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3. Watch for opportunities to tape record even a small part of an interview.

After talking for half an


hour, itmight be appropriate to say, “This is so interesting and I’m learning so much, I wonder if you
would mind ifI tape recorded some of this. I can turn it off any time you want.” Most informants will be
more than willingto oblige. Whether or not the ethnographer tape records interviews, it is still necessary
to take notes during eachinterview. Sometimes tape recorders do not work; often some information
from the interview is neededbefore it can be transcribed. Let’s look more closely at how to take field
notes.Kinds of Field NotesThe Condensed AccountAll notes taken during actual interviews or field
observations represent a condensed version of what actuallyoccurred. It is not humanly possible to
write down everything that goes on or everything that informantssay. Condensed accounts often
include phrases, single words, and unconnected sentences. . . . It is advisable to make a condensed
account during every interview. Even while tape recording, it is goodto write down phrases and words
used by your informants. The real value of a condensed account comeswhen it is expanded after
completing the interview or field observation.The Expanded AccountThe second type of field notes
represents an expansion of the condensed version. As soon as possible aftereach field session the
ethnographer should fill in details and recall things that were not recorded on the spot. The key words
and phrases jotted down can serve as useful reminders to create the expanded account.
Whenexpanding, different speakers must be identified and verbatim statements included. . . . Tape-
recorded interviews, when fully transcribed, represent one of the most complete expanded
accounts. . ..However, some investigators transcribe only parts of an interview or listen to the tape to
create an expandedaccount, marking all verbatim phrases and words. . . .Field Work JournalIn addition
to field notes that come directly from observing and interviewing (the condensed account andexpanded
account), ethnographers should always keep a journal. Like a diary, this journal will contain arecord of
experiences ideas, fears, mistakes, confusions, breakthroughs, and problems that arise during fieldwork.
A journal represents the personal side of field work; it includes reactions to informants and thefeelings
you sense from others. Each journal entry should be dated. Rereading at a later time shows how
quickly you forget what occurredduring the first days and weeks of field work. . . Later when the
ethnographer begins to write up the study,the journal becomes an important source of data. Doing
ethnography differs from many other kinds ofresearch in that the ethnographer becomes a major
research instrument. Making an introspective record offield work enables a person to take into account
personal biases and feelings, to understand their influence onthe research.Analysis and
InterpretationThe fourth type of field notes provides a link between the ethnographic record and the
final writtenethnography. Here is the place to record analyses of cultural meanings, interpretations and
insights into theculture studied. Most of the tasks in the remaining steps involve detailed analysis and
can be recorded in thiscategory of field notes. Analysis and interpretation notes often represent a kind
of brainstorming. Ideas may come from pastreading, from some particular theoretical perspective, from
some comment made by an informant. It isimportant to think of these field notes as a place to “think on
paper”. . .Activities1. Set up a field-work notebook or file with sections for · condensed accounts ·
expanded accounts

· journal · analysis and interpretation2. Begin making an ethnographic record with entries in each
section for field work completed to date.3. Contact an informant and arrange for the first ethnographic
interview.From The Ethnographic Interview by James P. Spradley, Copyright 1979 by Holt, Rinehart and
Winston, Inc.Reprinted by permission of the publisher.Ethnic Identification Project: Taking Field
NotesWho's doing the defining? Note some information about the person you are interviewing (age,
ethnicidentification, and so on). Include in your notes some exact quotations.Consider these questions
as you prepare for an interview.1. With what ethnic group or groups does the interviewee identify?2.
Does the person seem knowledgeable about the problems of ethnic identification? (Does it appear to
youthat this person has thought about these distinctions before?)3. To what degree would you say this
person is interested in the problems of ethnic identification in theU.S.A.? Did the interviewee respond
immediately with definitions or have to ponder first?Use the following “Ethnographic Interview Record”
to record your notes. Ethnographic Interview Record Project: Ethnic IDentity
Interviewer:________________________________ Date of Interview: Informant (name of person
being interviewed): Informant's occupation or student status: Informant's gender:
Age: Informant's ethnic identification:*Note: Allow as much space as you need for the three
categories below.Exact QuotationsSummary of InterviewComments from The Ethnographic
Interview. James Spradley. NY: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston: 1979

Ethnographic Interviewing
Interview five-seven people about how they identify themselves ethnically.  Vary age,
ethnicity, gender, class, occupation.  Use a notebook for your field notes.

To help you prepare for this experience, read the following selection from The
Ethnographic Interview by James Spradley.
 
 

The Ethnographic Interview


James Spradley

James Spradley is a cultural anthropologist who has helped clarify the nature of
ethnography (the study of culture and cultural diversity).  In his book Participant
Observation (1980), he makes explicit some basic concepts and skills needed for
doing ethnography.  The Ethnographic Interview (1979), from which this selection is
taken, provides guidelines for students to do ethnography without years of training. 
“Ethnography,” Spradley explains in this Preface, “offers all of us the chance to step
outside our narrow cultural backgrounds, to set aside our socially inherited
ethnocentrism.”  Ethnography is “more than a tool for anthropologists.”  It is “a
pathway into understanding the cultural differences that make us what we are as
human beings.”  Here Spradley provides a sequence of steps for conducting a
successful ethnographic interview that will lead to a rich description and, hopefully,
greater understanding.
Ethnographers work together with informants to produce a cultural description.  This
relationship is complex . . . The success of doing ethnography depends, to a great
extent, on understanding the nature of this relationship.  I use the term informant  in a
very specific way, not to be confused with concepts like subject, respondent, friend, or
actor.  In this chapter I want to clarify the concept and role of informant.
 According to Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary, an informant is “a native speaker
engaged to repeat words, phrases, and sentences in his own language or dialect as a
model for imitation and a source of information.”  Although derived primarily from
linguistics, this definition will serve as a starting point for our discussion.  Informants
are first and foremost native speakers . . .
Informants are engaged by the ethnographer to speak in their own language or
dialect.  Informants provide a model for the ethnographer to imitate; the ethnographer
hopes to learn to use the native language in the way informants do. Finally, informants
are a source of information; literally, they become teachers for the ethnographer.
 Most people act as informants at one time or another without realizing it.  We offer
information to others in response to questions about our everyday lives.  “What kind
of family did you come from?”  “What do you do at school?”  “What kinds of
problems do you have working as a cocktail waitress?” “You collect comic books? 
That sounds interesting: what does it involve?”  Such questions place us in the role of
informant.
 An ethnographer seeks out ordinary people with ordinary knowledge and builds on
their common experience.  Slowly, through a series of interviews, by repeated
explanations, and through the use of special questions, ordinary people become
excellent informants.  Everyone, in the course of their daily activities, has acquired
knowledge that appears specialized to others.  A shaman knows how to perform magic
rituals; a housewife can prepare a holiday meal; a sportsman is an expert in fishing for
lake trout; a physician knows her way around a large hospital and can perform open
heart surgery; a tramp has acquired strategies for making it; a boy can maneuver with
skill on a skate board.  Knowledge about everyday life is a common property of the
human species.  So is the ability to communicate that knowledge in a native
language.  This ability makes it possible for almost anyone to act as an informant.
 Interviewing informants depends on a cluster of interpersonal skills.  These include:
asking questions, listening instead of talking, taking a passive rather than an assertive
role, expressing verbal interest in the other person, and showing interest by eye
contact and other nonverbal means.  Some people have acquired these skills to a
greater degree than others; some learn them more quickly than others.  I recall one
novice ethnographer who felt insecure about interviewing an urban planner.  During
the interviews she kept thinking about the next question she should ask and often
looked down at a list she had prepared.  Each time she lost eye contact with her
informant, he interpreted it as lack of interest.  She seldom nodded her head or
encouraged her informant with such statements as, “That’s really interesting,” or “I
never realized urban planners did so much!”  Although she continued the interviews,
rapport developed slowly because she lacked this specific skill of showing interest.

Activities

1. Make a list of potential informants . . . .


2. Identify five or six of the most likely informants . . .
3. Compare this list of potential informants on the five minimal requirements for a
good informant.  Place the selections in rank order.

Examining the Ethnographic Interview

When we examine the ethnographic interview as a speech event, we see that it shares
many features with the friendly conversation.  In fact, skilled ethnographers often
gather most of their data through participant observation and many casual, friendly
conversations.  They may interview people without their awareness, merely carrying
on a friendly conversation while introducing a few ethnographic questions.
 It is best to think of ethnographic interviews as a series of friendly conversations into
which the researcher slowly introduces new elements to assist informants to respond
as informants.  Exclusive use of these new ethnographic elements, or introducing
them too quickly, will make interviews become like a formal interrogation.  Rapport
will evaporate, and informants may discontinue their cooperation.  At any time during
an interview it is possible to shift back to a friendly conversation.  A few minutes of
easygoing talk interspersed here and there throughout the interview will pay enormous
dividends in rapport.
 The three most important ethnographic elements are its explicit purpose,
ethnographic explanations, and ethnographic questions.

1. Explicit purpose.  When an ethnographer and informant meet together for an


interview, both realize that the talking is supposed to go somewhere.  The informant
only has a hazy idea about this purpose; the ethnographer must make it clear.  Each
time they meet it is necessary to remind the informant where the interview is to go. 
Because ethnographic interviews involve purpose and direction, they will tend to be
more formal than friendly conversations.  Without being authoritarian, the
ethnographer  gradually takes more control of the talking, directing it in those
channels that lead to discovering the cultural knowledge of the informant.

2. Ethnographic explanations. From the first encounter until the last interview, the
ethnographer must repeatedly offer explanations to the informant.  While learning an
informant’s culture, the informant also learns something—to become a teacher. 
Explanations facilitate this process.  There are five types of explanations used
repeatedly.

 Project explanations. These include the most general statements about what
the project is all about.  The ethnographer must translate the goal of doing
ethnography and eliciting an informant’s cultural knowledge into terms the
informant will understand.  “I am interested in your occupation. I’d like to talk
to you about what beauticians do.”  Later one might be more specific: “I want
to know how beauticians talk about what they do, how they see their work,
their customers, themselves.  I want to study beauticians from your point of
view.”

 Recording explanations.  These include all statements about writing things


down and reasons for tape recording the interviews.  “I’d like to write some of
this down,” or “I’d like to tape record our interview so I can go over it later;
would that be OK?”

 Native language explanations.  Since the goal of ethnography is to describe a


culture in its own terms, the ethnographer seeks to encourage informants to
speak in the same way they would talk to others in their cultural scene.  These
explanations remind informants not to use their translation competence.  They
take several forms and must be repeated frequently throughout the entire
project.  A typical native language explanation might be, “If you were talking
to a customer, what would you say?”

 Interview explanations.  Slowly, over the weeks of interviewing, most


informants become expert at providing the ethnographer with cultural
information.  One can th4en depart more and more from the friendly
conversation model until finally it is possible to ask informants to perform tasks
such as drawing a map or sorting terms written on cards.  At those times it
becomes necessary to offer an explanation for the type of interview that will
take place.  “Today I’d like to ask you some different kinds of questions.  I’ve
written some terms on cards and I’d like to have you tell me which ones are
alike or different.  After that we can do the same for other terms.”  This kind of
interview explanation helps informants know what to expect and to accept a
greater formality in the interview.

 Question explanations.   The ethnographer’s main tools for discovering


another person’s cultural knowledge is the ethnographic question.  Since there
are many different kinds, it is important to explain them as they are used.  “I
want to ask you a different type of question, “ may suffice in some cases.  At
other times it is necessary to provide a more detailed explanation of what is
going on.

3. Ethnographic questions: Three main types and their functions

 Descriptive questions. This type enables a person to collect an ongoing sample


of an informant’s language.  Descriptive questions are the easiest to ask and
they are used in all interviews.  Here’s an example: “Could you tell me what
you do at the office?” or “Could you describe the conference you attended?”

 Structural questions.  These questions enable the ethnographer to discover


information about domains, the basic units in an informant’s cultural
knowledge.  They allow us to find out how informants have organized their
knowledge.  Examples of structural questions are: “What are all the different
kinds of fish you caught on vacation?” and “What are all the stages in getting
transferred in your company?”  Structural questions are often repeated, so that
if an informant identified six types of activities, the ethnographer might ask,
“Can you think of any other kind of activities you would do as a beautician?”

 Contrast questions. The ethnographer wants to find out what an informant


means by the various terms used in his native language.  . . .Contrast questions
enable the ethnographer to discover the dimensions of meaning which
informants employ to distinguish the objects and events in their world.  A
typical contrast questions would be, “What’s the difference between a bass and
a northern pike?”

The Verbatim Principle

The ethnographer must make a verbatim record of what people say.  This obvious
principle of getting things down word for word is frequently violated.  Whether
recording things people say in natural contexts or in more formal ethnographic
interviews, the investigator’s tendency to translate continues to operate. . . . [Spradley
cautions that the words informants speak hold “a key to their culture.”] It may seem
wiser, under the pressure of an interview situation, or in some natural context, to make
a quick and more complete summary rather than a partial verbatim record.  Such is not
the case. . . .
Both native terms and observer terms will find their way into the field notes.  The
important thing is to carefully distinguish them.  The native terms must be recorded
verbatim.  Failure to take these first steps along the path of discovering the inner
meaning of another culture will lead to a false confidence that we have found out what
the natives know.  We may never even realize that our picture is seriously distorted
and incomplete.
The best way to make a verbatim record during interviews is to use a tape recorder.  It
is especially valuable to tape record the first two or three interviews in order to
quickly acquire a larger sample of informant statements.  However, tape recorders are
not always advisable, especially during the first few interviews when rapport is
beginning to develop.  The use of a tape recorder may threaten and inhibit
informants.  Each ethnographer must decide on the basis of the willingness of
informants and their feelings about using a tape recorder. . . .Here are some general
rules for making a decision:

1. Always take a small tape recorder in case the opportunity arises to use it.  .  . .

2. Go slowly on introducing a tape recorder immediately. . . .With an enthusiastic and


eager informant, it is possible to ask casually, “How would you feel about tape
recording this interview?” . . . .It is possible to do good ethnography without a tape
recorder; it is not possible to do good ethnography without rapport with key
informants.

3. Watch for opportunities to tape record even a small part of an interview.  After
talking for half an hour, it might be appropriate to say, “This is so interesting and I’m
learning so much, I wonder if you would mind if I tape recorded some of this.  I can
turn it off any time you want.”  Most informants will be more than willing to oblige.

 Whether or not the ethnographer tape records interviews, it is still necessary to take
notes during each interview.  Sometimes tape recorders do not work; often some
information from the interview is needed before it can be transcribed.  Let’s look
more closely at how to take field notes.

Kinds of Field Notes

The Condensed Account

All notes taken during actual interviews or field observations represent a condensed
version of what actually occurred.  It is not humanly possible to write down
everything that goes on or everything that informants say.  Condensed accounts often
include phrases, single words, and unconnected sentences. . . .
  It is advisable to make a condensed account during every interview.  Even while tape
recording, it is good to write down phrases and words used by your informants.  The
real value of a condensed account comes when it is expanded after completing the
interview or field observation.
The Expanded Account

The second type of field notes represents an expansion of the condensed version.  As
soon as possible after each field session the ethnographer should fill in details and
recall things that were not recorded on the spot.  The key words and phrases jotted
down can serve as useful reminders to create the expanded account.  When expanding,
different speakers must be identified and verbatim statements included. . . .
 Tape-recorded interviews, when fully transcribed, represent one of the most complete
expanded accounts. . . .However, some investigators transcribe only parts of an
interview or listen to the tape to create an expanded account, marking all verbatim
phrases and words. . . .

Field Work Journal

In addition to field notes that come directly from observing and interviewing (the
condensed account and expanded account), ethnographers should always keep a
journal.   Like a diary, this journal will contain a record of experiences ideas, fears,
mistakes, confusions, breakthroughs, and problems that arise during field work.  A
journal represents the personal side of field work; it includes reactions to informants
and the feelings you sense from others.
 Each journal entry should be dated.  Rereading at a later time shows how quickly you
forget what occurred during the first days and weeks of field work. . . Later when the
ethnographer begins to write up the study, the journal becomes an important source of
data.  Doing ethnography differs from many other kinds of research in that the
ethnographer becomes a major research instrument.  Making an introspective record
of field work enables a person to take into account personal biases and feelings, to
understand their influence on the research.

Analysis and Interpretation

The fourth type of field notes provides a link between the ethnographic record and the
final written ethnography.  Here is the place to record analyses of cultural meanings,
interpretations and insights into the culture studied.  Most of the tasks in the
remaining steps involve detailed analysis and can be recorded in this category of field
notes.
 Analysis and interpretation notes often represent a kind of brainstorming.  Ideas may
come from past reading, from some particular theoretical perspective, from some
comment made by an informant.  It is important to think of these field notes as a place
to “think on paper”. . .

Activities
1. Set up a field-work notebook or file with sections for
· condensed accounts
· expanded accounts
· journal
· analysis and interpretation

2. Begin making an ethnographic record with entries in each section for field work
completed to date.

3. Contact an informant and arrange for the first ethnographic interview.

From The Ethnographic Interview by James P. Spradley, Copyright 1979 by Holt,


Rinehart and Winston, Inc. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

Ethnic Identification Project: Taking Field Notes

Who's doing the defining?  Note some information about the person you are
interviewing (age, ethnic identification, and so on).  Include in your notes some exact
quotations.

Consider these questions as you prepare for an interview.

1. With what ethnic group or groups does the interviewee identify?

2. Does the person seem knowledgeable about the problems of ethnic identification?
(Does it appear to you that this person has thought about these distinctions before?)

3. To what degree would you say this person is interested in the problems of ethnic
identification in the U.S.A.? Did the interviewee respond immediately with definitions
or have to ponder first?

Use the following “Ethnographic Interview Record” to record your notes.

    Ethnographic Interview Record

     Project: Ethnic IDentity

     Interviewer:________________________________

     Date of Interview:


     Informant (name of person being interviewed):

     Informant's occupation or student status:

     Informant's gender:                                          Age:

     Informant's ethnic identification:

*Note: Allow as much space as you need for the three categories below.

Exact Quotations

Summary of Interview

Comments

Ethnography can help investigate very


complicated or critical design
challenges. A good researcher is
essential when observing and/or
interacting with target audiences in
their real-life environment.
What is ethnographic research?
Ethnographic research is a qualitative method
where researchers observe and/or interact with a
study’s participants in their real-life
environment. Ethnography was popularised by anthropology,
but is used across a wide range of social sciences.
Within the field of usability, user-centred design and service
design, ethnography is used to support a designer’s deeper
understanding of the design problem  – including the
relevant domain, audience(s), processes, goals and context(s)
of use.
The aim of an ethnographic study within a usability project is to
get ‘under the skin’ of a design problem (and all its associated
issues). It is hoped that by achieving this, a designer will be
able to truly understand the problem and therefore design a far
better solution.

Methods associated with ethnography


Anthropological ethnographers often live amongst a
group/society for a year or more, in order to learn about them.
This fully immersive, long-term ‘live and work’ approach to
ethnography has not proven popular within the field of usability.

Part of the reason may involve cost, but it is also the case that
anthropologists and usability practitioners are interested in
different things. Anthropologists use ethnography in an attempt
to fully understand as much as possible about an entire society.
Usability practitioners are usually only interested in learning
information that will support their reasoning on a specific
design problem.

We would argue that deep, immersive ‘live and work’


ethnography is rarely required within the field of user-centred
design. However, short ethnographic studies can be very
useful for user-centred projects . For example: in order to
understand the way in which a Merchant Bank trades and
operates, a usability consultant might conduct an ethnographic
study by working and socialising with its employees for a
month.
Individual methods which are available within an ethnographic
study include: participant observation, interviews and surveys.
All of these ethnographic methods can be very valuable in
gaining a deeper understanding of a design problem. Usability
practitioners often make use of these in order to develop their
understanding of the relevant domain, audience(s), processes,
goals and context(s) of use.
When to use ethnography
Ethnography is most useful in the early stages of a user-centred
design project. This is because ethnography focuses on
developing an understanding of the design problem. Therefore,
it makes more sense to conduct ethnographic studies at
the beginning of a project  in order to support future design
decisions (which will happen later in the user-centred design
process).
Ethnographic methods (such as participant observation) could
also be used to evaluate an existing design – but their true
value comes from developing an early understanding of the
relevant domain, audience(s), processes, goals and context(s)
of use.

We would normally recommend that ethnographic methods


are used for very complex and/or critical design
problems. More complex design problems (in terms of their
domain, audience(s), processes, goals and/or context(s) of use)
are likely to need the deeper understanding which ethnographic
studies can bring. Equally, highly critical systems (where failure
or error can lead to disaster) could also justify significant
ethnographic research.
For example: An insurance company wanted to re-design their
system dealing with the processing of insurance claims. This
system had evolved over many years and actually represented a
patchwork of previous systems. The ‘claim processing’
supported by this ‘system of systems’ is itself a highly complex
process. In this example, ethnographic research should
probably be considered.

Advantages of ethnography
One of the main advantages associated with ethnographic
research is that ethnography can help identify and
analyse unexpected issues . When conducting other types of
studies, which are not based on in-situ observation or
interaction, it can very easy to miss unexpected issues. This
can happen either because questions are not asked, or
respondents neglect to mention something. An ethnographic
researcher’s in-situ presence helps mitigate this risk because
the issues will (hopefully) become directly apparent to the
researcher.
Ethnography’s other main benefit is generally considered to be
its ability to deliver a detailed and faithful representation of
users’ behaviours and attitudes. Because of its subjective
nature, an ethnographic study (with a skilled researcher) can be
very useful in  uncovering and analysing relevant user
attitudes and emotions.
Disadvantages of ethnography
One of the main criticisms levelled at ethnographic studies is
the amount of time they take to conduct. As discussed
above, ethnographic studies do not always require a
long period of time, but this consideration is nonetheless
valid. Because of its richer output, an ethnographic study will
tend to take longer to generate and analyse its data than many
other methods.
During previous ethnographic studies, we have found that it is
possible that subjects may not act naturally during a
short study. Longer studies normally counter-act this because
the subjects grow to trust the researcher and/or get tired of any
pretence.
For example: During the first week of an ethnographic study
into an insurance claim processing system, all the subjects
were observed to be following the strictest interpretation of the
correct procedures. As time progressed, however, it became
increasingly apparent that almost all employees had ‘work-
arounds’ and ‘short cuts’ which were liberally used in order to
speed things up. These behaviours were very instructive in
helping to re-design the process flow. Had the researcher not
stayed in-situ long enough to observe these, they may have
gone unrecorded.
Risks associated with ethnography
As stated above, ethnographic studies consist of the researcher
observing and/or interacting with subjects within the
environment which the (future) design is intended to support.
The two main potential weaknesses with ethnographic studies
are:

Researcher
Ethnographic researchers need to be very highly-skilled to avoid
all the potential pitfalls of an ethnographic study. Some of these
include the detail & completeness of observations, as well as
potential bias (and mistakes) in data collection or analysis.
Subjects
It is essential that any studies’ subjects are as true a
representation of the larger user audience as possible
(assuming that the study has been designed this way). It is also
vital that the subjects are open and honest with the researcher.
Of course, both of these issues are related to the quality of the
researcher themselves and their role in the study’s design.
As we can see from the above, most of the risks associated
with ethnographic studies relate to the researcher, either
directly or indirectly. This, of course, means that the  choice
of ethnographic researcher is critical to a study’s
success. We recommend choosing a researcher with a proven
background of past involvement in successful projects across
varying domains.
Conclusion
We would generally recommend that an ethnographic approach
may be suitable for the early stages of a user-centred project
that deals with a particularly complicated or critical design
challenge. This is because ethnographic methods allow a
particularly deep understanding of a design problem’s domain,
audience(s), processes, goals and context(s) of use. These
ethnographic methods can also be very useful in discovering
and exploring previously unknown issues.
Perhaps the most critical decision within an ethnographic study
is the choice of ethnographic researcher. This individual will
design, conduct and analyse the study’s findings – so it is
essential that they have the skill and experience to make sure
the study is representative, accurate and fair.

Summary

Designed for introductory research courses in the professional fields and social
sciences, this text acquaints students and beginning researchers with a broad view of
research methodologies and an understanding of the assumptions that inform each of
these approaches. More experienced researchers will also find the book useful in
acquainting them with methodologies and theoretical frameworks that are new to
them.

The text is distinguished by its avoidance of using the discreet categories of


qualitative and quantitative methods to organize the chapters. While some chapter
authors rely more on one or the other, many employ multiple methodologies to
investigate particular problems and questions. Further, the book is not organized into
single, contradictory positivist-interpretivist categories of research; chapter authors
often situate methodologies within a variety of, and sometimes multiple, theoretical
positions, particularly as these approaches are shaped by the historical context of
social science research.

Focus points in Foundations for Research: Methods of Inquiry in Education and the
Social Sciences:

*research ethics.

*intertwined relationship of theory and research design.

*systematic examination of ways to design and implement high-quality, trustworthy


research across varying research designs.

*specific methods for implementing research within various frameworks.

*pedagogical strategies.
Instructors

We provide complimentary e-inspection copies of primary textbooks to instructors


considering our books for course adoption.

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