Feature
Community art project
for excluded teenagers
Rachel Hadland and Theodore Stickley describe the findings
from a study of the experiences of four young people who took
part in a local initiative after they were excluded from school
Summary
This article describes a study of the experiences of young people who took part in a
community art project in an inner-city area after being excluded permanently from
school. The study used descriptive phenomenology to investigate their experiences.
Unstructured interviews were conducted and two main themes were identified:
the teenagers’ experiences of taking part in the project and their involvement in it.
Personal and social benefits of the arts identified include enjoyment, achievement,
interacting with peers and engaging with the wider community.
Keywords
Art, community art projects, qualitative research, social exclusion, young people
art has long been considered a vehicle for
mental health promotion and there are many claims
for the psychosocial benefits of engaging in art
activities (Matarasso 1997, Jermyn 2004). Taking
part in art projects, for example, is considered to
promote social outcomes, by helping to tackle
social exclusion and by building social capital
(Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) 2004). The expression
of creativity can also have a positive effect on
wellbeing because it can be a shared experience
(White 2006).
Community art projects can address some of the
broader determinants of poorer mental health, such
as deprivation and social isolation, and they can help
to promote factors that have a positive effect on
emotional health, such as good social networks and
The artwork and costumes
support (White 2006, Stickley and Duncan 2007).
(main picture) created by the This article reports the findings of a qualitative
young people’s art group were study of the experiences of four young people
used in a carnival troupe at
the annual Nottingham-wide
who were permanently excluded from school and
Caribbean carnival subsequently took part in a community art project.
18 March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6
Background
The art and health agenda has expanded
considerably in recent years in the UK. At the
same time, social inequality has increased and the
incidence of mental health problems has risen
(Stickley and Duncan 2007). Since being elected in
1997, the Labour government has focused attention
on neighbourhood renewal and community cohesion
(SEU 1998, 2004), promoting community projects
that aim to reduce social exclusion and increase
social capital (Harper 2001).
Evidence suggests that social approaches
to organising and delivering public health may
bring health benefits, particularly for the most
disadvantaged (Health Development Agency
2000). This is significant because socioeconomic
factors such as poor education and unemployment
can increase the risk of mental health problems
(Fryers et al 2001, Rogers and Pilgrim 2003).
Mental health promotion campaigns warn that
one in four of the population will experience mental
health problems (Department of Health (DH) 1999)
but, as a rule, they do not refer specifically to
socioeconomic factors or the unequal distribution of
such problems across social classes. Nevertheless, the
highest rates of mental health problems occur among
the most deprived social groups (Wilkinson 2005).
The concepts of social exclusion and social capital
were key in the formation of the SEU (Harper 2001,
Harper and Kelly 2003). Sayce (2001) described social
exclusion as a set of interlocking and compounding
problems of impairment, discrimination and
diminished social role, and a lack of economic
and social participation. Social capital is defined
MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE
While the young people engaged with their local
community, they referred more frequently to
their experiences of engaging with one another
 Feature
‘The participants shared the view that the
experience had given them the opportunity
to get involved in diverse activities’
by Morrow (1999) as the contacts and group
memberships that, through the accumulation of
exchanges, obligations and shared identities, provide
people with actual or potential support and access
to valued resources.
The literature on social capital refers to ‘social
bonding’ – the social interactions of people in social
groups, such as when young people engage with
other young people – and ‘social bridging’, such as
when young people engage with members of the
wider community (McKenzie and Harpham 2006).
The purpose of the project described in this
article was to involve participants in a series of
creative activities to give them a sense of belonging
and offer opportunities for self-expression. While
there has been much research into art activities
and mental health, much of it has focused on the
experiences of service users participating in arts
projects (Parr 2006, Stickley et al 2007). Far
less research has investigated projects seeking to
involve those whose socioeconomic circumstances
suggest they have an increased risk of mental
health problems.
The study
Aim The aim was to explore excluded young
people’s experiences of taking part in a community
art project.
Methodology The study’s methodology was
informed by the theoretical framework associated
with descriptive phenomenology, which requires
individuals to interpret their experiences and how
they express themselves (LoBiondo-Wood and
Haber 2002).
Ethical considerations Approval to conduct the
study was sought from the relevant research ethics
committee. All participants were fully informed and
consented to take part. For those aged under 16
years, parental consent was gained. Pseudonyms are
used in presenting the findings.
Participants The inclusion criteria for the study
were young people taking part in the community
art project. There were 12 youngsters in the group,
four of whom agreed to be interviewed for the study.
These were two males, aged 15 and 16 years, and
two females, aged 14 and 15 years.
20 March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6
Data collection Unstructured interviews were
conducted with participants in the local community,
using a broad opening question: ‘Tell me about your
experience of taking part in the art project.’ This
was followed by further questions to elicit additional
information. The interviews lasted between 30
minutes and one hour, and were recorded digitally.
Data analysis Each interview was transcribed
verbatim and each transcript read twice. These
were then analysed and each sentence containing
significant statements was recorded on index cards.
Statements that were repeated or overlapped were
written on the same index cards. Similar cards
were grouped together under similar themes,
which were then collated into broader themes.
This process was repeated until two main themes
were identified.
Findings
Two core themes emerged: personal experiences
and involvement. These are presented using direct
quotations from the participants.
Theme 1: personal experiences All the young
people talked about their experience of taking part in
the art project and how it had made them feel. Many
positive statements were made in relation to their
enjoyment and sense of achievement:
■■ ‘[Producing art] just makes you feel really happy’
– Sarah.
■■ ‘I enjoyed making my elephant’ – Laura.
■■ ‘I thought [my picture] was wicked’ – Tom.
■■ ‘[Producing art] makes you feel good’ – James.
Sarah spoke about ‘escaping’ when she engaged in
art activities, saying: ‘You can forget about things
when you’re painting.’ She also alluded to freedom:
‘No one can tell you if it’s right or wrong; it’s just
art.’ Tom talked about a sense of freedom too. ‘Just
draw what you feel like drawing,’ he said.
However, while the participants generally made
positive statements about their feelings, Tom and
James were sceptical of the project:
■■ ‘It’s like a waste of my time. I want to be passing
my tests’ – Tom.
■■ ‘Some sequins fell off and I’m not doing it again
because that’s just wasting my time’ – James.
Furthermore, Tom stated: ‘I’d rather be doing sport
or something. I’m never going to be an artist.’
However, the participants shared the view that
the experience of taking part had given them the
opportunity to get involved in diverse activities
following exclusion from school.
■■ ‘[The arts project was] a new experience’ – Sarah.
■■ ‘There are loads of experiences [in the art
project’ – Laura.
MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE

■■ ‘I’ve had the chance to do loads of things’ – Tom.
Sarah and Laura said that finishing the project
would feel strange:
■■ ‘It’ll be weird not doing it. It gives us something to
do on a Wednesday’ – Sarah.
Both expressed a wish to take part in another project:
■■ ‘I will most probably do [another project]’ – Laura.
■■ ‘I would like to do it again’ – Sarah.
However, Sarah reflected: ‘I don’t really know
of that many [other projects].’ Moreover, all the
young people were able to describe the sense of
achievement they had derived.
■■ ‘When you’ve painted something you realise that
you’ve done something constructive’ – Sarah.
■■ ‘[I am] proud of myself [for taking part]’ – Laura.
■■ ‘[Completing artwork] makes me feel proud’ –
James.
■■ ‘I got the best design out of the whole class because
everyone thought it was really good’ – Tom.
Sarah and James spoke of sharing their achievement
with others:
■■ ‘You can take [the artwork] home to show it
to everyone’ – Sarah.
■■ ‘I get to keep [the artwork] and show people what
I’ve done’ – James.
Theme 2: involvement All four participants spoke
about their involvement, and their perceptions of
other people’s involvement, in the project. Sarah and
Laura felt particularly involved and considered that
the others were having the same experience.
■■ ‘I think most people are enjoying it’ – Sarah.
■■ ‘I think most people that come here are taking
part’ – Laura.
However, James and Tom did not feel that they were
particularly involved in the project.
■■ ‘I’m involved, but not really’ – James.
■■ ‘I didn’t get involved in it at all’ – Tom.
The boys felt that the girls were more involved in
the project than they were. James said that ‘girls like
to dance, boys don’t like to dance’, and ‘most of the
girls are talking about it, but the boys aren’t’.
Participants also talked about the inclusive nature
of the project and how it had connected them to
people in their local community.
■■ ‘Lots of people in the community are coming
along to join in. It’s something that’s brought lots
of people together. It’s like a different variety of
people: boys, girls and young children’ – Sarah,
who also communicated her hopes:
■■ ‘Hoping it all goes well and it doesn’t rain or
anything. Hoping everyone has a good time,
a good day [at the Nottingham carnival].’
Laura spoke of how ‘excited’ she felt about the
carnival and said that ‘everyone will be there’.
MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6 21
Feature
James spoke of becoming more familiar with
people in the local community and feeling more
secure, ‘you’re safe to be with each other’.
Despite their apprehension about their
involvement in the project, Tom and James felt that
by attending the carnival they were supporting their
local community. However, experiences of engaging
with members of the wider community were
discussed significantly less frequently than that of
their experience of engaging with their peers.
Discussion
Meaningful activity The link between art and
wellbeing is the subject of much literature
(Matarasso 1997, Jermyn 2004, Staricoff 2004).
The benefits communicated by the young people
who took part in the project have been recognised in
other research: they include enjoyment (Coulson and
Stickley 2006), a sense of achievement (Jermyn 2004)
and building relationships with others (Parr 2006).
However, the young people did not discuss
confidence and self-esteem explicitly, which
was interesting in light of the relevant literature
that refers to these outcomes frequently (Matarasso
1997, Jermyn 2004). This may suggest that the
potential benefits, such as raised self-esteem and
confidence, are more complex than those conveyed
in these studies.
Stickley et al (2007) ask how sustainable such
feelings are. The young people associated benefits
such as a sense of achievement with feeling good
and increased self-confidence, and one must
consider how great an impact this association
could have on their lives. Moreover, Stickley et al
draw attention to the ethics of such short-term
projects. Research promotes creative activities and
provides participants with something meaningful to
do (Stickley and Duncan 2007), which can nurture
in them a sense of achievement. However, these
opportunities can be lost when the creative activities
come to an end, raising the question of whether it
is ethical to provide such activities in the first place.
This question is particularly relevant given that
reports on young people and social exclusion make
it clear that adverse outcomes are associated with
school exclusion (SEU 2000). It is possible, therefore,
that the removal of these meaningful activities can
reaffirm in young people the sense of hopelessness
and abandonment that they may already feel as a
result of being excluded from school.
Researching art and wellbeing It is recognised
that scientific evidence is often beyond the reach
of researchers into art and health projects (Stickley
2007). While there is evidence that involvement in art
 Feature
can improve personal and social outcomes, much of
it is based on the voluntary testimony of participants
and consequently lacks validity (Jermyn 2001,
Macnaughton et al 2005).
In 2006, the Policy Exchange published a
collection of papers in which the Arts Council
England (ACE) was condemned for apparently
propagating the notion that art can reduce social
exclusion, improve health and, in short, transform
society (Mirza 2006). Despite this criticism, the
following year ACE (2007) and the DH (2007)
published two statutory documents that make
enthusiastic claims about the art and health agenda.
The DH document asserts that it has an important
leadership role to play in creating an environment
in which art and health can prosper by promoting,
developing and supporting art and health, while the
ACE (2007) paper makes clear its aim to integrate art
into mainstream health strategy and policy.
These publications offer evidence of how art can
improve clinical and therapeutic outcomes, although
Stickley (2007) asserts that the publications lack
substance and that the art and health agenda has
been subject to too much recycling of information.
This suggests that tension can arise when art is
regarded simply as a tool to fulfil policy objectives
and deliver outcomes (Macnaughton et al 2005).
Individuality of projects The findings suggest that
the project appealed more to the girls than the
boys and highlights the need for people engaged in
implementing such projects to consider carefully
those whom they attempt to engage.
In a report on neighbourhood renewal (SEU 1998),
for example, the potential use of sports activities in
tackling social exclusion and building social capital in
deprived areas is recognised. Yet, the focus of much
literature and policy is on art and wellbeing, rather
than sport and wellbeing (Jermyn 2004, DH 2007),
and there has been little research into the personal
and wider social benefits of sport.
Furthermore, the findings of the study highlight
variations in how individuals experience such
activities. Everitt and Hamilton (2003) observed
five community art projects and found that simple
engagement in art activities does not always lead
to personal gain. Rather, it is how projects are
delivered, the environment in which they take place
and the conversations that occur that provide the
intermediate indicators of perceived benefits.
Social bonding and bridging There is a wealth
of evidence to suggest that art projects can build
community cohesion and social capital through
shared artistic expression (Parr 2006, White
22 March 2010 | Volume 13 | Number 6
2006). These findings are significant because the
relationship between healthy development and
wellbeing is intrinsically linked to the senses of
belonging and meaning within larger social and
community groups (Baumeister and Leary 1995).
For example, Flanagan (2003) has found, in
an extensive study of youth civic engagement,
that communities are arenas for developing
‘transcendent selves’ and for valuing communal
and civic life. Moreover, although social capital
themes are less developmental in character, they
share the assumption that wellbeing is dependent
on community connectedness and participation
(Whitlock 2007).
While the young people in this study engaged
with their local community, they referred more
frequently to their experiences of engaging with
one another, highlighting the difference between
concepts of social bonding and social bridging. This
finding is similar to that of Parr’s (2006) study, in
which participants in an art and wellbeing project
were found to have reflected mainly on their sense
of belonging in the art group, rather than on their
sense of connectedness with wider society.
While some authors have viewed social bonding
as isolating because it restricts the formation of
wider social bridging (Campbell et al 1999, McKenzie
and Harpham 2006), it is important to consider the
opportunities that young people have to bond with
their peers. Studies have found that schools form
important communities for young people, and the
time they spend with friends at school is linked to
their sense of belonging (Morrow 2001, 2004).
As a result, if the social networks that young
people develop in school are considered to constitute
social bonding, those who are excluded from
school may lack a sense of belonging. Their
involvement in community art projects can be
considered vital in providing them with opportunities
to engage with one another, and may replace that lost
sense of belonging.
Study limitations It is important to recognise
that the aim of this study was to explore a
community art project by focusing on its unique
circumstances, dynamics and complexities.
To this end, the sample size was deliberately small
so participants’ experiences could be explored in
depth (Bowling 2002).
It should be recognised, however, that the small
sample size limits the study and raises questions
about whether the findings are applicable to similar
projects. It is also necessary to consider the influence
the researcher may have had on participants, and the
possibility that they wanted to please the researcher.
MENTAL HEALTH PRACTICE
 Feature

Conclusion This study has identified the personal and

If community art and health projects are to
promote inclusion, social capital and reintegration,
opportunities for such projects must be developed
away from statutory services to engender a sense of
social integration. This is significant because, while
diagnosis of a mental health problem and being seen
social benefits of art, including enjoyment,
achievement, interacting with peers and engaging
with the wider community. These benefits reflect
the hopeful nature of artistic expression and
the potential that community art projects have The article has been checked
in promoting feelings of self-worth and a sense using antiplagiarism software

as a ‘service user’ may secure access to such projects of belonging. For author guidelines visit
for many people, they also carry the potential for The findings of the project reveal an interesting the Mental Health Practice
some individual of being labelled, stigmatised and relationship between the employees’ enthusiasm home page at www.
mentalhealthpractice.co.uk
discriminated against (Sayce 2000). for community arts projects and the young people’s For related articles visit our
Furthermore, while there is evidence that experience of an art project at a grass-roots online archive and search using
the government is committed to mental health level. This reflects the uniqueness of individual the keywords

promotion (DH 1999, 2004), the money available projects in terms of how they are delivered and the Acknowledgements
for implementing its strategies is, understandably, relationships they encompass. The Young People’s art
allocated to statutory services. As a result, However, while the relationship between art and project featured in this article
was delivered by City Arts in
community art and health projects are often health remains inconclusive and subject to criticism, Nottingham
funded from arts budgets and those who run there continues to be growing interest in the area
community-based, non-statutory art projects are and in particular in the role of art in community Rachel Hadland is staff nurse,
Mildred Creak Unit, Great
often keen to work with statutory services. development. Ormond Street Hospital
In the same way, mental health nurses must This study reflects the importance of exploring
recognise the importance of joined-up working community art projects at grass-roots level and Theodore Stickley is associate
professor of mental health,
with non-statutory services to promote the social the relevance of hearing the voices of those who School of Nursing, University
inclusion of the individuals with whom they work. participate in such projects. of Nottingham

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