Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Stages of Development: Infancy
Stages of Development: Infancy
Infancy
GROSS MOTOR SKILLS
ONE MONTH
TWO MONTHS
1
GROSS MOTOR SKILLS
THREE MONTHS
2
FINE MOTOR/SELF-HELP/PLAY SKILLS
FOUR MONTHS
• Brings both hands to toy over chest and plays with fingers
• Reaches and grasps a toy/block
• Clasps hands together
• Hands open most of the time
• Grasps objects with contact to palm
• Pats bottle
3
• Recognizes parent
• Repeats enjoyable activities
FIVE MONTHS
4
SIX MONTHS
5
• Shows separation anxiety
NINE MONTHS
• Grabs small objects with thumb and side of index finger (lateral pinch)
• Finger feeds
• Extends toys to show/share
• Holds spoon
TWELVE MONTHS
6
GROSS MOTOR SKILLS
7
• Imitates clapping/waving
four months of age most babies can sit with support. They can
sit and grasp by about five months, and they can sit without support by about seven
months of age. By about eight months, most babies can crawl. They can also stand
up if they have help. By the end of the eighth month most babies develop the ability
to pull themselves up to a standing position. However, it takes them another 2-3
months to learn how to stand alone. By about 12 months, most infants have learned
how to walk alone. During the next few months infants refine their walking abilities
by learning how to walk sideways and backwards (between 13-18 months). They
expand these abilities still more by learning how to run between 14-20 months of age,
though they may not be able to run smoothly until about two years of age. Further
developments, such as turning while running will take a little longer, and occur during
the childhood years.
Fine motor skills are the ability to use the small muscles of the body, especially the
hands and fingers. Although these skills develop at the same time as gross motor
skills, they tend to lag behind a bit, because the large muscles must be able to put
the body in place for the small muscles to play their part.
9
Between 4-6 months of age infants become fairly successful at reaching for and
PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT:
An infant's physical development infant begins at the head, then moves to other parts
of the body (for example, sucking comes before sitting, which comes before walking).
10
Newborn - 2 months
Can lift and turn the head when lying on his or her back
Hands are fisted, the arms are flexed
Neck is unable to support the head when the infant is pulled to a sitting
position
Primitive reflexes include:
o Babinski reflex -- toes fan outward when sole of foot is stroked
o Moro reflex (startle reflex) -- extends arms then bends and pulls them in
toward body with a brief cry; often triggered by loud sounds or sudden movements
o Palmar hand grasp -- infant closes hand and "grips" your finger
o Placing -- leg extends when sole of foot is touched
o Plantar grasp -- infant flexes the toes and forefoot
o Rooting and sucking -- turns head in search of nipple when cheek is
touched and begins to suck when nipple touches lips
o Stepping and walking -- takes brisk steps when both feet are placed on a
surface, with body supported
o Tonic neck response -- left arm extends when infant gazes to the left,
while right arm and leg flex inward, and vice versa
3 - 4 months
11
Begins to control hand and feet actions, but these movements are not fine-
tuned. The infant may begin to use both hands, working together, to accomplish
tasks. The infant is still unable to coordinate the grasp, but swipes at objects to bring
them closer
Increased vision allows the infant to tell objects apart from backgrounds with
very little contrast (such as a button on a blouse of the same color)
Infant raises up (upper torso, shoulders, and head) with arms when lying face
down (on tummy)
Neck muscles are developed enough to allow the infant to sit with support, and
keep head up
Primitive reflexes have either already disappeared, or are starting to disappear
5 - 6 months
Able to sit alone, without support, for only moments at first, and then for up to
30 seconds or more
Infant begins to grasp blocks or cubes using the ulnar-palmar grasp technique
(pressing the block into palm of hand while flexing or bending wrist in) but does not
Infant rolls from back to stomach. When on tummy, the infant can push up with
arms to raise the shoulders and head and look around or reach for objects.
12
6 - 9 months
Crawling may begin
Infant can walk while holding an adult's hand
Infant is able to sit steadily, without support, for long periods of time
Infant learns to sit down from a standing position
Infant may pull into and keep a standing position while holding onto furniture
9 - 12 months
Infant begins to balance while standing alone
Infant takes steps holding a hand; may take few steps alone
TODDLERS’
PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT:
13
Pushing and pulling (12 to 18 months)
Once the child becomes a confident walker, he can discover the joy of dragging or
pushing toys along. He improves his coordination while walking forward and
occasionally looking back.
Some kids seem to go from crawling to sprinting in two seconds flat. Others
take more time. That is because kids fall a lot when learning to run, and some are
quite willing to risk it.
14
Jumping (24 to 36 months)
Between 2 and 3 years, toddlers learn how to jump off low structures, and gradually
how to jump from a standing position. Both these skills require bilateral coordination,
or the ability to use both sides of your body to do something different.
15
he can drink from a cup without any help
By two years:
he can get up off the floor without having to use his hands
he can pull a toy by walking backwards
he can run in a direction and stop when he needs to
most toddlers can walk down stairs while holding onto a support by placing
both feet on each step
he can push buttons and turn knobs
MOTOR DEVELOPMENT:
17
PHYSICAL COGNITIVE SOCIAL
NEW BORN:
4- 5 MONTHS:
Can grasp with a purpose, reach and Curious and Responds to social
transfer objects from one hand to interested about the stimuli, shows
another, roll over, plays with feet. environment emotions through
facial expressions
9 MONTHS:
18
12 MONTHS:
15 MONTHS:
19
20
PRE SCHOOLERS
21
proper understanding
of time and sequence Curious and has no
of events sense of privacy
Vocabulary explosion
Less emotional
outbursts
22
PRE SCHOOLERS
-runs forward
- walks up and down stairs, alternating feet
- jumps in place with both feet together
- kicks a ball forward
- uses one hand consistently in most activities
- stacks up to 6 blocks
- turns pages in a book one by one
- imitates vertical, horizontal, and circular strokes
Skills that develop between the ages of 3 and 4
- walks stairs without support
- runs around obstacles
- hops/balances on one foot for up to 5 seconds
- pedals and steers a small tricycle
- catches a bounced ball
- holds a writing utensil between first two fingers and thumb
- copies a cross and a square
- uses scissors to cut on a line
Skills that develop between the ages of 4 and 5
- balances on one foot for 10 seconds or more
- jumps over objects 5 to 6 inches high
- hops in a straight line on one foot
- turns a somersault, swings, and climbs
- gallops, may be able to skip
- copies a triangle and other geometric shapes
23
- draws a person, prints some letters, colors within lines
- cuts out simple shapes
Perceptual Development
While the ability to see, hear, and integrate sensory information is well established by
six months of age, more complex and less obvious perceptual abilities develop
throughout early childhood, for example, precision of visual concepts such as shape
and size increases. Another aspect of perception often taken for granted is the ability
to interpret pictorial representations of objects and people in the environment.
Research shows that 3 year olds respond to depth cues like shading and the
convergence of lines. Sensitivity to such cues, however, improves with age. The
ability to obtain accurate information from pictures reflects children's eye movement
fixation patterns. Young preschool children tend to have shorter eye movements and
24
focus their gaze to small areas near the middle or edge thus ignoring or missing much
of the information available.
The study of children's art provides some insight into the integration of their growing
perceptual, cognitive and motor abilities. The 2.5 year old grasps a crayon in his hand
25
COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT: PARADOXES OF THE PRESCHOOL MIND
According to Piaget, children's language acquisition reflects their emerging capacity
for representational thought. The ways in which children think about the world are
still primitive -- dreams come from street lamps, we think with our ears, clouds are
alive, and the sun follows us when we move. Piaget proposed that 3, 4, and 5 year old
children make errors because they are still unable to engage in true mental
operations. This type of thinking therefore was termed "preoperational." According to
him, the key feature of preschool thinking is that children can only focus their
attention on one particular aspect at a time. This limitation is overcome at 6 or 7
years of age, when the transition to concrete operational thinking emerges. When this
occurs, children are able to combine, separate, and transform information mentally in
a logical manner. They know that the sun does not follow them and dreams do not
come from street lamps.
According to Piaget, preoperational thinking not only lacks logic but it is also
egocentric. Another characteristic is known as complexive thinking, which is a chain
of ideas in which each is linked to the preceding one but the whole is not organized
into a unified concept. A third characteristic of preoperational thought is the capacity
for deferred imitation which allows children to engage in pretend games.
26
Representation
The ability to pretend is linked to the capacity for representation-the ability to think
about the property of things without acting into it directly. The development of
representation is the crux of all cognitive development during the preoperational
period. Recent research shows that preoperational intelligence develop at two
distinct levels, which are single representations that occur between the ages of 2 and
4, and the second between 4 and 6 years when children are capable of combining two
or more representations (Case and Khanna, 1981; Gelman 1978; Kenny 1983). The
transition from one of these levels to the next corresponds to a spurt in brain
development.
Observation of children in pretend play indicates that children at 2 years of age can
27
me play with your doll, I'll let you play with my basket," are quite common among 4
year olds. The preschool child is concerned about the people around them and how
they relate to each other.
Imitation
Imitation is one of the most important ways children learn about the social world.
During the sensorimotor period, before the capacity for representation develops,
infants can imitate an action only at the moment it is observed. One result of
representation skills is the capacity for deferred imitation-the process by which a
child observes represented to themselves, and then at a later time called up from
memory and actively imitated. Imitation also requires the ability to take another's
point of view. Piaget pointed out that children often make serious mistakes by
assuming that another person shares their own view of things. Everyone who has spent
time with young children is aware of this egocentrism or the inability to take
another's point of view. Even when preschool children are shown another person's
perspective, they cannot keep it in mind and coordinate it with their own. They are
not selfish but simply strongly believe in their own viewpoint.
As cognitive skills increase, perspective-taking skills improve. At 2 and 3 years of age,
children can take someone else's perspective only in the sense that they can
understand a characteristic. By 4 and 5 years, children are able to understand the
difference between another person's perspective and their own as long as they need
to keep track of only one or two simple concrete factors. Thus, by 4 or 5 years of age,
most children have taken a major step away from egocentrism.
Memory
28
In order to understand another's perspective, the child must be able to remember.
Memory is the ability to encode information, store it, and retrieve it. There are two
kinds of memory, namely short-term and long-term. Short-term, also known as the
working memory processes information retrieved within a few seconds or minutes of
its being encoded. Preschoolers can use both short-term and long-term memory. For
example when they have heard a brief list of words or seen a small group of pictures
presented by an experimenter, 4-and 5-year-olds can often recall them immediately
after presentation as well as older children can. Their long-term memory is amazing.
Early development is characterized by changes in memory that are related to changes
in cognitive development, including the increasing ability to focus attention, the
ability to connect ideas with each other in a more logical way, and the ability to
devise strategies for remembering. Although memory improves throughout childhood,
important developmental changes take place during the preschool years. A major
advance in memory abilities seem to begin at about 4 or 5 years when children start
to recall items of some complexity and when they begin to monitor and manipulate
their own memories.
Play
Preschool children love to play and they spend hours building and knocking down
towers. They love to play house and act out stories with their playmates. Play in
infancy consists mainly of imitations of repeated actions and sometimes with
variations. In the preschool years, play becomes an important part in the child's life.
Preschoolers love to play games that test and fine-tune their physical characteristics
like running, climbing, swinging, throwing etc. They like to build things with mud,
sand or blocks and they love to pretend. They make believe about all kinds of things
everyday concerns, new things they have learned, and imagined adventure.
29
During the preschool years, children gradually play less by themselves and more with
30
Complex Thinking
Play is mostly under the child's control and it clearly indicates some of the paradoxes
in children's thinking processes. Preschool children usually have difficulty controlling
or coordinating their thoughts. Even when they are capable of representational
relations, they can deal with only simple, crude connections between ideas, so their
thoughts tend to wander. One result of these difficulties is a thought pattern known
as complexive thinking--the stringing together of ideas without a unifying concept or
system. While there are connections between ideas, a single concept that ties them
all together is lacking.
Personification is an attribution of human characteristics to inanimate objects, which
is often taken as a characteristic of children's thinking. Preschool children are not yet
able to distinguish clearly between properties of objects and characteristic of people
because they have recently learned to separate their own actions from those of other
people.
During the preschool years, many cognitive-developmental changes take place. Before
this period, infants cannot differentiate between themselves and their actions in the
surroundings. At about 2 years, children are able to do representation, can think
about the properties of things without having to act on them directly. This shows the
beginning of the first level of the preoperational period. At this level, the child can
deal with only one representation, one idea or thought at a time. At the second level
of the preoperational period, which begins at about 4 years, children develop the
ability to deal mentally with more complex things. During the preschool years the
child moves through these two levels, building increasingly complex and sophisticated
schemes. The egocentric, complexive, magical thinking of infancy gradually gives way
31
to more logical thinking-perspective taking, a better memory, and an ability to
separate oneself mentally from one's immediate environment.
32
but research shows that it is not true. In fact, babies who can show sign, may have a
slight advantage in their early spoken language learning.
Toddlers’ Development of Words and Sentences
Babbling sometimes leads directly to babies’ first words. The sounds they play with
while babbling may be the sounds they use for the first words they say. Through
interaction, they associate words with familiar objects and people.
Growth of Vocabulary
At around 2 years of age, word development undergoes a drastic change. After the
second year of a child’s life, the vocabulary suddenly expands and that is why it is
known as naming explosion, word spurt or vocabulary burst. During this vocabulary
expansion, a child learns 10 words a week. This goes on through the preschool, early
school, and elementary school years. The vocabulary burst is remarkable in the sense
that the children do not get help from word learning but picking up words from the
environment.
Bilingualism and Bilingual Education
Learning to speak a language is a complex, cognitive task, so learning to speak two
different languages is even more cognitively complex. Children, who learn two
languages simultaneously, reach language milestones approximately as the same age
as of the children who are monolingual.
Young children learn a second language at a fast rate. There is evidence that target
language words are more effectively learned by unknowingly acquiring it, through
reading story book or conversing regularly, rather than making a deliberate effort of
memorizing the words. The choice between learning new words in real life situations
or making a deliberate effort to learn words makes the difference in intentional
vocabulary learning or incidental vocabulary learning.
Bilingual Acquisition
33
Between three to five years, all children become fully competent in at least one
language. This is accepted as totally normal. Even more remarkable are those
children who simultaneously acquire proficiency in two, or more languages during the
preschool years. It takes the same time frame for monolingual children to learn one
language as well as the bilingual children to learn two languages and become good at
using them in social and personal surroundings.
Bilingual children may learn their languages primarily at home, like monolingual
children, or in the daycare, or neighborhood. Bilingual children's exposure to their
languages can also differ greatly, as, for example, if the child is learning one language
from parents, who each speaks in a different language. Their language exposure can
fluctuate greatly over time.
The studies and researches by Warwick Elley suggests that young language learners
learn new words through interesting books than by doing vocabulary exercises.
Children learn new words better in natural contexts and situations.
What are the most important things for parents or early childhood educators to
know about early childhood bilingualism?
34
knowing the language of one's parents is an important and essential component
of children's cultural identity and sense of belonging
bilingual acquisition is facilitated if children have sustained, rich, and varied
experiences in both languages
proficiency in both languages is more likely if children have sustained exposure
in the home to the language that is used less extensively in the community; the
language that is used more widely will get support outside the home
parents can facilitate bilingual proficiency by using the language they know
best and by using it in varied and extensive way.
A dramatic accomplishment
This is the period of the acquisition of language. In late infancy, children learn to say
a few individual words and by paying attention to context, they can also understand
some of the language used around them. At about 2 years of age, their ability to use
language suddenly increases rapidly. The size of the vocabulary increases and they
35
begin to string words together in short sentences. The ability to represent objects,
people and events through language, develops at about the same time as
representation in children's imitation, play and other actions. While representation is
not required in uttering simple individual words, it is necessary for organizing words
into simple statements.
The growth of children's vocabulary and their increased ability to use complex
sentence structures along with the corresponding growth in their ability to engage in
conversation made according to the listener's needs, requires both participation in
responsive human interactions and exposure to a rich language environment (Bruner,
J. 1983). Most research on language development has focused on how children acquire
the rules that govern our use of language.
The two types of rules that have been most investigated are pragmatics, rules for
communicating in social contexts, and grammatical rules for combining words.
Another device is the use of a question as an indirect request. Because of egocentric
thought and social inexperience, young children do not fully understand the indirect
requests. For children, the simple pragmatic functions of language are often more
important than the specific meanings of sentences. When English speaking preschool
children meet in small groups with preschool children who speak another language,
they may play together for days without seeming to notice their language differences.
An English speaking 4 years old walked up to French speaking 3 year old and spoke in
English. The 3 year old answered in French and they proceeded to play, acting as if
they both understood, taking turns, nodding in agreement, and so forth. This
interaction emphasized the similarity of pragmatic rules between languages while the
meaning of words is generally obvious from the context and from other nonverbal
cues like the tone of voice.
Children in the early preoperational period believe only in their own viewpoint, and
they think that what interests them interests everyone. This egocentrism leads
children to endless self-reporting and a strong feeling that other people know what
they themselves know. They frequently conduct a conversation as though it were a
36
monologue, changing the subject without being aware of the listener's response. At
about 4 years of age, children begin to master some of the more complex pragmatic
rules that were so difficult when they were younger.
Children must also learn grammar and the rules for forming words, phrases, and
sentences. They must be able to express such states and relations as possession,
negation, past action and conditional action. One of the most basic concepts is
organization of words into sentences. In order to distinguish one sentence from
another, each group of words in a sentence has a certain pitch, and stress, so that
listeners can distinguish one sentence from the next. English speakers generally drop
the pitch at the end of a statement and raise it at the end of questions. Most children
recognize and can infer meaning from intonation patterns sometime in the first year
of life. This enormous accomplishment reflects the special adaptation of the human
species for acquiring language.
Some psycho-linguistic researchers believe that we inherit species-specific strategies,
or operating principles, for perceiving speech. These language operating principles
are similar to the newborn's rule for visual scanning. In the same way, young children
listen to the language in ways that help to discover its meaning. These strategies for
perceiving speech make it easier to understand the rules of speech production. Three
important operating principles have helped to explain two of the best known
characteristic of children's early speech- telegraphic speech and overregulation.
These operating principles include paying attention to the endings of words, paying
attention to the order of words and word segments, and avoiding exceptions to
language rules.
Telegraphic speech refers to a child's tendency to use only the two or three most
important words to express meaning. For example, a child says; "Mommy rice," rather
than "Mommy, I would like to have some rice." The average length of sentences
steadily increases during the period from 2 to 6 years. Telegraphic speech in different
languages has many differences as well as similarities. Since telegraphic sentences are
often ambiguous, interpretation often relies on contextual information.
37
The operating principle of avoiding exceptions to language rules, results in over
regularization as children apply a language rule to a word or phrase that does not
follow the rule. Statements such as "I goed out and throwed my ball at those gooses"
are common from English speaking children at this stage of language development.
Children speaking the same language seem to acquire rules in a similar order. Rules
that are simple and used often are acquired first followed by an understanding of and
an ability to combine more complex rules. Some grammatical forms that are not
particularly difficult to understand may enter a child's speech late because they are
difficult to hear. Since young children can only listen to language, they often make
mistakes due to the way a word or phrase sounds.
Preschool children are completely in love with language. They listen to it carefully
and chatter away for hours. By the age of six or seven they have acquired and
mastered most of the rules for speaking in their native language. This suggests that
there is a critical time, or sensitive period for acquiring language that begins at one
or two years of age, goes high in the later preschool years, and continues to some
degree until 13 to 15 years of age. This special human sensitivity for learning language
in the preschool years seems to correspond to certain systematic changes in the brain
and in the rest of the nervous system at about this time, which are closely related to
speech. The best documented of these changes are called myelogenetic cycles. Each
cycle is a period in which myelin forms in a particular system within the brain. There
are three myelogenetic cycles in the system that is important to language (Lecours,
1975). The first cycle, which occurs in the primitive brain (the brain stem and the
limbic system) starts before birth and ends early in infancy. It seems to be associated
with the development of babbling. The second cycle, which begins around birth and
continues until 3.5 to 4.5 years of age, takes place in a more advanced part of the
brain. This cycle appears to accompany the development of speech in infancy and the
early preschool years. The third cycle takes place in the association areas of the
cortex of the brain, which play a central role in intelligence. Although myelination of
these areas begins at birth, it is not fully completed until age 15 or later.
38
Language develops very efficiently for the majority of children. Parents can help in
getting natural language development by providing an environment full of language
development opportunities. With young children, for example, one helpful style of
interaction is a highly responsive one, in which the adult lets the child decide what to
talk about, expands on that topic, works hard to figure out what the child means,
suggests new activities, and pays more attention to what the child wants to say than
whether it is being said correctly. A good language teacher imparts the role of a
cooperative conversational partner rather than taking an explicitly didactic or
directive role.
Language teaching is most useful to young children when it is presented in the
context of their own activities. Older preschool children can learn language and they
no longer need to encounter each new language skill within a meaningful context.
They can also learn intentionally, benefit from explicit instruction, and use models as
sources of learning. At this stage simply responding to the child's interests may not be
enough to stimulate optimal language development. Talking about a wide variety of
topics, modeling an enriched vocabulary, engaging in talk about talk itself, discussing
word meanings, challenging children to explain themselves and to justify their own
thinking, setting higher standards for comprehensibility, and explicitly correcting
errors: all these are important in the language development of 4, 5, and 6 year old
children. Children at this age range are also expected to control certain language-
related literacy skills that probably emerge from being read to, from experience in
looking at books with adults, and from experience with letters, with pencils and
paper, and with observation of adult literacy activities. Parents can organize the
environment to provide and encourage the use of pre-literacy learning materials to
foster such skills.
One-word stage
(better one-
9-18
morpheme or one- Single open-class words or word stems
months
unit)
or holophrastic stage
Telegraphic stage
or early multiword Telegraphic sentence structures of
24-30
stage lexical rather than functional or
months
(better multi- grammatical morphemes
morpheme)
40
Vocalizations in the first year of life
At birth, the infant vocal tract is
in some ways more like that of
an ape than that of an adult
human. In particular, the tip of
the velum reaches or overlaps
with the tip of the epiglottis. As
the infant grows, the tract
gradually reshapes itself in the
adult pattern.
During the first two months of
life, infant vocalizations are
mainly expressions of discomfort
(crying and fussing), along with sounds produced as a by-product of reflexive or
vegetative actions like coughing, sucking, swallowing and burping. There are some
non-reflexive, non-distress sounds produced with a lowered velum and a closed or
nearly closed mouth, giving the impression of a syllabic nasal or a nasalized vowel.
During the period from about 2-4 months, infants begin making comfort sounds, in
response to a good interaction with a parent or close one. The earliest comfort
sounds may be grunts or sighs, with later ones being more vowel-like "coos". The vocal
tract is held in a fixed position. Initially comfort sounds are brief and produced in
isolation, but later appear in series separated by glottal stops. Laughter appears
around 4 months.
Between 4-7 months, infants typically engage in vocal play, manipulating pitch (to
produce squeals and growls), loudness (producing yells), and also manipulating tract
closures to produce friction noises, nasal murmurs.
41
At about seven months, "canonical babbling" appears, where the infants starts making
extended sounds that are chopped up rhythmically by oral articulations into syllable-
like sequences, opening and closing their jaws, lips and tongue. The range of sounds
that are produced are heard as stop-like and glide-like. Fricatives, affricates and
liquids are more rarely heard, and clusters are even rarer. Vowels tend to be low and
open, at least in the beginning.
Repeated sequences are often produced, like bababa or nanana, as well as
"variegated" sequences in which the characteristics of the consonant-like articulations
are varied. The variegated sequences are initially rare and become more common
later on.
Both vocal play and babbling are produced more often in interactions with the near
ones, but infants also produce them when they are alone.
No other animal does anything like babbling. It has often been hypothesized that
vocal play and babbling have the function of "practicing" speech-like gestures, helping
the infant to gain control of the motor systems involved, and to learn the acoustical
consequences of different gestures.
One word (holophrastic) stage
emotional states: one infant is reported to have used to express pleasure, and
42
clothes under running water, car while the child looks out of the window at cars
moving on the street below.
Perception vs. production
Clever experiments have shown that most infants can understand some words at the
age of 4-9 months, often even before babbling begins. In fact, the development of
phonological abilities begins even earlier. Newborns can distinguish speech from non-
speech, and can also distinguish among speech sounds .Within a couple of months of
birth, infants can also differentiate speech in their native language from speech in
other languages.
Early linguistic interaction with mothers, fathers and others at home is almost
certainly important in establishing these early abilities, long before the child gives
any indication of language abilities.
Rate of vocabulary development
In the beginning, infants add active vocabulary somewhat gradually. Here are
measures of active vocabulary development in two studies. The Nelson study was
based on diaries kept by mothers of all of their children's utterances, while the
Fenson study is based on asking mothers to check words on a list to indicate which
they think their child produces.
15 months 13 months
10 words
(range 13-19) (range 8-16)
20 months 17 months
50 words
(range 14-24) (range 10-24)
43
There is often a spurt of vocabulary acquisition during the second year. Early words
are acquired at a rate of 1-3 per week (as measured by production diaries). In many
cases, the rate may suddenly increase to 8-10 new words per week, after 40 or so
words have been learned. However, some children show a steadier rate of acquisition
during these early stages. The rate of vocabulary acquisition definitely does
accelerate in the third year and beyond. An estimate average of 10 words a day
during pre-school and elementary school years are noticeable.
Perception vs. production again
Benedict (1979) asked mothers to keep a diary indicating not only what words
children produced, but what words they gave as an evidence of understanding. Her
results indicate that at the time when children produced 10 words, they were
estimated to understand 60 words; and there was an average gap of five months
between the time when a child understood 50 words and the time when (s)he
produced 50 words.
45
Social development is a two-sided process in which children become increasingly
integrated into the larger social community as distinct individuals. The process of
acquiring the standards, values, and knowledge of communities and society is known
as socialization. The way in which individual children develop a characteristic sense of
themselves and a unique way to think and feel is known as personality formation
(Damon, 1983). Socialization which begins as soon as a child is born is especially
important during early childhood as the first understanding of the child's community is
made. It is a process that requires the active participation of both adults and
children. Parents set expectations for children's proper behaviour as well as the
rewards or punishments for their conduct. They also select and create the social
contexts within which children experience their environments and learn the rules of
behaviour. Children are active participants in this process. Their learning depends on
their interpretation of their environment and on what they choose to be important.
Children need to understand the social categories, roles, rules and expectations of
their families and communities in order to function in a social world. Effective
socialization assures that if a child comes to consider herself a girl, she will acquire
the appropriate behaviour for girls as defined by a particular social group. In order to
understand the requirements of this role, however, she must have certain skills and
abilities.
The particular characteristics of personality for each child are unique because of the
particular genes and personal experiences. Some elements of personality are present
just after birth as when infants display a particular temperament. Personality is more
than individual temperament as it includes the way people conceive of themselves
and their characteristic style of interacting with others.
Individual personality development and socialization are two sides of the same coin.
Social development during the preschool years is closely linked to achievements in
cognitive and linguistic skills. The social environment is important during the
development of self. One of the most remarkable facts about social development is
the extent to which children adopt as necessary the rules defined by their social
46
group. By the time children reach their 6th year, a lot has been learned about the
roles they are expected to play and how to behave, how to control anger and
aggressive feelings, and how to respect the rights of others.
Social Identity
47
The belief that a child's ability to perceive the world is central to socialization is the
basis of the cognitive-developmental approach to sex-role acquisition proposed by
Lawrence Kohlberg (1966). In this view the crucial factor in sex-role identification is
the child's developing ability to categorize themselves as "boys" or "girls." This process
begins at about 2 years of age as children acquire a distinctive sense of self and the
beginning of complex concepts. According to this viewpoint, children form a
viewpoint about their sex and in spite of the environmental changes; they do not
change their perception.
There have been some conflicting theories about sex-role identification and
psychologists have traced the developing relationship between the earliest signs of
sex-typed behaviour and children's earliest concepts of what adults mean when the
label "girl" or "boy" is applied. The existing evidence suggests that during the
preschool years children gradually develop a well-articulated concept of what it
means to be a boy or girl in their culture and their behaviour is shaped by this
knowledge. Between 2 and 6 years children are still piecing this conceptual structure
together. Both biological and social factors seem to play important roles in promoting
both sex-appropriate behaviours and the development of basic sex-role categories
themselves.
Developmental theorists disagree about the parents’ power to shape the final results,
yet, they do agree on two points concerning the children's discovery of social
categories and initial mastery of behaviour considering their sex and include: (1)
children conduct some kind of mental "matching" operation that allows them to
isolate key features that they share with others; (2) later ideas of sex-appropriate
behaviour are closely tied to children's ability to categorize, observe, and imitate.
Children of 5 or 6 have acquired the idea that they are members of one sex or the
other. Children use these abilities to learn other roles and about the possible roles
they may need to play in future.
Self Regulation
48
While making their basic sense of identity, children also
learn which behaviours are considered good and which bad. They are expected not
only to learn and adopt the rules of proper behaviour, but also to follow these rules
without constant supervision. Piaget proposed that children's beliefs grow out of their
experience of the restriction placed on them by powerful adults. From the child's
perspective, older people make the rule, compel the children to do so, and decide
what is right and wrong. According to Piaget, as children enter middle childhood and
begin to interact with their peers other than situations that are directly controlled by
adults, the morality of constraint gives way to a more autonomous morality.
By the end of infancy children can plan their own actions according to the standards
of the society as to which are good and bad. In order to behave according to social
standards, children must acquire the capacity to control their own behaviour. Self-
control includes both the ability to inhibit action and to carry through actions
according to pre established rules even when one does not wish to do so. Preschoolers
are popular for their lack of self-control and the necessary need for supervision.
Behaviour is simply a direct response to the environment; they are being controlled
"from the outside." The direct response to being hit is to be angry and hit back.
Children who inhibit the impulse to hit back and seek an alternative response are
displaying a degree of self-control. Children who do not understand short-term versus
long-term cannot measure "short-term" versus "long-term" gain.
During the preschool period, children begin to spend a lot of time interacting with
their peers. Through this process children learn to be accepted by their social group.
They also show their anger when their goals are challenged; at other times their
personal desires will be subordinated for the good of the group. Learning to control
49
aggression and to help others is two of the central processes in preschool social
development.
50
aggression like threats or insults increases. During this stage, hostile aggression that is
where a child attempts to hurt another also appears.
Generally it is assumed that punishment suppresses children's aggressive behavior.
Some child development specialists argue that parents who control children's behavior
through physical punishment or threats actually create more aggressive children.
Others have suggested that when punishment is used as a means of socialization, it
helps to suppress aggression, only when the child identifies strongly with the person
who does the punishing and when it is done quite often. If punishment is used
inconsistently, it may provoke children to further aggression. Since young children use
aggression to gain attention, one strategy is to ignore the aggression or to pay
attention to children only when they are engaged in cooperative behaviour. Another
strategy is to engage children in a rational discussion making them aware of the
feelings of the aggressed. The most successful techniques for teaching self-control of
aggression go beyond suppression of aggressive impulses and children are requested to
stop their direct attacks and consider other ways to behave.
Pro social behaviours like altruism, cooperation, and empathy are quite common
among preschool children in addition to aggressive behaviour. A major stimulus for
pro social behaviour is empathy, the sharing of another's emotional response. Infants
are born with an ability to empathize and this capacity increases with age. Preschool
children become skilled at interpreting and responding appropriately to the distress of
others. Research seems to suggest that the development of empathy in the preschool
period results from the child's increasing command of language and other symbols
(Hoffman, 1975). Language allows children to empathize with a wider range of
feelings that are more subtly expressed, as well as with people who are not present.
Children love to empathize with people whom they have never met by getting
information indirectly through stories and pictures.
Parents become anxious to encourage pro social behaviour and eventually develop
many strategies to promote this goal. Two methods that seem to be helpful include
explicit modelling in which adults behave in ways they want the child to imitate, and
51
induction, where they give explanations that appeal to children's pride, their desire to
grow up and their concern for others. In reality, strategies to increase pro social
behaviour do not happen in keeping away from efforts to decrease aggressive
behaviour. A great variety of techniques combine with each other and therefore a
number of socialization patterns is created.
52