2018-2019

School of Geography and Planning, Cardiff University-MAUD

Spaces of Adherence
THE IMPACTS OF POLITICAL RESISTANCE IN PUBLIC SPACE
ZEINAB ABDELRAHMAN, C1875462
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Acknowledgements

This dissertation is conducted as a partial fulfilment of the master degree in urban design with the supervision of Juan Usubillaga
Narvaez, to whom I would like to express my deep gratitude for the knowledge, and priceless advice he offered to the project. I
also wish to thank Gunter Gasner for his valuable critical remarks during the workshops.

Special thanks to the project participants in Khartoum, once for the informative contribution and again for joining the project
during hard and critical times of political unrest.

Finally, I wish to thank all my tutors, colleagues, friends and family, for the insight or support that in a way or another contributed
to this effort.
Table of Contents

Chapter I Chapter III Stakeholders Mapping 28

Introduction. 2 The Site 15 Spaces of Resistance 29

Occupation as power 16 Areas of Resistance. 30

Chapter II Agents of change. 17 Precedent 31

Research framework 4 Tactics of resistance. 19 Guidelines. 32

The study objectives. 4 The New Space of Adherence. 22

Key concepts. 5 Chapter V

Precedents (Tahrir). 11 Chapter IV Conclusion 35

Methodology. 13 Design Implementation. 27

Design Objective. 27 Bibliography 37

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 List of illustrations

Fig. (1.1): The revolution process 5 Fig. (3.8): groups, activities and motion 26

Fig. (2.1): Key concepts of different authors 12 Fig (3.9): Conviviality, solidarity, inclusion in space 27

Fig (2.2): Tahrir Square during the occupation 13 Fig. (3.11): conclusion diagram 28

Fig. (2.3): Tactics of resistance in Tahrir 14 Fig (4.1): Stakeholders 30

Fig (3.1): Occupation space in Khartoum 17 Fig (4.2): The nature of space 31

Fig. (3.2): protesters in front of SAF 18 Fig. (4.3): the areas of opportunity 32

Fig. (3.3): The masses in Khartoum streets 18 Fig. (4.4): the occupation unit 33

Fig. (3.4): The groups in sit-in 20 Fig. (4.5): Design matrix 34

Fig (3.5): Streets occupied by barricades 21 Fig. (4.6): area 1 35

Fig. (3.6): The trainline tunnel 22 Fig. (4.7): area 3 36

Fig. (3.7): Graffiti in alumni building

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Abstract

The research project studies the impact of occupation on public spaces in order to lead grassroot approaches to urban change that supports acts of resistance, it
focuses on the occupation of central streets in Khartoum between 6 April to 3 June 2019 that succeeded to over through a 30 years rule of dictatorship.

In this purpose the project discusses the significance of the space, and argues that protest can take place in any space that provides opportunity for resistance; which
mobilizes people by the formation of coalitions and campaigns. The formation of neighbourhood associations was key to creating the critical mass in the movement
and the collective action was principal for the decision of occupation, through tactics such as street barricades, parades, and arts which revealed the power of the
people over the space, performed by the change agents for visibility and attention. Furthermore, these tactics are related to meanings of solidarity found in the space
of resistance. The production of new space through political resistance is inspired by demands to rights and also attracted marginalized groups and enabled visibility
of weak groups, giving them capacity to challenge the prevailing structures by the power of collective action, producing a space of adherence. For that, the research
largely used primary methods such as observation and focused interviews with activists in order to get an insight especially because the event of study is novel.
Finally, the research proposed guidelines for promoting resistance acts in the site of occupation that adopted bottom-up approach to design.

Key Words:

Political space, Adherence, Political resistance, Tactics, Change agents, Public space

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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Political resistance inaugurates in space. The spread of political uprisings in public spaces of democratic and autocratic countries shows the decline or closure of the
democratic space, and a struggle to transform or replace the political landscape.

Recently, many peaceful movements have adopted the tactic of protest and urban public space occupations, such as the Argentinazo2001 and the Arab Spring 2010-
2012, with the aim to overthrow oppressive regimes. Neither the tactic nor the demand for new city is new. Lefebvre’s call for the right to the city was a response to
the social resistance movements in the 1960s expressing dissatisfaction of the capital state. Today, the capitalists state systems are expected to worsen further under
the neoliberal dynamics of competition creating additional deprivations, exclusions and social cracks (Marcuse, P. 2012, p. 28).

To this extent, political resistance movements that use occupation tactics are practicing a right to resist and also producing space; they challenge the prevailing power
structures and change its agencies creating hope for political formation that could constitute urban transformation. As put by Fran Tonkiss 2005, they are: “using this
double sense of a power both in and over space” (p.61).

Along with this, social movement’s scholars like Charles Tilly and McAdam Tarrow have studied the spatial impacts of contentious politics. Still; studies on the global
south countries from the scope of a global southern researcher on this topic is definitely lean, and fragmented. Consequently, this research project studies the impacts
of protest on urban political space to develop bottom-up approaches to urban change, that catalyze acts of political resistance for the prevailing oppressive authorities.
It focusses on the occupation of 6-April to 3-June 2019 in Khartoum as a case study. The occupation took a historical part in the December 2018- April 2019 Revolution
process in Sudan (please see figure. 1.1).

So that the research engages with different scholars; it uses Lefebvre’s theory of the space production to explain the emergence of resistance in space and the right to
the city by Lefebvre et al to understand social movements inspirations; the analysis of Kim Dovey (1999), and Fran Tonkiss (2005) to investigate the relationship between
resistance and empowerment; Charles Tilly et al in studying the tactics of contention and power dynamics. The research relies largely on primary methods such as
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observation, and interviews because the author was a participant herself (during December 2018 protests), it also uses photography, diagrams and sketching to analyze,
answer the research questions, and obtain a bottom up approach to design strategies.

To structure, the research has been divided to five chapters subdivided into sections, the first chapter introduces the concept of political resistance in the public space,
the second chapter interrogates occupation in public space and suggests primary methods such as focused interviews and observation to answer the questions, then
illustrates key concepts to engage with being political space, power, empowerment and tactics of resistance as a theoretical framework to develop an argument. The
third chapter analyses the site of occupation in Khartoum and describes how ordinary people have been empowered to lead change and develop a new political space,
the fourth chapter then develops some design guidelines to catalyze resistance in public space whilst the fifth and last chapter presents concluding remarks.

Critical mass 6/4

11/4
changed
Power

13 December-5 April (protests) 6 April-3 June (The occupation)

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Figure (1.1): shows the revolution process and the impact of the occupation

Source: the author

CHAPTER II
RESEARCH FRAMEWORK

1.T HE STUDY OBJECTIVES , IMPLICATION AND SCOPE

This research project is investigating the spatial impacts of political resistance acts on public spaces and whether they can be developed to activate bottom-up urban
change in the public space; through studying the sit-in space of the Sudanese Revolution between 6th April-3rd June 2019. The research questions are:

• What is the significance of the occupation space?

• Who were the agents of change, and what are their footprints on the space?

• Why are resistance acts important in public space?

• How can design guidelines in public space catalyse acts of resistance?

Furthermore, the broader Implications expected to be achieved by the research is the attempt to develop an understanding of the spatial mediation of protest in
public spaces and its role in realization of the collective demand for ‘the right to the city’. Another potential of this study is the development of autogestion as a
concept of grassroots democracy that leads design guidelines.

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It should be noted that the research is concerned with the spatial significance of change agents and tactics of resistance on the public space, analysing the power
dynamics mediated in physical forms, within the process of occupation. The multiple dynamics and political processes that existed before and after the occupation
are NOT included in the scope. The research intends to develop design guidelines for the site of intervention. Pursuant to this, the research has engaged with key
concepts developed by different scholars:

2. K EY CONCEPTS
Urban political space

Henry Lefebvre (1991), argued that space is socially produced through dialectic relationship between real space, imagined space and lived space. His unitarian theory
defined a perceived; ‘spatial space’, a conceived; ‘representation of space’, and a lived; ‘space of representation’, this triad interact in polemic relationship steered by
differentiation. The three-dimensionality of space should be understood within the overall context of Lefebvre’s theory, elaborated in his seminal book ‘Production of
space’ (p. 41).

For Lefebvre, the spatial forms that dominate in the three-dimensional struggle are determined by the needs and priorities of the capital and political elites. The daily
life, is the context where spaces of living and working are given meaning by knowledge or imagination; these spaces interact dialectically in the lived experience of
the ‘urban’ (p.65).

According to Lefebvre, the production of ‘new space’ requires differentiation as opposed to ‘homogeneity’ of the abstract space which represents the capitalist
authority “inasmuch as abstract space tends towards homogeneity, towards the elimination of differences or peculiarities, a new space cannot be born (produced)
unless it accentuates differences” (Lefebvre, H. 1991, p.52). Consequently, pleasure is a differential factor in urban life, the ‘abstract space’ in the capitalist city is
produced by those in power to provide profit whereas the social space is produced in ‘the urban’ that constitutes struggle for leisure, through social relations in the
process of history; the former prioritizes exchange value and the latter is dominated by use value (Lefebvre, H. 1991, p. 285:307:410). Thus, the social function or ‘the
city as an oeuvre’ which is the creative act that results from the dialectic struggle, is more important than the economic function and profit.

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Lefebvre’s theory is useful in understanding how space is produced through dialectic relationship between three spaces; how it impacts the structures and lived
experience of everyday life; and the competing values creating difference in the lived space, where contentious politics become an alternative to the actually existing
space that is not necessarily planned, but rises from people’s ‘coming together’ seeking meaning in daily life.

The right to the city

This also suggests the need for spaces and places where social interaction can take place. Lefebvre noted the fight for a different city in the social movement in Paris
1968, when he wrote his pivotal call for the right to the city. Lefebvre’s right to the city is based on the citizen’s right to urban life; it is a right to the space of
gathering, meaning and entertainment, the center of the urban life, Lefebvre argued it “stipulates the right to meetings and gatherings…, the need for social life and a
centre, the need and the function of play” (Lefebvre,1996, p. 195), and a right to use and appropriate the centre of the city “the right to information, the rights to use
of multiple services, the right of users to make known their ideas on the space and time of their activities in urban areas; it would also cover the right to the use of the
centre”. (Lefebvre, 1996, p. 34).

Differing from Lefebvre, David Harvey in Rebel cities 2012, had understood the Right to the City as a collective right to the urban common where political expression
takes place “Syntagma Square in Athens, Tahrir Square in Cairo ,and the Plaza de Catalunya in Barcelona were public spaces that became an urban common as people
assembled there to express their political views and make demands” (p.73). He assumed that it is a right to belong ideologically to the agency of change “The right to
the city is, therefore, far more than a right of individual access to the resources that the city embodies: it is a right to change ourselves by changing the city more
after our heart’s desire” (Harvey, D. The Right to the City, 2008). Hence, while Lefebvre’s ‘right to the city’ is based on a cry and demand of rights on spatial plane as a
right to access and appropriate, Harvey’s right to the city is ideological and ethical because he is talking about a right to a common urban to express political views
and promote change, it is a right for identity and social justice and a right to change the city.

Harvey’s point is key because it connects between contest and the space’s publicity; also stressed by Don Mitchell 2003 “what makes a space public” is not
predetermined but created through being used by some groups to express their demands in public “The very act of representing one’s group (or to some extent
one’s self) to a larger public creates a space of representation. Representation both demands space and creates space” (p.56). Demanding the space requires
recognition and empowerment of an agency to claim the space.

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Empowerment and agents of change

In ‘Framing Places: Mediating Power in Built Form’ 1999, Kim Dovey found a distinction between ‘power-to’ which is capacity to act as a primary source of power and
‘power-over’ which is the control over others as a relationship. He divided the latter into two categories: ‘force’ and ‘coercion’ and found a relationship between
power and spatial programming, he claimed that force is explicit, dominant and intimidating, represented in enforced buildings (e.g. prisons, walls), while coercion is
subtle and uses more sophisticated forms of ‘power-over’ like domination, manipulation or seduction “The practice of power can be hidden within the structures and
representations of space” (p.46).

In his analysis, Dovey illustrated complex and multi-dimensional mediations of power in the built form, and explored theories of programming (physical form), text
(meaning) and lived place (experience). He argued that power is mediated in the physical form through agencies and structures that controls access and orientation
in everyday use, and surveillance. He also explained that meanings are used to protect power and manipulate taste in the struggling ‘meaning market’, yet
imagination can still open possibilities to inspire and lead change “Despite the mechanization of meaning market, the aesthetic of built form retains a capacity to
‘change the world’, to understand this capacity we must understand the world as more than text” (p.38).

He also illustrated a dialectic relationship to understand power mediation in the ‘place’, such as the one between aspirations and spatial realities, and between
insiders and the outsiders (p.43). According to Dovey, acting within the place is integrated with the meanings in the lived experience, and all questions about power
mediated in the built form ‘comes to empowerment’ as a primary power (p.41). He explored the importance of ideology, by drawing on Lefebvre’s work on social
constructions of spatial ideology; the ‘lived’ is a space which Lefebvre assumes to result as a production of resistance and appropriation “The production of the
‘lived’ is the result of struggle between appropriation and expropriation of space” (Lefebvre1971.88, Cited in Dovey, K., 1999, p.44 ).

Paralleling Dovey’s analysis to Lefebvre’s work is useful to this project in understanding the formation of change agencies and their spatial manifestation on the site.
Dovey explains how power is mediated in the built form illustrating the primacy of empowerment and the capacity to go beyond the prevailing structures using or
abusing power in the lived space which results from both physical space and a space of meanings. Lefebvre talked about a physical space and a space of knowledge,
in alignment with Dovey’s physical space and meaning. He asserted that the production of the lived space incorporates struggle between appropriation for profit and
pleasure, and that from this struggle comes the call for the ‘right to access, to play and to appropriate ‘as practices of liberation against ‘totalization’ “The lived is the
sensual world of everyday life, the space which the imagination seeks to change and appropriate” (Lefebvre, 1991, p.39). This nature of the struggle brought new
agents of change outside the circles of production and the conventional political syndicate, to challenge the order of the state.

9
In Space, the city and social theory 2005, Fran Tonkiss suggested that social movements have sought new ways of considering the agents outside the conventional
ways of opposition, organized with key features of autonomy and self-management (Tonkiss, 2005, p. 61:62). Sabine Knierbein and Jeffrey Hou 2017 also stressed
this involvement of the common ordinary people in mobilization movements as they put it “recent acts of urban resistance have brought a new generation of
protestors to the streets, people who have never before been active in streets or other types of politics” (knierban, S and Hou, J. 2017, p.234).

Tonkiss considered occupation as central to power dynamics, she argued that protesters target buildings that represent the power in the city because the political
opposition needs to be localized “in particular sites at particular times” (Tonkiss,2005, p.66).

Tonkiss also discussed appropriation in public space as a way of self-design as an expression of power-to, how people can imply their meanings in their spatial tactics
(p.63).

The analysis of new agents, their power over the space and the self-management tactics are useful for understanding the nature of the change groups and design
strategies by suggesting the application of direct democracy approaches to decision making, particularly in design. This is key because grassroots empowerment as a
mode of mobilization as a mode of mobilization strengthens the impact of resistance tactics illustrated in the next section.

Tactics of urban resistance

In his book (The contentious French 1986), Charles Tilly illustrated that in different types of contentious movements (i.e. protests, revolutions), groups are mobilized
through mechanisms of identity formation that enables collective contentious actions which he claims: “links some concrete group of people to some other
individual, group or groups. Each originates and changes as a function of continuing interaction-struggle collaboration, competition or some combination of them-
among groups” (Tilly, C. 1986, p.4). Later, he analyzed resistance and ; and defined the acts “such as attacking, expelling, defacing, cursing, cheering,
throwing flowers, singing songs, and carrying heroes on their shoulders” (Tilly, 2008) using a metaphor from the theatre for his theory on the acts of
“contentious repertoires” as he called them, and argued they are grounded in the history of each society, and people repeat them “ without thinking through what
evidence would confirm or deny that repertoires” (Tilly, C. 2008).

Sidney Tarrow (1994), also asserted the use of known actions in contentious politics, yet added that it enables the weaker to participate “using known repertoires of
action, people with limited resources can act together contentiously” (Tarrow, S. 1994, p.16). He also added the possibility of creation; “People contend through

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known repertoires of contention and expand them by creating innovations at their margins” (Tarrow, S. 1994. P.6), and in this sense of novelty he argued that sit- in
as nonviolent protesting is a novel tactic of resistance aiming to increase solidarity and attract new supporters (Tarrow, S. 1994, p.101).

Another argument by Tarrow is that direct contact and organization in trust circles increases movements’ consensus “Primary associations and face-to-face contacts
provided solidarity for social movements among people who knew and trusted one another” (Tarrow, S. 1994, p.69).

In his spatial theory, Lefebvre asserted that space is penetrated by social relations assuming that it is shaped and controlled through the polemic nature of struggle.
Empowerment is in the center of Lefebvre’s analysis because it is contained in the demand for the right to the city as a power to change, that Dovey explained how it
is mediated in the built form; it describes how people produced and shaped the space by mobilization that gave them power over the space. Engagement with Tilly,
Tarrow and Tonkiss applies to understanding how coalition and campaigning mobilized ordinary people, and the use of relations and known tactics attracted wide
spectrum of participants like informal sector vendors, street children, workers, professionals, artists and aristocrats to ‘march under the same banner’, and
empowered them to occupy the space and change it (please see figure 2.1).

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 Triad dialectic:
imagination and
ideology of resistance
Tonkiss 2005
give power to change
Lefebvre: & demand of the right
1991&1996 to the city Empowerment New empowered
groups

Power is Coalition, campaigning, relation

mediated in (power-to), occupation
control and repertoires (power over)
surveillance in
occupation
spaces and in RTTC
meanings such Repertoires of contention
as death,
language and
symbols

Tilly: 1986 &2008

Dovey:
1999 Tarrow: 1994
Occupation
Agents of change (power -over)

Figure (2.1): Key concepts of different scholars

Source: the author

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3. P RECEDENTS
Tahrir case study

Tahrir Square 2011 is one of the movements known collectively as the Arab
Spring 2010-2012. The Egyptian example is noticed internationally and
regionally (please see figure 2.2) as it led to the fall of president Mubarak
(1981-2011). It is also significantly important for the project analysis because
it is an occupation movement in similar governance system and related
regional set up.

Unlike the project’s site, Tahrir is a square, it is located in the most integrated
and highly trafficked area in central Cairo, surrounded by important
government and iconic buildings, streets and squares. Thus, Tahrir was
selected as a space for revolution because of its visibility; according to Said,
A:2014, and Mohamed, A. et al, Tahrir square has been ‘the’ space for the
Egyptian revolution for geographical values like centrality, accessibility by
pedestrian-only alleys, and proximity to high buildings that ensure visibility
and control, in addition to symbolic historical value as a focal point of
demonstrations.
Fig (2.2): Tahrir Square during the occupation

Source: NBC NEWS

However, the occupation which existed between 25th January-11th February was mobilized by various groups, the organization of the square was undertook by groups
formed after the revolution, these were coalitions and specialized groups. Coalitions were two; Youth Coalition for Revolution (YCR) formed 30 January consisted of
six mixed groups (left, liberal and right), the other 25 January 2011 movement composed of radical leftist groups who refused liberal and Islamist movements. The

13
specialized groups are formed to provide services for the sit-in, like Physicians for Tahrir, Arts for Revolution, and Journalists for Revolution. The groups Organization
of the masses is part of the revolutionary culture and spontaneous efforts took place within the revolutionaries’ social networks (Said, A. 2014, The Tahrir Effect:
History, Space, and Protest in the Egyptian revolution, The University of Michigan).

It should be noted that coalitions were important in attracting new agents especially through social media and new networks such as football fans. The capacity to
attract large numbers of people was key because occupying the square was a challenge to the police state, the riot police could not stop the masses, there was a
power struggle between the police and the revolutionaries who used tactics to override aggressive police strategies.

Moreover, the spatial tactics are mutually affected by ‘police strategies’, the police violence versus burnings of buildings, the barricades versus the use of horses and
camels in battle and the use of the space under stages to store and hide food from the police tells a story about the

Police and security penetration. The Egyptian Revolution used advanced tactics of repertoire learned through activism and inspired by an aspiration for change
although Egypt has not experience civilian revolutionary change.

Figure (2.3): Shows the tactics of resistance, from the left; barricades, main stage in the occupation (used to store food underneath) and the burn
of the ruling party building by revolutionaries

Source: Said. A 2014

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4. M ETHODOLOGY

The research project uses a multi- methods approach to analyze the resistance tactics and the context of the site of intervention; primary methods (observation and
interviews) are triangulated with secondary data from different sources.

To elaborate, participant’s observation was used in the project as a primary method since the author has been part of the uprising since its start in December 2018,
and joined the occupation between 15th Appril-3rd May. During this period the author visited the sit-in space frequently as a participant (stayed for 1-3 hours in each
time, and undertook research activities such as photography, attended a main stage public party (on April 25th), climbed the trainline bridge to observe and video,
and participated in informal activities in the main street of the sit-in space (i.e. rallies, chanting and dancing).

Another primary method was interviewing. Focused interviews were used because of their flexibility and ability to go beyond structured questions to get as much
information to overcome the limitation of other resources. They were held during the research field trip from 20-30 June, with seven participants; two females and
five males. Meeting for interviews occurred in different places in Khartoum: cafes, Sudanese Professionals’ Association premises, Tiba press office, Royal Care
Hospital and the author’s house, each interview took between 45-120 minutes. The selection of participants was focused mainly on activists who stayed longer in the
sit-in and know the space to bridge the gap in research, it also attempted to maintain variety in gender, age and type of activity. The field trip was planned to be
during the sit-in, but unfortunately it was broken violently on the 3rd of June, this situation limited the number and diversity of the participants (i.e. only 2 females
participated): (1) many of those who used to stay in the sit-in were in Post Traumatic Syndrome Disorder (2) many activists were involved in preparation for a protest
in 30th of June 2019 (3) some had security issues and refused to give some information1. Interviews data were used to map the distributions of groups and functions
as a way to define areas for design guidelines.

1
During this period the security situation was shaky after the occupation breakdown on 3rd of June

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Furthermore, the project uses secondary data by engaging with different authors’ concepts. It also uses planning report’s data to see the planning guideline for the
site (the structural plan of Khartoum is collected from the planning office on 18-June), and data from Sudanese Professional Association pages on social media;
Facebook and Twitter where all the campaign of the movement published, another reason is the scarcity of research data (because of the novelty of the Sudanese
Revolution).

In addition to this, photographs and videos from the researcher archives and other professional photographers and activists are used in analysis of resistance tactics,
they are used in triangulation of participants’ interviews discourse to develop maps, sketches, and sections. Diagrams are also used for illustration of analysis and
outcomes.

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CHAPTER III: ANALYSIS

1.T HE SITE
The occupation area is located at the east of Khartoum’s CBD area, highly accessible by public transport; surrounded by important connectors (Army bridge, Blue Nile
bridge and Nile Avenue); urban segregators (Railway line, Airport); close to the University of Khartoum with long history in civil resistance. The sit- in has extended
over approximately three kilometres of two intersecting streets; the first one is an east-west one-way street at the north of the Military Headquarters (Burri Street)
juxtaposed to (Al Gyada Street), the second is a north-south street (Imam Al-Mahdi), (please see figure 3.1). Despite the centrality, and the proximity to a power
centre; the streets around SPA headquarters are non-significant urban thoroughfares.

Imam Al-Mahdi Street

Burri Street
Fig. (2.4)

Source: google map modified by author

Al Gyada street

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Figure (3.1): Occupation site location in Khartoum

Source: the author

S
 2. Occupation as power over the space

The protest made sheer assembly in front of the Sudanese Armed Forces headquarters on April 6th, a
national Memorial Day2(please see figure 3.2), consequently; the revolutionaries decided to occupy the
insignificant, centrally located streets.

However, SAF headquarters as a military building has obvious power symbol or ‘signification’, defined
byFigure
Dovey(3.2):
as “signs are overt
protesters signifiers
in front of latent force” (Dovey, K. 1999, p.10).
of SAF 6/4

Source: Sudan Revolution Documentation 2018 - Facebook page.

Obviously, the protest made the space visible in photography and media whereas photography is
usually prohibited in military sites by the authorities. Thus, an un accessible public space has
been taken and appropriated; in claim for political public space. The sitting-in in front of the
army’s headquarter to “resurrect revolutionary memory”3; the dominance of the military
building with high walls, gates, architecture style and a function related to ‘force’, represented a
mediation of power in both the aspiration for the army support and the reality of the sheer
presence of protesters (please see figure 3.3). This power dynamics was an empowering factor
Figure (3.3): The masses in Khartoum streets 6/4
to the agents of change (Dovey, K.1999, p.41.
Source: Sudan Revolution Documentation 2018-Facebook page.

2
The 6th of April is the memory day of a Sudanese Revolution that ended an earlier dictatorship in 1985, when the army took the side of the people.

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3. The agent S OF CHANGE
The occupation 6th of April-3rd of June, was led by a coalition of different forces allied under the name of the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC). Hundreds of
thousands occupied streets in front of the Sudanese Armed Forces Headquarters responding to a campaign activated by the Sudanese Professional associations SPA;
a pivotal force in FFC. There were two types of organized change agents; the groups existed before the sit-in and the groups formed to organize and provide services
for huge masses after April 6th.

In addition to coalitions and campaigns as major mobilizers, the formation of neighborhood associations known as the Resistance Committees RCs in many residential
blocks of Khartoum was pivotal. In the sit-in they volunteered widely in barricades guarding, cleaning within We Build campaign4, and providing food and shelter for
the revolutionaries during the sit-in.

Other significant groups were the gender groups empowered by notable participation of women from different classes and backgrounds, provoked by oppressive
governmental policies and law suits. They were political, civil society, support groups, and informal sector vendors activists worked in collaboration in the sit-in. The
participation of the vendors group was significant because they are organized and active; one of the reasons of their activism5 is that the authorities banned them
from selling in The Nile Street6 (a favorite gathering place). The use of the center is central to Lefebvre’s call of The Right to City; the occupation allowed them to use
the center (Lefebvre 1996) engaging in advocacy and solidarity campaigns and rallies inside the sit-in for women’s agenda and supported rights to sell drinks in
central spaces. Additionally, there were groups that gained high visibility, art groups with graffiti all over the space, theatre, music, dancing and singing.

Apart from the organized groups there were the street children to whom the space of occupation was shelter and means of living. These groups were approached by
activists who involved them in the movement to prevent exploiting them by the security, accordingly, they were empowered and participated in the occupation).

4
Initiative for services provision within RCs in the blocks

5
Head of the Union of Food & Beverages Cooperation Mrs. Awadeya Koko says the union’s members are 26,000 (BBC NEWS 7th May)

6
The authorities considered the gathering at The Nile Street around the Tea Ladies as threatening, and the issue has been in court 2017 (alsudaniya-sd.com)

19
Thus, while these mixed groups acted in different energies that represented competition for impact in the space; analysis of observation, and participants’ interview
noted that competition in the space was not based on production relations. Three points are noted here: RCs foundation was important because they are formed in
grassroot level which can provide a solid grounds for direct democracy and bottom-up formation, their existence in the social context of residential blocs within trust
relations and face to face communication makes these organizations sustainable and safe from security penetration enhancing resistance, empowering new agents of
change. Tonkiss argues that the new groups are self-sufficient, as she says: “self-autonomy is key feature in new agents of change” (Tonkiss, F. 2005, p. 62).

Furthermore, the change agents before the 6th of April occupation were mostly middle-class activist under FFC and ordinary people mobilized by the SPA campaigns,
in addition to other few fragmented supporters of change. The sit-in attracted more diverse groups in terms of socio-economic status. Marginalized groups such as
the tea vendors and street children both exist in the city center and were empowered through political resistance (please see figure 3.4). In light of these points,
organization and empowerment at grassroot level forms the backbone of resistance acts as it will be shown next.

Groups existed before 6th

April 2019
Organization Conventional
The change political
committees
agents groups
RCs
SPA FFC formation New groups
coalition

Marginalized

Ordinary people, new groups participation

Figure (3.4): The groups in the sit-in, the growth of the common people participation

Source: the author

20
4. Tactics of Resistance

When the revolutionaries occupied the space, they started to erect barricades in all entry points (please see figure 3.5) as a tactic of defense practiced
in the blocs’ demonstrations before the sit-in7using rocks and scrap metal to prevent car access except for downloading supplies. The barricades were
also checkpoints guarded by males and females who searched everyone entering the space for weapons. The barricades were symbols of power,
control and order; the act of searching by ordinary people was legitimized by the revolutionary power without questioning its legality (please see
figure 3.6) because they believed it for protections. Dovey1999, called the
way things are done by the people rituals: "since these rituals are
fundamentally about order and threats to that order are necessary
mediations of power” (Dovey, K, 1999, p.43), it means that the barricades
are protecting a new established order.

Another blockade type was blocking the train bridge crossing the space.
It gained high visibility as the bridge is a flyover at the intersection of the
two sit-in streets. The bridge was occupied by a group of youngsters who
sat on the top of it whilst others were banging behind the bridge’s wall all
day and night, the rhythm was kept by a maestro8.They played popular
chants rhythms using stakes of wood or metal; it was a choir. Some of the
Figure (3.5): Streets occupied by barricades choir group were street children yet other youngsters from the blocs
Source: the author

7
It was argued by Sidney Tarrow 1994 that tactics are repeated from history, and that Parisians build barricades because barricades are inscribed in the history of Parisian contention

8
Author’s observation

21
participated9, it was a heartbeat in the middle of the sit-in space. The bridge occupation represented an important shift in power; controlling a space
that entitled capital by a deprived marginalized group to play rhythm at a high status, blocking the train function of trade and opening it for
revolution10(please see figure 3.6).

Date: 25/04/2019

Figure (3.6): The section illustrates the trainline tunnel, the groups on top and the cheering groups, the
image on the left shows the boys banging the wall.

Source: the author (both)

9
Appendix A: Adham

10
The reception of revolution train coming from the city of Atbara in northern Sudan

22
In contrast to Tahrir case study, the surrounding buildings were occupied and used peacefully “the building’s managers gave us the key” as A. A., a 30
years participant said. It should be noted that these buildings did not represent government authority, rather, they represented educational
institutions such as the University of Khartoum11. The buildings’ walls were covered with graffiti and defined as revolution’ s territories (please see
figure 3.7). Moreover, graffiti occupied the walls and pavements all over the space as a
political expressing and power over the space.

It should be noted that some of the used tactics such as occupation (sit-in) itself as
resistance tactics were not known before for the groups, confirming Sidney Tarrow’s 1994
argument on the possibility of innovation (p.6), while other tactics such as barricading
were known. Tarrow also made a connection between the use of known tactics and
empowerment of weaker groups (p.16); in contrast to that the

empowerment of the deprived groups was in tactics they innovated themselves and
gained visibility and attention, such as rhythm and the populated use of a jargon
language12 originated from the most marginalized groups in the city, where it formed the
chanting and text of the revolution.

Figure (3.7): graffiti on UOK Alumni Club, which was used as a meeting
center and Broadcasting in the sit in, the picture was taken on
June29th (after the break)

Source: the author

11
It became known that when there are protests the government closes UOK

12
SPA statements were mostly in jargon known locally as RANDOK

23
5. T HE NEW SPACE OF ADHERENCE
This section is trying to draw some conclusions from the previous analysis:

Political resistance

First and foremost, what lies behind protest is political resistance which results from differentiation and dialect (i.e. struggles of gender groups because of
discrimination, tea ladies’ conflict with municipality), motivated by ideas about demanding a new space according to Lefebvre 1991. All the research participants
asserted that they responded to the campaign for the 6th of April because they demand rights, and a new space.

However, the occupation was not planned; 40 years participant K. O. (one of the mobilization leaders) said: “the decision to stay was made 30 minutes after we saw
the masses”13. This suggests two things the first is that visibility and symbolic value of the space are not important in occupation, and it can take place in any space
that provides opportunity (such as surrounding buildings and accessibility); the other is the power of assembly, which brings the important question: How was the
critical mass formed? M. H. (32 years) had a prompt explanation saying it’s a direct result of RCs formation (blocs’ youth). Along with that, a crude survey on the sit-in
space suggested most of the participants were un-politically affiliated youth14, finding that: 94.4% were not politically committed, 83% were between (18-34 years).
This confirms the mobilization of common people at basic level.

One connection to be made is that the mobilization of new groups was also motivated by meanings such as solidarity; for example, one of reasons that brought
people together was death- an example is evident in the high participation of the blocs where martyrs lived-15 .This concept was discussed by Sidney Tarrow 1994
when he stated: “It may be surprising to think of death as a source of collective action. But it is the reaction of the living especially to violent death – that is the source

13
Please see appendix A (4)

14
Please see appendix B for the study details:

15
Alsawrat are high density blocs, joined massively after the killing of Alfatih in January 2019, it was also noticed as a mobilizer for Albarari in previous uprisings

24
of protest, rather than death itself. Death has the power to trigger violent emotions and brings people together with little in common but their grief and their
solidarity” (Tarrow, S.1994.p.45).

Not only this, but all the tactics of resistance that mediated power such as the trainline choir, the rallies, chanting parades, graffiti, and the use of jargon language;
represented symbols of solidarity-for example- the barricades were legible spatial features, they had names, appearance and guarding groups, acting as points of
gathering, networking, and expression of socialization

In addition, a central point in political resistance is its inauguration in the public space. A participant who was abroad for studies on the revolution day said: “As soon
as I saw the people in the street, I left everything, and joined the next day on 7 April”16. Thus, for M. K. (23 years), and many others, resistance took place in the space
and also produced one.

The spatial footprints

The new space provided variety and everyone marked their territories. Interviews’ participants asserted “Despite the crowds, I know where to find each one of my
friends”17. To define the spatial features of the space, the participants’ movement was traced (please see map in appendix A) to locate the activities and groups
according to their description (please see figure 3.8).

16
Please see appendix A (7)

17
Please see appendix A (2)

25
Layering the two maps shows three types of
activities/ groups and motion mixes: the motion is
concentrated in the in the main streets mix
activities areas; the short stay is connected to the
stages areas, broadcasting and media areas where
activities like the political speeches and meetings
take place; the long stay areas are the art groups
area (green) and the tea ladies areas (yellow)
around the kitchens.

Paralleling this with Fran Tonkiss’ (2005) argument

that the public spaces in cites have three types:
informal, formal, and café nature (p.65), suggests
Broad
different types of political resistance acts take place
casting
in the public space according to their speed and
nature. Moving

Short stay

Long stay

Figure (3.8): Groups, activities and motion in the west side of the sit-in space

Source: the author

26
Adherence

The sit-in space was home for revolutionaries homeless and street children. According to participants, between 2-3 thousand people never left the space18, in
addition; tens of thousands used to come every day for hours, hundreds of thousands up to one million in some events. Despite that people shared food, drink, use of
facilities and amenities as common use, it was not without flows; one problem was the control of mob’s mentality where correction is difficult. The other was the
under-utilization of the opportunity of sitting-in in networking specially between the Resistance Committees. These committees have different levels of capacities and
their cooperation is recommended in order to build a solid grassroot foundation for change.

However, a space of adherence was produced, the revolutionaries popular chant was: fall or no fall, we will stay19. This lived space (as understood by Lefebvre), was
produced through empowerment of common people who didn’t participate in street events before 6th April, they reshaped the space to include the diversities of the
people, show solidarity and consensus, and provide for collective living (please see figure 3. 9).

Figure (3.9): shows the space conviviality, solidarity and play in the occupation space

18
Please see appendix A (2) Source: Sudan revolution Documentation page (Facebook)

19
They used an Arabic term: SABBA which means reinforced concrete (from building construction)

27
Conclusion Diagram:

Political resistance mobilizes people by creating networks and organizing campaigns (FFC coalition and SPA campaigns), people are empowered and their losses
(revolution martyrs) unites them and increases participation, more people are mobilized by the jargon language because it represented insurgency (the youth
opposing all the old system), the critical mass shows in the space, The groups participated because there is space, where they located themselves in different
rhythms mediating power, challenging everything and playing. In conclusion, the space without political resistance is just a space of function, prohibited by the
police, and vendors are not allowed, photography is banned and gathering is forbidden.

Trainline Group

Barricades Informal/
Street playful
Sheer Rallies
Ch.
masses
Parades
RCs
We Build
Campaign
Death Cooking &tea Café/
Empowerment

Tea & F
vendors
Adherence
Resistance Graffiti Static
Jargon

Coalition Arts

Buildings,
Organization, accommodation,
media & NGOs organization & Formal
Networking
support

Figure (3.10): Conclusion diagram

Source: the author

28
CHAPTER IV
DESIGN

T HE DESIGN IMPLICATIONS
As the previous analysis showed, the building of grassroots networks was fundamental in resistance acts, and it proposes a bottom-up understanding for design that
applies flexible adjustable development of parts, using experience and feedback loops to modify the design solutions by the people. This approach will use the
networks that developed through the mobilization process.

THE DESIGN OBJECTIVE

The design aims to develop guidelines to catalyse resistance that support urban change in the urban space through bottom-up approach informed by the right to use
the center. The guidelines objective is to create and increase the opportunity for resistance acts in the space of occupation to maintain the site’s political resistance
legacy, through temporary and permanent developments.

who what

Guidelines

where how

29
W HO ? S TAKEHOLDERS MAPPING

The project defines the stakeholders using the existing network from the occupation 6 April-3 June 2019. During this period a
network of Sudanese citizens and immigrants cooperated to support the occupation. The networking embodied solidarity and
joint liability-which will be utilized in the strategy through principles of:
Figure (4.1): Stakeholders
Self-design, self-build, self-finance and self-manage.
Source: the author
The networking will be virtual and in venues in Khartoum.

Sudanese Plastic
Sudanese National
Artist Union
Immigrants companies & Virtually
NGOs
Stakeholders Self-design Self-finance

Weak groups SPA

empowerment:
the right to
change the city Venues in
Self-manage
Khartoum

Resistance Union of Food & Street children

Committees Beverage
Vendors
Planning

authoriti Self-build
30
es
What? Spaces for resistance

To define what type of space are needed to catalyse resistance that empower change, and produce lived spaces through mediation of power, there are three types of
resistance acts that employ different rhythms and space requirement. The strategy identifies these types to produce guideline for the intervention.

Playful

Diverse

In-formal High speed

protest Formal Staged

high speech Moderate speed

state Cafe
Diverse
coalition
public arts networking
rhythm meetings

Artistic

Figure (4.,2): Shows the natures of spaces Static

Source: the author Focused

31
 Where? Areas of resistance

Area 3:

Appropriation by Tea
Areas 1,2 & 3 are selected to develop Highly visible ladies, activists gathering
design guidelines with regard to: for networking, and
Surveillance coalitions. Involvement of
The Nile Street and The University of mixed social classes
Khartoum are both centers of activism
and resistance.
Area 2:
The agents of change need areas with
visibility and potential for resistance acts Inner area, not visible but
(networking, protest, rallies, can be occupied and
mobilization). The area of the center provide ‘café’ nature for
should be accessible to everybody and to act activist artists
increase the opportunity of collection by
creating centres for street vendors, Area 1:
marginalized groups should access the
center and be mobilized to demand This area is selected
rights. because of its visibility
Tunnel (trainline tunnel), in
addition to un-used areas
that could be occupied
PRECEDENTS and appropriated for
Figure: (4.3) The areas of Opportunity resistance acts.
32
Source: the author
 How? Precedents

Recetas Urbanas: Santiago Cirugeda

Designed by Cirugeda Santiago, an architect and activist from Seville, Spain- and founder of the Recetas Urbanas architectural studio in 2003. The Insect- House
project in in Alamenda, Seville, is designed for Alameda Viva Platform who wanted to resist urban politics, such as cutting the trees. In order to provide effective
protest unit, Santiago designed a light structure unit to be installed to occupy trees with temporary shelter. The unit
is to be installed on the top of a tree (4.5 meters off the ground), it is composed of two parts; a shield (from possible
Shelter police attacks) that protects from rubber balls and pressure water, and a bottom storage unit. The top part shield
has a sliding part that provides ventilation with the fixing part. The shelters are designed to be installed by four
people taking two hours at most (http://off-goldsmiths.info/santiago-cirugeda/).

However, the occupation strategy was successful, it provided high visibility as a protest strategy, achieved ecological
benefit concerning trees protection, it also provided a strategy of opposition to the conventional planning system
imposed on the people (http://www.spatialagency.net/database/santiago.ciugeda).The key learnings from this
project are: firstly; the change of attitude towards submission to the prevailing systems and the capacity to act and
Storage decide, secondly; occupation as an act of resistance using existing common elements like trees, thirdly; utility which
is employed in the use of the bottom part for storage, borrowing tactics of protection from nature (insect shield)
plus weather adaptability, fourthly; the ease of installation that means ordinary people can install them, the time
needed for installation is appropriate for such threatened by the order (police) actions, and team-work which
embodies collaboration, finally; the temporality of the structure that provide flexibility.

Figure (4.4): Shows the occupation unit

Source: engosfera.org

33
How? Guideline Matrix

Inclusion (The right to use the center)

Solidarity (the margin brought to the

center)
Guidelines Resistance Adherence
Conviviality (we are all brothers and sisters)

Memorial/ soundscape Area1

Light structure (canopy) Shelter units for immediate Informal (visibility & play)
Seats construction
Appropriation strategy (permanent)

simple instructions for ordinary people

Installation of light structure through

Occupation strategy (provisional)

Use of tires and for sitting to Stalls and seats Area 2

be used for blocking Arts workshop Café (focused groups, long
Graffiti boards to be used as stay)
shields because the area is
surrounded with friendly
buildings and easily barricaded
Tea ladies support to resist Light structure under bridge Area 3
authority, use of installation for teaching street children
(Cerugeda)

Figure (4.5): Design matrix

Source: the author

34
 Figure (4.5): Area 1

Source: the author

Area 1

To design a memorial that provides visibility and attention for playful crowds.

To empower the passers-by, by The memorial can be developed through design contest.
using known acts.

Rhythm legacy:

One of the possible solutions to be

discussed by the design team is:

using a simple mechanical system to bang Trans. node

on the tunnel’s wall, by pulling a cord
(from under the tunnel) to move two balls An example of un-used
on the top; a sound magnifier could be areas to be utilized by
used to be more effective. vendors, provide space
for rallies.

35
 Figure (4.7): Area3

Source: the author

A3: This is a resistance strategy,

to occupy then appropriate the
area by marginalized groups.

To fix the stalls as a way to prevent

the police from removing them, the
tea equipment can be stored in units
informed by Cerugeda’s design (case
study). Use of old tires for modified
for seating by the people,
To use The Nile space for teaching
the street children. The children because they can be also
participation in acts of resistance give used to block the street as a
them capacity. known tactic.

36
CHAPTER V
CONCLUSION

By ending three decades of dictatorship rule, the sit -in in Khartoum has demonstrated the possibility of political formation through public space occupation. This
movement was led by the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC); a wide spectrum coalition which, in addition to the conventional political opposition, constituted new
groups mobilized through the oppressive policies of the regime and the closure of political space. The new Sudanese Professionals’ Association (SPA) attracted large
numbers of ordinary people especially the youth, whom suffer from the exclusion, deprivation, and underrepresentation of the totalitarian regime but were not
committed politically.

The occupation was influenced by two interrelated moments. The first was the moment of ‘the right to the space’; when masses demonstrated on the 6th of April,
collectively demanding change. Unlike most of the occupation movements’ spaces; the site in Khartoum was un-characteristic, although being a street rather than a
square was positive in the sense of protection against police strategies, the massive participation responded to the wide spread campaign led by SPA, Novel discourse
and local neighbourhood networks were used, along with social media to activate. The second was the moment of ‘the right to produce the space’; through the
occupation which persisted from 6th of April to 3rd of June. In this period the space was walled by barricades, surrounding buildings were occupied, and temporary
structures were erected to accommodate different functions. It was dominated by groups and activities that produced a common culture with four features. Firstly, it
was a diverse space where multiplicities of socio-economic, gender, religion and ethnicities existed because of the meaningful ‘togetherness’. The groups enjoyed
varieties of spaces in the space with different natures and momentums; for example the main street had a high street rhythm (with informal functions, movement
and parades), the stages and tents had a public square rhythm (formal functions), and the occupied buildings and seating places had a café rhythm (special groups
communicating). Secondly, it was a space of collective living where all groups shared spaces of living in existing buildings or tents, shared the use of stages, and
furniture where everything was common for the utility of the whole, the deprived and the marginalized had the ‘right to use the centre’. Thirdly, it was also a space of
solidarity because voluntary teams were formed to organize the space and manage the different functions, large sectors contributed and donated to provide food,
37
drinks and medical care, in addition to intangible support. Solidarity was also apparent in symbolizing the barricades guarding and the martyrs, in offering free
teaching classes for the street children, distributing unattended bags to donate money for the use of the poor, participating in cleaning and public health campaigns
and initiatives. Fourthly, the play feature which was shown in a pervasive trend of graffiti on the walls and pavements of the space, rhythm played on the trainline
bridge, group and individual performances of plays, dances, singing, and playing music. Play was also shown in the use of a populist jargon related to an excluded
group in the society as an insurgence mechanism, representing an expression of rejection to conventional ways and structures.

This common culture resulting from the repertoires of contention is a reflection of change in power dynamics, the voice heard was silenced for a long time and its
appearance in the public space is a premium sign of empowerment; significantly giving capacity to excluded groups like the neighbourhood associations, and
deprived groups like the street children.

The mobilization of local groups is crucial in protest action, not only in creating the critical mass, which is not possible without the mobilization of the masses, but also
in designing and producing the protest acts because it enabled the ordinary people to participate in actions that are known for them.

The experience of occupation showed the social and political potential of the public space, along with the capacity of ordinary people to produce and remake the
space. The preservation of this legacy through public space design is important because according to Tilly, contentious repertoires regenerate from history.

Through design guidelines, the project proposes two types of strategies for occupation and appropriation, it will use protest to resist the authorities in demanding
rights, and uses the occupation area as an opportunity site for political protest.

To conclude, public design has an important role to play in contemporary cites; it can facilitate change through radical design that goes beyond the prevailing
conventional systems, and facilitates insurgency in public space, where contest inaugurates and where resistance actions use their capacity to change, without them,
public space is stagnant and social justice is at risk.

The need for this approach is not exclusive for autocratic countries where people seek democracy, but also in the democratic west because the conventional
democratic tools are becoming more impotent and direct democracy tools are needed.

38
BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brenner, N. 2012. Cities for people not for profit. New York: Routledge.
Dovey, K. 1999. Framing places: mediating power in built form. London: Routledge.
Harvey, D. 2008. The right to the city. New Left Review,53, 23-40.
Hou, J. and Knierbbein, S. 2017. City unsilenced. New York: Routledge.
Lefebvre, H. 1991. The production of space. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.
Lefebvre, H. 1996. Writings on cities. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Press.
McAdam, D. et al. 2001. Dynamics of contention. Cambridge: Cambridge University press.
Mitchell, D. 2003. The right to the city. New York: The Guilford press.

Shaftoe, H. 2008. Convivial urban space. London: Earthscan.

39
Tilly, C. 1986. The contentious French. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
Tilly, C. 2008. Contentious politics. Cambridge: Cambridge university Press.
Tarrow, S. 2011. 3rd.ed. Power in Movement. New York: Cambridge University Press

Tonkiss, f. 2005. Space, the city, and social theory. Cambridge: polity Press.

Participants’ Interviews

Appendix A

www.spatialagency.net>database

40
Appendix A Did you go to the sit-in site?

Participants’ Interviews (Translated from Arabic) Yes, since first day on April 6 I was daily in the site until the day the sit in
ended.
(1)
Why did you go there?
Name: Ahmed Abdelwahab
In response to the call by the Sudanese Professional Association (SPA)
Age: 30 years
asking the people to stage a protest at the armed forces headquarters
Gender: Male and demand the downfall of the regime.

Date: 29/06/2019

Place: Sudanese Professionals’ association Head Office-Khartoum, Can you describe what happened on April 6 and afterwards?
Sudan

41
After arriving at the army HQ decided to stage an open sit in. their
security forces intervened and attacked the protesters on the 7th, 8th and
9th April. The army confronted the security forces and protected the
protestors. On April 11 the situation changed dramatically when Gen. Ibn
Ouf announced on television that Bashir has been removed from power.
The fear subsided and within 24 hours we forced ibn Ouf to step down
because his statement was far below public demands and did not meet
the peoples’ aspirations.
How many people were there on April 6?
On the first day it was estimated that the number was 500,000 and after
ibn Ouf statement the number soared to 4 million. Around 200, 0000 t0
300,000 used to spend the night in front of the army HQ and the
surrounding areas. During the first day’s people slept on the pavement
because there were no shelters.
When did you start organize yourselves?
After April 11 the committees began bringing tents and other types of
shelter because it was summer with its sweltering heat.
What about the organizing committees?
The voluntary committees began spontaneously by the people with each
neighbourhood having its own committee. After April 11 things were put
in order and responsibilities defined. The youth were assigned putting
barricades on main and side streets based on geographical locations. As
for food, individuals as well as businesses used to being in large quantities
of food every day. The medical sector was the most organized from day
one. They have committees all over the city but for security reasons they
only went public after April 11.
Where were you camped at the sit-in site?
At University of Khartoum Alumni affairs building but most of the day I
was at the main clinic (at the power station) and at the sit-in theatre. We
used to coordinate with the Freedom and Change Forces filed
committees to fill in any gaps and meet the shortages and file reports on
the situation to the field committee.
What does all this mean to you?
The entire sit-in site was a mini state inside a state. People of different
ages, colours, races religions … etc were there. It was a unique social,
cultural and religious gathering. On the fist Friday noon sermon held at
42
the sit-in site the Coptic Christians held umbrellas to shelter their Muslim
brothers from the seat. They staged vigil to protect the congregation.
There were no signs of racism at the field where the Sudanese who are
known as the most diverse people have shown a high degree of tolerance
and sense of togetherness. We need the same spirit shown at the sit-in
site everywhere in our life to heal our national wounds.
Where there any problems at the site?
Most of the problems were caused by the security forces.
What about that place known as Columbia?
That place was outside the sit-in place and wan not part of it. It extended
along the bank of the Blue Nile and for a very long time before the recent
event it has been known to the police as a crime nest where alcohol and
drugs were sold. When the sit-in began Columbia expanded and
encroached upon the territory of the sit-in area where artists, painters,
poets, singers and other intellectuals have set their camp. In the
authorities were serious on removing this crime place they would have
done long ago.
The management of the sit-in was located at U of K Alumni building
where the local radio station and filed committees were found. The
masses were along the Army HQ Street and Imam Almahdi Street.
What about the services?
We built field toilets and we used the bathrooms of neighbouring
buildings (126 barrooms) in during the Teachers’ Hospital, students’
hostels, the Humanitarian Affairs Commission and other buildings.
How did you use these facilities?
We applied the revolutionary legit9imacy to occupy these facilities. The
owners gave us the keys and we regularly carried out maintenance
activities.
Was the field large enough to accommodate all these numbers?
Yes. Every one entering the area was subjected to body search including
security men. Cars were also searched for fear they might carry weapons
or sharp objects. There were three committees responsible for the safety
of the place; the barricades committee, the security committee and the
monitoring committee. The latter was made up of students and was
43
responsible for reporting any suspicious or hostile behaviour. Those who
were arrested were handed over to the military intelligence. No
photography was allowed inside the internal place such as the service
centres and no anti pamphlets, speeches or slogans were allowed for fear
of anti-revolutionary activity by infiltrators. After April 11 an army general
came to use and urged us to accept the change that has taken place for
fear of any anti-activity. We said we were committed to SPA directives.
What kind of effect did the three-kilometre-long sit-in place have on your
activities?
The site of the place created a kind of isolation between the areas east
and west of U of K Tunnel thus affecting the type of the services. Also, the
distribution of the clinics was not that good since the majority was
concentrated along the main street. Some remote areas including the
intellectuals’ site were semi isolated.
How the kitchens were distributed?
The distribution was done based on the available space. Some kitchens
were large and self-finances. These included Mujaddidoon, Abbsiya , Wad
Nobawi and Atbara. The central store receives regular supplies large
donations through contact numbers published in the SPA web page. The
persons in charge of the supplies and cash donations were of high level of
integrity and honesty. The daily cost of feeding the demonstrators could
reach up to SDG one billion. The money was professionally managed
without even the need for applying modern accounting methods.
How did this happen?
Donations were huge. There were three stands by stores to meet the
shortages and the work was closely monitored by the committee. At the
beginning we were sceptical and were reluctant and were scared of
bearing such heavy responsibility. But through team work and close
coordination the mission was accomplished. With such high spirit of
dedication people were ready to sacrifice their lives as happened on the
8th day of the holy Muslim fasting month of Ramadan when live
ammunition was used and the youth at the barricades looked death in
the eye but refused to leave their places so as to protect those standing
behind them.
The sit-in area was a beautiful place. We hope to see more such place of
love peace all over the Sudan
44
(2)
Name: Mohamed Hamad
Age: 32 years
Gender: Male
Date: 28/06/2019
Place: Somet Cafe-Khartoum, Sudan
Did you go to the sit-in site?
I was at the place since the first day on April 6. I joined the Khartoum 2
march. That was the third march when we decided to spent the night at
the sit-in site. The security forces used heavy tear gas and then opened
fire on the protestors killing two young martyrs; Muhad and Tabidi. We
sought shelter at the army HQ and the soldiers drove the security forces
off. The people were determined to stay on. On April 7 there were some
skirmishes and some people entered the air force HQ seeking shelter
from the police who chased them and beat them. On the night of April 7,
a large military campaign was launched by the security forces to break up
the sit-in but the army junior officers intervened and protected the
remunerators. The next day the situation was calm and we sought
shelter at the navy and the 7th infantry brigade’s headquarters. During the
first days of the sit-in food was provided through in individual initiatives.
The weather was extremely hot. After Gen. Ibn Ouf statement on April 11
more tends were erected and loud speakers could be heard all over the
place.
What were you doing at the field? Can you describe what was happening
there?
I was stationed at the U of K Alumni affairs building and was working at
the field radio station. The sit-in began to expand into neighbouring areas
around the army HQ. Each group had a forum for public speeches. Some
groups opened classes for illiterate young protesters most of whom were
street children. Music bands chose remote places to play to spare people
the noise. Saturdays where there were less people were reserved for the
general clearing of the place under an initiative called “We will rebuild
our country”. Any signs of disease were quickly controlled by the field
doctors.
At the beginning there were few clinics but the number gradually
increased and field hospitals were built. Medicines were available in large
45
quantities and the Sudanese people showed unprecedented generosity.
Toilets were regularly cleaning and the waste removed on daily basis.
Women tea sellers and street food sellers were permanently stationed
there. Free meals were distributed.
The area turned into a meeting place for friends and family members in
what looked like a “large village”. The place was well organized and
everybody knows their duties and what was required of them. When it
rained people sought shelter at neighbour in g buildings. All activities
were voluntary and all services were provided free of any charge. Private
businesses provided tents, food and water, cleaning material,
loudspeakers …etc. The revolutionary spirit was very high.
How was the tents distributed?
Tens were made available according to the available space. Committees
made sure tents and other types of shoulders did not block the street.
These were distributed according to the need away from any political
considerations. The SPA coordinating committee was responsible, among
other things, for the barricades, neighbourhood sub-committees and the
filed radio station. Our work at the radio station covered relaying health
messages as well as other public awareness activities. The radio covered
was not that strong.
The theatre was working in close coronation with the radio station. There
was the main stage which I built with the assistance of a friend. There
were also large screens all over the place. At first the main stages were
sabotaged but the youth built a human shield around the place to protect
it. Entry was supervised by a special committee that organized the
programs. Meetings of the field and neighbourhood committees were
held at the radio station located the U of K Alumni building. Painters who
prepare the billboards and posters were also stationed there.
What about Columbia?
Columbia was found long before the sit-in. The escalation that took place
from time to time was a plot by the security forces to scare and derive off
the protestors.
Were there any special characteristics of the sit-in area?
The protestors who occupied the railway line above the Tunnel called
their place “The Tunnel Republic” and were determined to stay there day
and night regardless of whether the regime has fallen or not. They used
46
modern music instruments in addition to drums, empty bottles, cans and
even stone to sing the slogans of the revolution. Singers were stationed
the street where the clinics were found and were also close to Columbia.
It was a unique festival. The turning point of the revolution was the
formation of neighbourhood committees which led to the millions
demonstrating in front of the army HQ on April 6. The committees played
a crucial role in escalating the protests.
(3)
Name: Adham Ali Hussein
Age: 18 years
Gender: Male
Date: 30/06/2019
Place: Royal Care Hospital -Khartoum, Sudan
Did you go to the sit-in area?
Yes, I used to go every day and would only go home to change week. I
spent the night at the place of the sit-in.
Why, and what did you do at that place?
I joined the protesters in chanting slogans. I am a painter, I painted two
murals on nearby walls.
Where were you stationed?
At either Erkuwait or Maamora camp (names of tow Khartoum
neighbourhoods) in front of the air force HQ.
What else did you do?
I helped in preparing the meals and invite people to spend the night at
our tent.
Tell us about your daily program?
I wake up at sunrise and walk up to the bridge where I spend some time
and join the youth in chanting slogans until 8 or 9 am. We were divided
47
into groups whose members were either friends or colleagues. We know Leadership is a political idea. We wanted the army to side with the people
each other and after that I return to the tent. and we wanted to test its true intentions. This is because (President)
Bashir was protected by the army).
What was the objective of all this for you?
Until March most of the protests were confined to the neighbourhoods.
My objective was that this corrupt government should. The people who
We decided to escalate the protests in April so that the people would
governed this country committed atrocious that no good people could
send a message to the army: you have to choose between the people or
have done. We were oppressed and for this reason we demanded a
Bashir hoping that they will side with us.
civilian government.
The original plan was not to stage a sit-in but lead a demonstration to the
army HQ and deliver a message to the army command. However, the
(4) arrival of hundreds of thousands of demonstrators has changed the
planning. The coordinating committee must be tanked for quickly
Name: Khalid Omer
changing for taking the decision and opting for staging the sit-in. It was a
Age: 40 years difficult decision despite the security risks. We fist took the decision and
afterwards thought of the logistics.
Gender: Male
We had no finance but thanks to the power and resolve of the Sudanese
Date: 01/07/2019
people, everything was made available, first through individual and then
Place: Ozone Cafe -Khartoum, Sudan collective initiatives.

Why did you choose the area in front of the army HQ? Did you go to the sit-in site?

48
Yes, I used to go and stay there every day until 3 or 4 in the morning.

What did the site represent for you? (5)

It was an embodiment of freedom. The sit-in proved that freedom makes Name: Tahani Abbas
people show their best qualities. Free people are happy and organized
people. Age: 40 years

What about your field work? Gender: Female

I am member of the coordinating g committee but I had no direct Date: 01/07/2019

responsibility in the follow up committees including the main field
Place: Tiba Press -Khartoum, Sudan
committee and the main service committee. For most of the time I would
be either at the radio station or at the Sudanese Congress Party camp. I Did you go to the sit-in site?
sometimes sit beside women tea sellers near the Vocational Training
I went on April 6 and then returned back on April 1, since that date I used to go
Center. I give daily speeches at the main platform different locations.
every day from early morning where I take teak at the camp set up by the people

As a politician, what was the importune of the sit-in place for you?
It was a place where you can communicate with people directly and freely
without being harassed by the security forces. The place should be immortalized
for the next generations to realize that Sudan is not just a geographical location
of Burri neighbourhood east of the army HQ. That was during the first days
before the sit-in was organized and each group of protesters was assigned a
special place.
What did the site represent to you?

but a people of resolve and strength.

49
It was a place of a new, open and beautiful life. A new spirit engulfed the Name: Minar Arob Deng Kwal
people. We staged vigils to protect the demonstrators knowing the government
treacherous behaviour of the government. At the site I would meet with Age: 23 years
different people of different backgrounds. People were happy. They felt their
Gender: Female
restored their dignity and that for the first time they this was their country they
belong. As a mother I was keen to take with me my two children (3 and five
Date: 01/07/2019
years old) to the sit-in site to make them see the real Sudan.
Place: 75 Garden City -Khartoum, Sudan (authors house)
What did you do in the site?

Did you go to the sit-in place?

As a female activist, I belong to a group of 1600 women of different professions
(tea sellers, farmers, politicians, civil society members). At first, we were not
organized and we were scattered all over the place. We organized marches in
support of women rights. Before the sit-in attempts by the SPA to organize
people were met with scepticism but inside the sit-in area people were free and
we were able to organize forums and public gatherings to discuss the problems
and difficulties facing women. It was an open and direct discussion in front of a
live audience instead of relaying our message through the social media. The
women courageously confronted the police and security forces and openly
protested against oppressive laws. Women guarded the barricades, were found
in the kitchens preparing meals and out in the open paining. I used to attend
meetings by journalists.
Yes, I went there from day one on April 6 as part of Khartoum 2 neighbourhood
march. I spent three days at the site. After that I used to go to the site after work
and stay there until 5 am every day except the days where I worked outside
Khartoum.
Why did you go there?
The movement for me was a source of hope and an opportunity for the youth to
meet people and exchange views. When I could not go to the site for any reason
I would feel as if I have failed the demonstrators. My presence at the site was as
part of a team that enabled me to do something. It was a unique and totally new
experience for me. I used to go there even if I was tired and exhausted.

(6)
50
Where did you stay at the site? Date: 01/07/2019

During the early days I preferred to camp in front of the navy building not far
Place: 75 Garden City -Khartoum, Sudan (authors house)
from the army HQ. We chose to be close to the army for protection. Following
the downfall of Bashir regime, I used to stay close to the Uof K clinic and the Did you go to the sit-in place?
university campus. That was my favorite place because the services were
Yes, I used to go there every day. I arrived in Khartoum on April 7 from Cairo
available and I used to sleep there because the place was quiet and comfortable
where I was studding. I cut short my study to take part in the protests. I stayed at
for women. The clinic had private bathrooms but with more people pouring in
the site from April 7 until May 2nd and returned to Cairo. I came back on June 1st.
the place became crowded and uncomfortable.
What did you do at the sit-in place?
What did you do at the site?
No specific assignments. During the first days I joined my friends in establishing
I gave speeches and talked to people. I was a member of a lobby group named
the main clinic close to the power station before the arrival of the Central
“Protection”. We criticized failed politicians and we joined the youth to work
Committee of Sudanese s Doctors who took over. Most of the time I would be at
with neighbourhood committee. The site for me was a liberated zone free of
the clinic or the university campus.
pressure and a place for people to freely express themselves. As women it
provided us with an open space where we were able for the first time to feel free I am an activist engaged in politics. Before the revolution started, we were
involved in media work among college students using the social media to relay
(7)
our message but when the sit-in started, I joined new groups. The sit-in was the
first political exercise for me. As an idea, the sit –in was a good opportunity for us
Name: Mutaz Khandagawi
since we have never before experienced something like this. I never imagined

Age: 23 years that I would one day find myself involved in such activities although I knew a lot
about the Egyptian revolution.
Gender: Male
51
We have certain demands. We were denied good education, health care and
other basic services in our country. For this reason, we had to work to effect
change. I tried to travel abroad but failed. The only solution for us was to stay
and resist. The sit-in was a great opportunity for the political parties and the civil
society to spread awareness among the population because it provided free and
open discussion forums for all sectors of the community. People were educated
on such important issues as racism and social evils. Every body found the place
that suits them.

Apart from the political change, the sit-in brought in talented musicians, painters
and good orators. The change that took place put the women in their right place
and the stereotypical views on the youth have changed. People used to see us as
a lost generation whose main concerns cantered on new haircuts and fashion.
Now they see us as heroes who led the revolution. The youth have their own
slogans that express their concerns contrary to known slogans. It is part of our
popular culture that should not be rejected.

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