds. N. Cohen and O. Ahimeir, pp. 44-50.
Jerusalem.
1987. Dreams and the Wishes of the Saint. JudaismViewed from Within and Without, ed.
H. Goldberg, pp. 285-313. Albany.
1988a. The Inner Limits of Communitas: A Covert Dimension of Pilgrimage Experience.
Ethos 16(3):302-25.
1988b. Rabbi Yaacov Wazana: A Jewish Healer in the Atlas Mountains. Culture, Medicine
and Psychiatry 12(1):113-35^
Bilu, Y., and H. Abramovitch. 1985. In Search of the Tzaddik:VisitatlonalDreams among Moroccan
Jews in Israel. Psychlatry 48(1):83-92.
Bilu, Y., and E. Ben-Ari. 1992. The Making of Modern Saints: Manufactured Charisma and the
Abu-Hatseiras of Israel. American Ethnologist 19(4):672-87.
Cohen, E. 1985. Tourism as Play. Religion 15:291-304.
Cohen E., N. Ben-Yehuda, and J. Aviad. 1987. Recentering the World: The Quest for "Elective"
Centers in a Secularized Universe. Social Review 35(2):320-45.
Deshen, S. 1977. The Hillulot of Tunisian Jews. The Generationof Change, eds. S. Shokeid and S.
Deshen, pp. 110-21. Jerusalem.
Douglas, M. 1966. Purity and Danger-an Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. London.
Gellner, E. 1969. Saints of the Atlas. London.
Goldberg, H. E. 1983. The Mellahs of SouthernMorocco: Report of a Survey. The Maghreb Review
9(3-4):61-69.
Kahana, S. Z. 1986. Legends of ZiorlOJerusalernq
Lofland, J. 1966. Doomsday Cult. Englewood Cliffs.
Mahler, R. 1961. Hassidism and the Enlightenment.Merhavia.
Morinis, A. 1992a. Preface. Sacred Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis, pp.
ix-x. Westport.
1992b. Introduction:The Territoryof the Anthropologyof Pilgrimage. Sacred Journeys: The
Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis, pp. 1-28. Westport.
Preston, J. J. 1992. SpiritualMagnetism: An OrganisingPrinciple for the Study of Pilgrimage. Sacred
Journeys: The Anthropology of Pilgrimage, ed. A. Morinis, pp. 31-47. Westport.
Scholem, G. G. 1941. Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. New York.
372 ETHNOLOGY

1980. FundamentalChaptersin Understandingof the Kabbalahand Its Symbols. Jerusalem.

Shokeid, M. 1977. Sacred and Profane in Pilgrimages to Meiron. The Generationof Change, eds. S.
Shokeid and S. Deshen, pp. 93-109. Jerusalem.
1984. CulturalEthnicityin Israel:The Case of Middle EasternJews' Religiosity. AJS Review
9(2):247-7 1^
Vilnai, Z. 1985. Holy Headstones in the Land of Israel. Jerusalem.
Vitztom, A. 1991. The Journey to Oman. Eretz Hayael 4(3):27-49.
Weingrod, A. 1990. The Saint of Beersheba. Albany.
Westermarok. E. 1926. Ritual and Belief in Morocco. London.