The Military Coups in the History of

Bangladesh (1958, 1969, 1975,

1982) and People’s Uprising

Department of Television and Film

Studies
University of Dhaka

Group: 02
Tusher Nabi Khan
Akhlakuzzaman Khan
Md. Mainul Islam
Farjana Naj Swarna Prova
Ajoy Podder

Submission Date: 24 November 2013

TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. Introduction 03
2. The Military Coups of 1958 and 1969 04
3. The Military Coups of 1975 05
4. The Military Coup of 1982 08
5. Bengali Uprising 09
6. The Mass Uprising of 1990 and the Removal of the Dictator 15
7. Conclusion 17
8. Reference 18

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INTRODUCTION
The sole purpose of the military is to defend the state against any external threats. The
military bureaucracies are expected to carry out defense policies formulated by legislative and
executive branches of the government. Military organization also acts in protecting the regime
from internal and external sources. The idiosyncratic attribute of military bureaucracy from
civilian bureaucracy is that Military system or administration is more hierarchic, authoritative,
and it strictly follows the chain of command.
In developed countries, although the military is restricted to national defense and submissive to
the civil authority, it still has significant influence on the governmental policies. The military has
almost complete discretion in their specialization or professional area, and this is accepted as
normal in a certain extent even in developed countries.
Some authors (Mayer & Burnett, 1977) argue that the military is a major institutional interest
group in the industrial world deserving of particular attention, especially in third world countries.
In this context, the military establishes some institutions or groups. For example, veterans send
informal messages to the related offices/officers or agencies etc, to influence their policies.
Military interventions in the form of a coup or military regimes are the most excessive forms of
the military having an impact on the policy process.
We can define a coup as an irregular transfer of the state's chief executive by the regular armed
forces or internal security forces through the use or threat of the use of force (Jenkins and
Kposowa, 1992). By means of military interventions, the military wants to control the policy
process largely. Hence, the military uses either legislative or executive power or in some cases,
judiciary power. With military interventions, the military not only changes the executive or
legislative powers of government but also tries to exert strict control over other interest groups or
society.
Gorman (1967) states that military interventions generally take place in countries of lower
income status. According to economic dependency arguments, economically out-dependent
countries that are not self-sufficient have more coups where there is sometimes very violent
internal competition for very limited internal sources. Likewise, Jenkins and Kposowa (1990)
argue that foreign debt problems contribute to coup.
Coups occur for a number of reasons. It is not a mere neutral, technical one, but is the result of
political actors and involves a complex stream of processes and participants. The coups are
influenced by external socioeconomic factors as well as internal organizational factors of the
military. Additionally, the institutional environment also influences coups across countries. Most
of all, a coup occurs by the interactions among some of these different factors.
The government of Bangladesh acts within a democratic process since her independence. The
sagacity of Bengali Nationalism developed in people’s mind long before she was born. The war
for sovereignty in 1971 took place only because it was most indispensable to shield the interests
and identity of Bangali people. A huge number of military coups have taken place in the pre-
liberation and post-liberation period. The coups of 1958, 1969, 1975 and 1982 are the
remarkable ones as all these coups stood against the secularism, democracy and freedom of
expression. We will try to have a deeper look into these coups to understand their causes with
effects. We will also try to explore the people’s uprisings those took place whenever the common
interests were threatened.

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THE MILITARY COUPS OF 1958 AND 1969
In the history of Pakistan the first military coup was held in the
year of 1958, led by General Ayub Khan, the Commander-in-Chief of
the Pakistani Army to the events between October 7 to 27 1958 when
the President of Pakistan Iskander Mirza abrogated the Constitution of
Pakistan and declared martial law. This was the first successful coup in
the history of Pakistan, bringing to power its first military regime
under Ayub Khan.
The coup of 1958 brought the military into the civilian power structure,
which was designed to be a democratic system. It also shaped the
nature of civil military relations in the country, which then shaped the
future activities of the civilian leadership as well as embedded the military in the local politics.
The powerful military and bureaucratic alliance further delayed the enactment of a constitution
and changed seven prime ministers within first eleven years of independence by further
discrediting the politicians before the people. All these events provided occasion, opportunity
and disposition to the Pakistan army to affect the first coup by General Ayub Khan in 1958.If we
look just after the assassination of the father of nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Majibur in 1975; we
would notice the same practice in the political
history of Bangladesh.
On the other hand, the issues of political
authority, culture, language and economic
justice gained eminence in the post-partition
era. The majority Bengalis were marginalized
and kept from the political process by delaying
the formation of the constitution until 1956.
After the death of Jinnah and Liaquat Ali
Khan, the other politicians could not hold the
parties together and kept fighting with each
other. They preferred their own self-interests
over national interests. The internal law and order situation, which could have been controlled
politically, was controlled by involving the army and imposing frequent martial law. These
events led army leadership and the people of Pakistan to believe that civilians were incompetent
and the army could handle administrative affairs better.
In the year of 1969 an uprising was happened through a democratic political movement in East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh) in 1969. The uprising consisted of a series of mass demonstrations
and sporadic conflicts between government armed forces and the demonstrators. Although the
unrest began in 1966 with the Six point movement of Awami League, it got momentum at the
beginning of 1969 and culminated in the resignation of Field
Marshal Ayub Khan, the first military ruler of Pakistan. The
uprising also led to the withdrawal of Agartala Conspiracy
Case and acquittal of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his
colleagues from the case. The revolutionary uprising of the
working masses shook the military regime of Ayub Khan,
who was replaced by General Yahya Khan in March 1969.
The situation was ripe for a socialist revolution led by the

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workers. The workers, peasants, urban poor, students, layers of the urban and rural middle
classes, and youth showed their determination, courage and power and continued their struggle
to overthrow capitalism and feudalism. The ideas of socialism spread like wildfire. The gigantic
general strike and mass demonstrations paralyzed the state apparatus for more than a month, in
the East and West. Through this movement the Bengali nations first articulated their intentions of
identity as an individual nation that was basically reflected in the 1st constitution of Bangladesh
by reflecting secularism, socialism and marked by Bengali nationalism. This is very important to
say, this constitutional statement had been changed through the military rule after 1975 which
was closely related to the coup makers and their intentions.
Political instability and economic difficulties marked Pakistan’s history from its formation. In
1956, a constitution was finally adopted, describing the country as an ‘Islamic republic within
the Commonwealth’. The political musical chairs continued until the imposition of martial law in
1958 by General Ayub Khan. This was maintained until 1962, when Khan declared himself
president (and field marshal) – he stood down in March 1969. Martial law was again imposed
between 1969, when General Yahya Khan took over, and 1971. Prolonged military rule further
alienated the Bengali population. Not only did the gulf between rich and poor reach
unprecedented levels, exacerbating class tensions, but the disparity between West and East
Pakistan also reached new heights.

THE MILITARY COUPS OF 1975

After the independence in 1972 from Pakistan, the very first constitution of Bangladesh
adopted secularism one of the pillars of this nation, guaranteeing all citizens, irrespective of their
races and religions, equal rights and privileges in spirit of people’s freedom struggle of 1971.
The government policies were guided by the principle of secularism and the spirit of Bengali
Nationalism, not by religious bigotry. That was under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
the father of the nation. It was a dream came true for the religious minority communities in the
country. For the first time, in a long time, they experienced the taste of ownership of their
motherland, which had been denied ever since Pakistan was curved out of India in 1947.
Obviously, Pakistani agents, and those who opposed the independence of Bangladesh were not
happy with the outcome, and they started to hatch conspiracy to overthrow the government of
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The intelligence agencies, both national and international, especially
Indian, warned Sheikh Mujib about such possibility, but he never paid much attention to it. In his
heart, he truly believed that – he has given Bangladesh to the people, what more could they want
from him. Also, people gave him the title of Bongabondhu (Friend
of Bengal) after the peoples uprising of 1969– therefore; they would
always support him whenever needed. Out of this sentiment, he
went on with his plan to grant mass amnesty to all his opponents
who actively collaborated with Pakistani Army, and fought against
Bangladesh during the liberation war. He believed that – his gesture
of goodwill will win their hearts and minds, and everybody will live
happily ever after in Bangladesh. That never happened. In fact, it
was a grave misconception on his part. His emotion took over the
fact that ideology could supersede nationalism, and can transcend
national boundary. Exactly that’s what happened in Bangladesh. At

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the dead of night, on August 15, 1975, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in a well
orchestrated military coup, organized by a handful of young pro-Pakistani military officers. This
is a black day (August 15) in the history of Bangladesh, but – it is the day after the Independence
Day (August 14) of Pakistan.
Coup Plots in 1975
15 August
The coup of 15 August 1975 was organized by junior officers of Bangladesh Army. They were
led by Major Syed Faruqe Rahman and Major Rashid. The coup resulted in the assassination of
the country's president Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, his family except for daughters Sheikh Hasina
and Sheikh Rehana, who were in Germany; and several ministers and party leaders.
3 November
The government set up by Major Faruque, Major Rashid and Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was
overthrown in a coup on 3 November 1975. This was organized by Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf,
Bir Uttom, a decorated freedom fighter. Mosharraf was seen by many as a supporter of Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman's government. He put Major General Ziaur Rahman, the Chief of Army Staff
and fellow freedom fighter, who was believed to have supported the August coup, under house
arrest but did not execute him. Some commentators said that the personal friendship between the
two officers led to Mosharraf sparing Rahman's life.
7 November
Led by Lt. Colonel (Retd.) Abu Taher, soldiers of the Bangladesh Army overthrew the 3-day
coup of Mosharraf and freed Major General Ziaur Rahman from house arrest. They killed
Khaled Mosharraf and his associates. Rumors about Mosharraf's affiliation with India (a FEER
cover at the time carried the headline "The Indian Coup?") aggravated army suspicion of this
coup.
Former Army Chief Major General Shafiullah alleged that many JSD (Jatiyo Shomajthantrhik
Dol: National Socialist Party) elements infiltrated the army in early 1975. On 6–7 November
1975 some of the JSD elements distributed leaflets and agitated soldiers against the officer class
of the army. JSD tried to control the counter-coup organized by Abu Taher.
Taher rescued Ziaur Rahman (known as Zia) from captivity, who later became prime minister of
the country. Zia later conducted a secret trial, in which Taher was convicted. He was executed
for his part in the coup. The special tribunal was described as a "kangaroo trial" by journalist
Lawrence Lifschultz and led to his expulsion from the country by the military junta of Ziaur.
Lifschultz later documented the tumultuous coup and counter-coup of this period in his book,
Bangladesh: The Unfinished Revolution.
Aftermath
Immediately after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (1975), military junta declared
Martial Law, and suspended the secular constitution of Bangladesh. Following some power
struggle among military officers, came Major General Ziaur Rahman. Immediately, he amended
the constitution and removed secularism, and added a verse from Quran – Bismillah Rahman-E-
Rahim – in the preamble to mark the beginning of the end of secularism in the land.

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Motifs and Conspiracies
Referring to the 1975 coup, Franda writes: "The Bangladesh coup provides a classic example of
the way in which the most significant changes in government can be brought about by a very
small group of people."'6 According to Franda, it was disgruntled young majors in the military
who conspired to create the 1975 coup. Maniruzzaman concurs with this interpretation.
According to both writers, one of the key figures in the August 1975 coup, Major Sharful Islam
Dalim, plotted the coup for personal vengeance.
Lifschultz, in his detailed description (Pic: The New York Times) of two of the coups of 1975-
the August 15 coup and the November 7 coup-refers to a number of issues that have not been
discussed or emphasized by other analysts. According to him, the August coup was the outcome
of a year-long conspiracy hatched by a number of right-wing Awami League leaders and some
military officers, with the knowledge of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. Lifschultz insists
that the primary beneficiaries of the two
coups were those within the bureaucracy and the
army who had been repatriated from Pakistan
after the liberation war. He also argues that a
group of political leaders, who had prior
connections with the United States, came to the
force following the August coup. Some
background will put Lifschultz's arguments in
context. During the war of independence a large
number of Bengali bureaucrats in the central
government became stranded in Pakistan, along
with a good number of my officers who were
stationed in Pakistan. Although some of the
army officers faced persecution when they were
repatriated to Bangladesh in 1973, the
government bureaucrats, in general, did not face
any major problems. In the meantime, junior
army officers, who had participated actively in
the war, received escalated promotions.
Before the 1973 repatriations, the newly
promoted junior officers had been assured by the
government that nothing would he done to
prejudice their seniority. But this placed the returning senior officers in an awkward position-one
made worse due to the fact that a large number of the officers were either retired, on temporary
assignment in departments outside the army, or had been superseded. The repatriated officers felt
that the new government was becoming hostage to the young officers who had been militant pro-
freedom fighters. These repatriated officers, it 1s argued, engineered the coup, together with
repatriated bureaucrats who faced an almost identical situation within the civil administration,
situation within the civil administration. Although it is brut that these segments of the army and
the bureaucracy achieved prominence in the post-coup government, there is insufficient evidence
to establish that they conspired to bring the former government down. It is also a fact, for
instance that a number of leaders within the ruling party didn't like the way the country was
being run. Because of their involvement with a U.S. initiative in Bangladesh in 1971, these

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leaders were commonly referred to as being pro-American. The 1971 incident involved an
attempt by the U.S. Government to contact the Bangladesh Government-in-exile through Harold
Saunders of the U.S. National Security Council and George Griffith of the U.S. Consulate in
Calcutta in order to bring an end to the conflict and maintain the geographical integrity of
Pakistan. Some Awami League leaders-led by Mushtaq Ahmed, then foreign minister of the
government-in-exile-favored establishing contacts and negotiating along these lines with the U.S.
government. Pro-liberation leaders, however, foiled these efforts. (It is worth noting that
Mushtaq later became president of the post-coup regime.)
Lifschultz insists that the United States was aware of the planning that was going on prior to the
coup and that the U.S. Government was "behind the coup." Obviously, this is a possible
interpretation. It is significant, moreover, that the August coup did mark a turning point in the
development of warm Bangladesh-U.S. relations. But again it must be said that no hard and
conclusive evidence exists to support this conspiracy.

THE MILITARY COUP Of 1982

“Ziaur Rahman survived around 21 coups during his five
years of leadership until he was killed by the coup of 1981. Most
of those coups were led by the 1971 freedom-fighter officers
who were displeased by Ziaur's liaison with anti-liberation pro-
Islamic quarters. On 30th September 1977, 22 East Bengal
Regiment participated in a coup at the Bogura Cantonment but it
was a fail attempt”- although most of the coups were nothing but
a propaganda spread by Ziaur Rahman himself to make people
realize the necessity of military role in the governing process.
Abdus Sattar became the acting president after Ziaur Rahman
who died in a hail of bullets fired by Army mutineers on May 30,
1981.
Bangladesh came under martial law for the third time since
independence when the army chief, Lt-Gen Hossain
Mohammad Ershad, seized power in a bloodless coup on March
24, 1982. He announced on radio and television that he had
taken over because of corruption in public life and the fight for
power by members of the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
The military regime suspended the Bangladeshi Constitution,
but all existing laws would remain in force subject to
amendment by the martial law authorities. The coup evidently
had the consent of the ousted President, Mr Abdus Sattar, who
defended it in a radio broadcast just before General Ershad
(Picture on the right) spoke.
Mr Sattar said that martial law would mean a new era in
Bangladesh. He said that law and order, and the political and

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economic situation had reached a stage where martial law had become indispensable. But reports
from Dacca (Dhaka) said that the entire Cabinet and many political leaders had been arrested.
President Sattar was taken under house arrest while the Prime Minister, Mr Shah Azizur Rahman
(traitor) became the president.
All political activities, processions, strikes and public meetings were banned and a curfew
imposed in Dacca (Dhaka).
In a broadcast, General Ershad said that he would nominate a non-military person as President
who would hold office at the pleasure of the chief martial law administrator. He said he would
also appoint an advisory council to run the administration.
Effects
Bangladeshis showed their own concerns about the Sattar government by reacting with panic to
an looming food shortage. Worried citizens went on a binge of panic buying and hoarding of
rice, the local staple, a reaction cited by political analysts as a sign of the public's lack of
confidence that Sattar's administration could cope with the situation. The Dhaka High Court
declared illegal the seventh amendment to Bangladesh's constitution that legitimized the 1982
military coup led by the then army chief Gen. Hossain Muhammad Ershad [Dhaka, Aug 26
(IANS)].

BENGALI UPRISING
On February 1962 the students of Dhaka University called for a successful Hartal against
the martial law and arrest of some political leaders. The timing was synchronized with the arrival
of Ayub Khan in Dhaka. In August 1962, the students began agitation against Ayub Khan's
education policy. Thus began the popular movement the military junta Ayub Khan in East
Pakistan, which culminated, with his fall in 1969.
In January 1968 Field Marshal Ayub Khan declared the involvement of some politicians,
bureaucrats and armed force personnel in an armed revolt against the state. 35 Bengalis were
arrested including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the famous Agartala Conspiracy case was begun
on 11 June 1968 in the Dhaka Cantonment. In the backdrop of Agartala Conspiracy case, the
whole of the then East Pakistan revolted against Ayub Khan and his associates. From the end of
1968 till Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s release on February 22 1969, the streets of East Pakistan was
sleepless with revolting people and students. On 23 February the Students Action Committee
gave a reception to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman at the Racecourse Maidan and bestowed on him the
title of 'Bangabandhu'.
On 25 March 1969 Field Marshal Ayub Khan and his associate, the Governor of East Pakistan
Monaem Khan, was forced to resign in the face of people's uprising. Another Martial Law was
declared and General Yahya Khan became the new President of Pakistan.
Through the years, East Pakistan grew increasingly dissatisfied with the government of Pakistan.
In November 1970, a cyclone and tidal wave struck East Pakistan and killed about 266,000
people. Many East Pakistanis accused the government of delaying shipments of relief supplies to
the devastated areas.
On March 1, 1971, President Yahya Khan of Pakistan postponed the first meeting of the National
Assembly, citing the reason as Mr. Bhutto’s intention not to attend the Assembly with Awami
League as the major party. The streets of East Pakistan flooded with protests, and Yahya Khan
sent army troops to East Pakistan to put down the protest. Sheik Mujib was imprisoned in West
Pakistan.

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On 7 March, 1971 Bangabandhu called for unity and resistance from all 7 lakh Bengalis against
the Pakistani repression and struggle for independence. Thus began the parallel government in
the then East Pakistan that ran under the directive of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
On every rooftop two flags were seen to be flying: a black flag to protest the Pakistani treachery
and the flag of an independent Bangladesh - green background with a map of Bangladesh on the
red Sun in the centre. (This National flag was designed by Shib Narayan Das and first flown on
March 2nd at the students League meeting under the Bottola (Banyan tree) of Dhaka University.)
The Bengalis stood up as one to defend their freedom and the fight for their liberation began. The
brave, patriotic Bengalis under the directives from their leader built an unprecedented armed
resistance against the Pakistani Army. And thus began the brutal war for independence.

RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY AND PEOPLE UPRISING : 1982-1990

The prospect of democratic rule and the fate of the people of Bangladesh were turned back for a
`second time" at the foot of `military gangsters' no sooner had General Ershad assumed the office
of the CMLA. Moreover, General Ershad finished what Zia started in 1975: corrupt the social
and political institutions and establishment of militarism by progressively undermining the civil
leadership and civic society in Bangladesh. In this regard both of them were true successors of
the Pakistani military dictator, Gen Ayub Khan.
Slowly and vigilantly, the latent intention of the junta became manifest in the beginning of 1983,
when a pro junta group of students-named Nutun Bangla Chatra Samaj with arms and
ammunitions under military auspices started to capture the different residential halls of the
University of Dhaka that extended very quickly throughout the educational institutions of the
country from January to May 1983. After the consolidation of his political position, General
Ershad announced on 14 November 1983 that the presidential election would be held on 24 May
1984 and the parliamentary elections on 25 November 1984 under the suspended constitution of
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1982. He also insisted that all the restrictions on political activity would be lifted immediately, if
peace and discipline were ensured. Although Ershad had extended his term for two years as the
Chief of the Armed Forces on 27 October1983, he indicated in a number of statements and
interviews during 1983 about his intention to retire from the Army and cross the threshold of a
presidential election: 'if the people of the country so desire and they would like me to join
politics, I will. If I join politics, naturally I will have to leave uniform but when and how have
not been decided yet'. The ban on political activity was lifted from 1 September 1983 so that the
junta could be able to put a legal cover on his illegal military rule adopting a farcical practice at
the polls. In June 1984 General Ershad decided to hold JS elections later that year before
presidential elections in accordance with the demands of the two major opposition coalitions.
Then the junta was compelled to postpone the JS elections scheduled on 8 December 1984. On 1
March 1985, the junta imposed a ban again on all political activities and cancelled the planned 6
April JS polls, and announced that a referendum seeking support for his continued rule until
elections at a future date would be held on 21 March 1985. He also announced that reforms
which had been introduced on December 31 last year and January 16 this year would be
rescinded and that the Martial Law would be `applied with full force'. The universities of the
country were forced to close down indefinitely and a curfew was imposed in Dhaka between
midnight and dawn. The BNP chief Begum Zia and the AL chief Sheikh Hasina were placed
under house arrest on 2 March 1985 and not released until after the Upazilla elections in May
1985. The elections for 406 Upazilla chairmen were held in two stages, the first one on 6 May
1985 and the second on 20 May 1985. A notable feature of this election was the use of strong
arm tactics and huge expenditure for the theft of the results in favor of the candidates. After the
Upazilla elections, the junta insisted that he would soon relax the Martial Law and also invite
political leaders to confer with him on the future of the country. The military dictator then
seemed to be more confident about his position than previous one and was likely to make some
gestures before the Muslim Festival Eid-ul-Fitr falling around 18 June 1985. The first step of
these was the release from house arrest of two key opposition leaders, Sheikh Hasina and Begum
Zia on 25 May 1985. In the mean time, a natural disaster-the cyclone of 24 May 1985 gave the
dictator political exposure at national and international level for the activities he had made for
the cyclone-affected people in the next couple of months. The military ruler rescinded the
closure decree on universities on 18 July 1985 and the students were allowed to come back on 23
July. There were wide spread student demonstrations against the Martial Law as well as clashes
between rival groups of students' organizations in subsequent weeks. The ban on political
activities was partially lifted, in effect from 1 October 1985, when the political parties in the
opposition were allowed to re-open their offices and to hold gatherings inside them, but
demonstrations and rallies in the streets remained prohibited. Begum Zia denounced so called
`indoor politics' as the `politics of conspiracy by the government'. Sheikh Hasina and Begum Zia
joined meetings at their respective offices on 14 October 1985. They called for the cancellation
of Martial Law and holding the elections under neutral government, because, they were fully
aware that the elections held under Martial Law would astutely legitimize the illegal military rule
under the cover of democracy. At the same time, at a rally near Dhaka on 15 November 1985,
the dictator declared that he would hold JS elections early in 1986 even if the opposition groups
boycotted them.
A prominent JCL leader Raufun Basunia, MSS final year student of D. U. Sociology
Department, was murdered by the armed gangsters belonging to pro-dictator student organization

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`Natun Bangla Chatra Samaj'. This event had turned into a violent student movement and the
dictator was compelled to a close of his newly formed student front. It should be mentioned here
that in the midst of these murders of the anti junta activists, the movement for restoration of
democracy in Bangladesh became more radicalized and consolidated. As many as 17
organizations of agricultural laborers, the 15-Party alliance and the SKOP put forward charters of
demand as 10 points in May 1984, 21-points on 14 October 1984 and 5-points on 10 September
1985 respectively to the military dictator. It could be relevant to state here that the charter of 21-
points demand by the said political alliance was announced in the historic public meeting
attended by many from all walks of life.

The Parliamentary Election of 1986

In an interview with the BSS on 14 July 1986, the dictator Ershad announced that the
Presidential elections would take place in the first half of the October, uttering the words `to
complete the constitutional process to establish an elected government' and that was confirmed
on 1 September 1986 when he announced the 15 October of the same year as polling day. At the
same time, he played the drama of his joining to the JP, which had been formed in the last
January largely at his behest. In the following day, he was elected Chairman of the JP, and on 17
September 1986 he was formally nominated its candidate in the forthcoming presidential
elections. Among other candidates, the most notable were Mr Mohammadullah Hafezzi
Hoozoor, leader of the Muslim Khelafat Andolon-a candidate in the previous presidential
elections held in November 1981 and Lt. Col. Syed Faruk Rahman-one of the leaders of the
August 1975 coup in which the country's founding father Bangabandhu was murdered; after a
further coup in November 1975, he fled to Libya and returned to Bangladesh in 1985. The whole
country including intellectuals, teachers, professionals and all conscious corners of the society
promptly reacted against the entry of a murderer into politics. In fact, the dictator was frustrated
with the stance of the AL and the rehabilitation of a killer of Bangabanhu under the auspices of
military ring leaders was considered as the psychological and political treatment for AL. Sheikh
Hasina and the front line AL leaders had charged the military junta for encouraging Faruk
Rahman to contest the election. It was significant as the BNP had not put across any comment
against Faruk's entry in the political foray. The AL chief Sheikh Hasina announced the boycott
of the presidential polls and called for a countrywide hartal on polling day that gave confidence
to the BNP, which was boycotting the elections under military regime from the very beginning
and Begum Zia announced her decision on 7 September 1986 to boycott this elections on the
ground that the results had `already been prepared'.
The dictator repeated the old pattern of abusing the power as he proclaimed a Martial Law Order
on 6 October 1986 prohibiting anti-elections rallies and publishing of any views opposing the
elections. For the second time in the brief history of independent Bangladesh, parliament had put
a legal cover of an existing Martial Law regime. The Seventh Amendment of the Constitution
ratifying all actions, reforms and laws created by the dictator since the introduction of Martial
Law and the suspension of the constitution in March 1982, was passed on 10 November 1986 by
223 votes to none. The AL-led mainline opposition MPs and the fundamentalist Jamaat
boycotted the session. The BNP Chairperson Begum Zia called a half-day hartal on 10th
November in protest of the Bill. There were violent clashes in the capital throughout the morning
between police and students of different universities and colleges that resulted in one death and
at least 10 injuries.

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In a televised address to the nation on 10 November 1986, the dictator announced the lifting of
Martial Law and the restoration of the constitution first adopted in November 1972.
The AL President Sheikh Hasina told a hurriedly called press conference at her official chamber
in the JS Building that the Bill was a `black chapter' in the nation's history, adding that it was a
fraud perpetuated through the Parliament without the approval of the people. The 7-Party and 5-
Party alliances who were left out from the parliamentary poll, however, continued their anti-junta
agitations in the street that kept the AL under pressure to return to the opposition movement
outside the parliament. The opposition movement began to get further impetus in January 1987.
AL President Sheikh Hasina attended the Parliament on 24 January 1987 for the first time since
initiating a boycott at the inaugural session in July 1986. The opposition MPs stayed in the
session for a very short time before staging a walk out in protest at the formal address of the
dictator to JS as President, in which he emphasized the so called `role of the Armed Forces in
establishing a democratic set up' in Bangladesh. Sheikh Hasina, the leader of the opposition,
assured later: "we have boycotted (dictator's speech) as we did not want to listen to the speech of
a `self proclaimed' President." The same afternoon, the 7-Party alliance BNP called for the
dissolution of the Parliament with a rally in downtown Dhaka, where political assembly were
banned and which sparked violence. A police crack-down on the rally resulted in the arrest of 15
top-leaders of the alliance including the BNP Chairperson Begum Zia who was released a few
hours later. The BNP supporters had, by then, burnt several public and private vehicles in
protest. The following evening, Begum Zia attacked the AL for the first time saying that its
character was identical with that of the Government. She defended her stand: "we are on the
street and our movement will continue till the removal of this autocratic government.”
The three main opposition alliances-the 8-Party, 7-Party and 5-Party observed `Black Day' on 24
March 1987-the day in which the dictator seized power in 1982. The military administration was
facing a number of civil unrests from the very beginning of this year. Many opportunities were
created to strengthen the movement against the dictator both inside and outside the parliament in
connection with the passing of anti-people budget, decentralization of judiciary and
administration, policies for the formation of holding company, denationalization and
militarization of the civil administration. In every step, the dictator was facing serious challenges
from the people throughout the country. In fact, it was the first time for the opposition alliances
to organize their movement against the autocratic regimes of General Ershad from a relatively
comfortable position. They demanded the resignation of the dictator as President. The hartal, a
serious effective action against the military autocracy called ostensive in protest at the
government's economic record-actually indicative of wider political and social discontent, was
observed in Dhaka and other major cities on 16 February and 30 June 1987 respectively. These
were not supported only by AL and the BNP and their alliances but also participated by Marxist-
Leninist 5-Party alliance and students, trade unions, professionals and intellectuals, and many
others interest and pressure groups of the society. A 24 hour hartal on July 12-13, 1987 originally
called by the SKOP in protest at the privatization plan of the Government, turned into the longest
and most violent anti-government protest since Martial Law was lifted in November 1986. The
hartal coincided with the unexpected passing through JS, on 12 July 1987, of the controversial
Local Government (District Council) Bill which gave the Armed Forces a constitutional right to
share administrative power with the civilians of the country's 64 rural district councils.

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Sheikh Hasina issued an ultimatum to the dictator to resign by midnight on 18 July1987, when
he failed to do so the combined opposition announced a 54-hour hartal falling 22 July 1987 with
the specific aim of forcing the downfall of the military ruler.
August 1987 by the August coup leaders under the green signal of the dictator-the move widely
accepted as to suppress the strength of the opposition AL. The opposition alliances announced a
plan on 22 October 1987 to observe a `Dhaka Seize' action on 10 November 1987-the
anniversary day of fake lifting Martial Law in last year. They planned to assemble millions of
people on that day to overthrow the dictatorship. The military leaders were frightened and
banned all activities and publicity relating to this action plan on 9 November 1987. In the three
weeks period leading up to 10 November a large number of opposition activists, between 1000-
4500, including at least 12 prominent leaders were arrested. Frequent clashes between junta
forces and opposition supporters in the major cities resulted in over 200 injured. During this
period, the two key opposition leaders Sheikh Hasina and Begum Zia met at least on two
occasions. Both of them made up a joint statement on 9 November 1987 expressing their strong
commitment to the successful culmination of the struggles. As a part of the security built up in
preparation for the `Dhaka Seize', the dictator banned all gatherings of more than five people;
closed the University of Dhaka and drafted troops and paramilitary forces in the city. On the day
of `Dhaka Seize', thousands of cadres of the opposition political parties put the capital under
siege, mounting massive demonstrations to force the dictator to resign.
In the rare show of the opposition unity, agitators led by trained political cadres fought pitched
street battles with the military, para-military and police forces. Instead of all efforts of the
opposition to bend on forcing the hands of the wily dictator, for this time, he was able to survive
his worst political crises. The main area of conflict had been at an intersection between the BM
mosque of the capital and the government secretariat, where the members of dictator's cabinet
had their offices. Thousands of demonstrators congregated at this point chanting "we have one
point, one demand- Ershad must go." A representative of the working class of the Dhaka city,
Nur Hussain (scooter driver, a worker of the AL youth front) sacrificed his life while carrying
the slogans: "Swairachar Nipat Jak, Gonotantra Mukti Pak" (Let despotism be destroyed and
democracy be established) written on his chest and back. Nur Hussain came to join a procession
which was passing near the secretariat where the police opened fire and he was killed along with
at least six others and many injured. 70 The heroic sacrifice of Nur Hossain was undoubtedly an
uncommon instance for democracy around the world. In protest of this killings and atrocities, the
opposition called for a nationwide hartal in the following two days. As a pre-emptive measure,
the military junta on 11 November 1987 arrested the two leading opposition figures-Sheikh
Hasina and Begum Zia and put them under house detention for a month. Their continued
detention led to further hartal and street violence up to 17 November 1987. At this stage of the
movement, the demand for the resignation of the dictator from power easily incorporated the
demand for the dissolution of the JS. The various organizations of the students, professionals and
intellectuals including cultural activists, notably the Combined Cultural Alliances and JASAS,
brought out processions one after another in the city streets and voiced their demands for the
resignation of the dictator and dissolution of the JS laid making various statements both severally
and collectively, or all the elected members belonging to opposition camp should quit the JS. In
this situation the dictator on 27 November 1987 proclaimed the `state of emergency' throughout
the country. The introduction of the state of emergency was enthusiastically protested by the
mainstream three opposition alliances as they announced three day hartal from 29 November to 1

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December 1987. The military dictator, having arms with him under emergency provision,
addressed the nation on the state owned TV on 28 November 1987 with a proposal to the
opposition to reach a negotiated settlement of the political crises, which was considered as his
old style to overcome the crisis. The dictator, in an unexpected move on 6 December 1987,
dissolved the parliament to pre-empt collision of the opposition AL to resign from the
legislature, which could have resulted in a constitutional crises. Sheikh Hasina, and Begum Zia
remained under house arrest since the state of emergency was declared.

The Movement against the Civilian Face of the Military Dictatorship

Maudud Ahmed, a high rank
political parasite and intellectual
collaborator to all military regimes
in the post independent Bangladesh
politics, and the then Deputy Prime
Minister of the dictator's cabinet,
asserted that a new general election
must be held within 90 days from
the date of the dissolution of Jatiya
Sangsad. The JS elections were
scheduled for 3 March 1988.The
elections was originally set to be
taken place on 18 February 1988,
but rescheduled in mid-January to avoid a clash with Muslim holidays of Ramadan, which was
later announced by the EC on 1 January 1988. As of late March 1988, the unofficial results of the
elections were as JP-251, COG-18, Freedom Party-2, JSD-2 and Independants-26. The dictator
on 13 March 1988 announced at a religious gathering in Barisal, a southern district of the
country, that the JS would consider a Bill in its coming session to `provide religious identity to
the nation by incorporating Islam as a state religion' which in fact was regarded as a new
fundamentalist cover of the dictatorship to sustain its power. Moudud Ahmed, the Prime
Minister, introduced a Bill into parliament on 11 May 1988 to amend the constitution to make
Islam the state religion. The move came as a surprise.
The opposition political parties were disorganized throughout the year 1989. The clash between
BCL and JCD in the Dhaka University campus and gun battles, bombings and killings of the
members of rival student factions had become almost routine affairs in the universities. The
violence among the student bodies in the campus was popularly believed as a part of the
blueprint by military intelligence so that the uniformed student movement could not be launched
against the dictator.

The Mass Uprising of 1990 and the Removal of the Dictator

The movement for restoration of democracy could not make any further headway until the
middle of 1990. It was only the month of June and July of 1990 that some sort of unity and
understanding were restored within the three main opposition alliances. The various cultural and
professional groups became united and urged the opposition political alliances to formulate a
realistic programme for removing the dictator from power in the shortest possible time.

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The All Party Student Union on 11 October 1990 called a half day hartal throughout the country.
Almost all the top leaders of the APSU were injured with police attack at Shahabagh crossing.
In this situation the dictator in the Gazette Notification dated 13 October 1990 promulgated the
Educational Institutions (Law and Order) Ordinance, 1990 by which it closed down the
educational institutions of Dhaka city at different levels including the University of Dhaka. Dr.
Kamal Hossain, a prominent lawyer, challenged the ordinance of the government in the court.
The teachers of the University of Dhaka demanded its opening immediately. Otherwise, they
threatened to open the University themselves.
In fact, they had to do so by taking classes on 11 November 1990 in order to safeguard the
autonomy of the University in the utter disregard of the said prohibitive ordinance of the
government with great indignation against the alleged connivance of the VC of the University at
it. At this stage of the movement, as many as 14 teachers associations forged unity and formed
the `Combined Teacher's Movement'. The teachers of all levels were thus drawn into the political
movement of the country. The APSU organised a mammoth rally in front of the Educational
Ministry Building at the Secretariat on 25 October 1990 to protest against the new ordinance.
There was serious clash between police and students on 4 November 1990 at the Gulistan Square
in the capital in which as many as 15 prominent student leaders were seriously injured. The
APSU took a vow in a very sentimental voice by saying that they would not go home before the
removal of the dictator. On 19 November 1990 the three main alliances published the historic
`Joint Declaration' in which the outlines of the removal of the dictator, holding of sovereign
parliament elections under the interim government, and the establishment of the government by
elected representatives in the country were clearly defined.
The military intelligence had tried to split the APSU during the movement in October and
November 1990. The APSU announced a `Chattra-Gono Jamayet' (student-people's gathering)
on 25 November 1990 in the afternoon at the Zero Point (presently Nur Hussain Square) in the
Capital. But the Dhaka University campus became a battle field from the morning. The armed
student hooligans backed by the DGFI-the military intelligence-of the dictator, attacked the
APSU rally held at the foot of APARAJEYA BANGLA and were being resisted by the
thousands of the APSU supporters. After two hours battle, the armed hooligans were defeated
and compelled to leave the campus through a safe way created secretly by military patrol. In the
afternoon, when the students were preparing themselves in organizing the announced rally at
Zero Point, the armed activists again attacked on the students from the side of the Bangla
Academy premises and Curzon Hall, the way by which thousands of students were going to
student-peoples gathering at Zero Point. On 27 November 1990, Dr. Shamsul Alam Khan
Milon, joint-Secretary of the BMA, was seriously injured by the bullets of unknown armed
gangster near the TSC crossing in the Dhaka University campus who died later on the day at
DMCH. The professional bodies of the country, especially the medical doctors in all government
and non-government hospitals, became furious with this killing and turned into an indefinite
strike throughout the country and demanded the immediate resignation of the dictator. In the
evening of 27 November 1990, the dictator in an unscheduled address on the state owned TV
proclaimed a state of emergency, the dictator imposed press censorship stating that it would
`control the receiving and sending of news through post, radio, telegram, telex and telephone.
The curfews were imposed for an indefinite period, along with the capital city of Dhaka and
port-city of Chittagong, in the major cities of the country. The state owned TV also announced
that all the school, colleges and universities of the country would remain closed for a month. As

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troops moved to impose the curfew in Dhaka on 27 November 1990, the students of the Dhaka
University had broken the curfew and came out of the campus. The union of journalists stopped
publication of news papers in protest. The union of Dhaka University teachers announced their
resignation in a body on 29 November 1990 in front of the APARAJEYA BANGLA.
Many government officials also threatened to resign. In this respect, surprising to see that a
patriotic part of the police forces in a secret circular expressed their total solidarity with the
people who were fighting for the restoration of democracy in the country. It was also more
astonishing to know that in an extended meeting of the Central Executive Committee of the
Bangladesh Civil Service (Administration) Association on 3 December 1990 had adopted certain
resolutions in favour of the mass movement against the autocratic regime of General Ershad. At
least 100 civil servants including some top officials also resigned demanding the resignation of
the dictator. The bureaucrats held their own demonstration chanting: "we will not serve under
Ershad."
The dictator announced on national television on the night of 4 December 1990 that `he would
resign as soon as the opposition alliance named the successor'. Under the proposed plan, the
Vice-President Moudud Ahmed would resign to help the parliament, which was scheduled to be
convened on 8 December 1990 to name another candidate. Upon the election of the new Vice-
President, Ershad would hand over the power to him. The mainstream opposition lost no time in
responding to the challenge. The imminent departure of the dictator from the office of the
President was celebrated on 6 December 1990 by millions of democracy loving people of
Bangladesh when they paraded the streets of the capital and all over the country. According to
the joint declaration of the three alliances, the opposition leaders nominated the Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court, Mr Shahabuddin Ahmed to head a caretaker government until the national
elections to be held in early next year. The successor of the dictator hailed the ousting of dictator
as `the victory of democracy' and called on the countrymen to `build up democratic institutions
and establish the rule of law'.

CONCLUSION

The army's close relationship with the bureaucracy,

their search for a populist ideology and the massive
militarization of administration and society in post-
1975 Bangladesh cannot be understood solely by
emphasizing military factors (nature of the military,
corporate grievances, or personal vengeance on the
part of the coup-makers) or superficial political
reasons (divisions in political parties, lack of political
institutionalization or the "failure of civilian
regimes").The corporate interests of the military can
and do precipitate coups, but the recurrence of coups in Bangladesh-especially given the fact that
one military regime was replaced by another and that the regime that allocated enormous
amounts of resources to the defense sector was the most coup-prone of all administrations in
Bangladesh-does not allow us to conclude that corporate interests arc the determining factors.
The non freedom fighter officers couldn’t realize the people’s sentiments, psychologies and
demands. The defeated peoples’ made conspiracy to uproot Bangabandhu’s Government.

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JASAD was formed just after the liberation war whose prior purpose was to make obstacles of
construction of a war-destroyed country. They also formed Biplobi Gono-Bahini. TheBiplobi
Sainik Sangstha aso served the same purpose. Pakistani Intelligence ISI and USA intelligence
FBI & CIA was in the backend of the stage. Moreover, the military was demanding more from
the govt. Because of they lead a luxurious life and they rule the country for many years in
Pakistan tenure. The non-freedom fighter army personal sought more as they got as Pakistani era.
1971 was a revaluation. Everything should construct newly and break down the old system.
Govt. should centralize more power to initiate the reformation for the welfares of people. But our
leader once said, ‘My greatest strength is the love for my people, my greatest weakness is
that I love them too much’ (Interview with Sir David Frost in the BBC, 1972). We think, we
got liberation 1971 but our freedom struggle is still on. Military shall not interrupt in politics and
our politicians should be more responsible and conscious about their duties. In a people’s led
country politicians are only the elected director for five years and they are not the supreme
power. Civil administration should be free from military officer. No military offices shall be
appointed in civil administration by name of deputation. Let them do their own work in
cantonment. Besides, understanding the reality, size of the Military shall be limited only for
defense. Till today, we do not have a defense policy as well as foreign policy. Until we finalize
and implement the policies we will not be able to make hunger and poverty free Bangladesh.
Education budget shall increase more than the defense budget. And Govt. has to ensure the
obedience of military. British England made our military law in 1926, the law should be
modernized or make a new one in spirit of the liberation war.

REFERENCE

1. Ed& Feil, ''Military Coup and Political Development" World Politics 20, no 2 (1968).
2. Hamza Alavi, "The State in Post-Colonial Societies: Pakistan and Bangladesh in
Imperialism and Revolution in South Asia, ed. Kathleen Gough and Hanri P. Sharma
(London and New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973).
3. Bertocci, "Bangladesh in the Early 1980s." D. 992.
4. Lifschultz's' assertion that the CIA was involved in this coup has been rejected as
"farfetched by Khan (Martial Law, p. 147, in. 12); Ahamed, on the other hand, feels that
it is "credible." In who killed Mujib, A. L. Khatib suggests that the August coup was
larger conspiracy in which Bhutto, the CIA, and British intelligence all had a hand. (New
Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1981).
5. Ahamed, Military Rule, p. 141.
6. Taher, A Legacy of Blood Anthony Mascarenhas Hodder and Stoughton 1986
7. Chowdhury G. W.- The Last Days of United Pakistan, UPL 2011
8. Images: collected from google

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