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Tribal
Assembling tribes assemblages
An assemblage thinking approach to the
dynamics of ephemerality within
consumer tribes
Carlos A. Diaz Ruiz
Graduate School of Management, University of Auckland Business School, Received 20 August 2018
Revised 30 April 2019
Auckland, New Zealand, and 21 September 2019
Accepted 7 January 2020
Lisa Penaloza and Jonas Holmqvist
Department of Marketing, KEDGE Business School, Bordeaux, France

Abstract
Purpose – This paper aims to investigate the dynamics of ephemerality within consumer tribes by
conceptualizing how tribes constitute, disperse and reconstitute. Building upon assemblage thinking, a
philosophical approach that redistributes agency from the subject to a web of interconnected human–material
actants, this paper shows that tribes manifest via hybrid assemblages of people, things and ideas.
Design/methodology/approach – Insights are drawn from a three-year assemblage-oriented
ethnographic study of a salsa-dancing tribe, specifically their ephemeral gatherings across multiple sites
without hierarchical organization. Methods include observations as a consumer–participant, producer–
participant and in-depth interviewing.
Findings – Introduces a framework documenting how tribes disperse temporarily and reconstitute via a
dual process of ascription and distribution. Tribes reconstitute when consumers reproduce an assemblage
that effectively overcomes a meshwork of practical challenges. Consumers ascribe to the standards of the
tribe while, alternatively, tribes distribute the assemblage beyond the immediate group.
Research limitations/implications – Conceptualizes the socio-technical dynamics that tribes mobilize
to disassemble and reassemble through ephemeral gatherings. Proposes a framework on hybrid
interdependencies, including not only participants but also techniques, devices and sites.
Practical implications – While previous research shows that tribes can collapse, the authors propose
that marketers can intervene to foster long-term resilience. As tribes disperse, consumer and marketing
efforts operate at different temporal sequences to enable tribal reconstitutions.
Originality/value – Contributes to the literature on consumer tribes by theorizing ephemerality per
ascription and distribution mechanisms.
Keywords Consumer culture, Assemblage theory, Market practices, Consumer tribes,
Assemblage thinking, Tribal marketing
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
In marketing, the research stream on consumer tribes recognizes that the fundamental
constituent of contemporary consumption is the multiple social groups that consumers
belong to (Cova et al., 2007; Goulding et al., 2013; Veloutsou and Moutinho, 2009). Key
among the literature is Cova and Cova (2002), who emphasized the social embeddedness of
economic activity via the emerging social arrangements that converge over consumption European Journal of Marketing
(c.f. neo-tribalism Maffesoli, 1996; O’Reilly, 2012). Because the tribal approach focuses on © Emerald Publishing Limited
0309-0566
social groups as opposed to individual consumers, goods and services are valuable only if DOI 10.1108/EJM-08-2018-0565
EJM they enable connections among consumers sharing passions or interests or as Cova (1997,
p. 307) wrote, “the link is more important than the thing.”
Consumer tribes have several benefits regarding consumer engagement (Barnes and
Mattsson, 2016; Pathak and Pathak-Shelat, 2017; Veloutsou and Moutinho, 2009); however,
for firms, managing tribes can be challenging (Canniford, 2011) because of the defining
characteristics of tribes, ephemerality. To explain further, the tribal phenomenon refers to a
self-selected sociality that the literature characterizes as temporary, “transient” (Canniford,
2011, p. 592), “fluid” (Carù and Cova, 2015, p. 280), “transitory and escapist” (Hardy et al.,
2013, p. 55) and “ephemeral” (Goulding et al., 2013, p. 813). While ephemerality in
the literature means that tribes manifest for a short time, their long-term collapse is
possible – e.g. the fanbase’s fading interest in America’s Next Top Model (Parmentier and
Fischer, 2015).
While the literature defines tribes per short-term ephemeral manifestations, some
tribes exhibit long-term resilience by remaining active with limited managerial input
even for decades. For example, fans challenged the discontinuation of TV series (Russell
and Schau, 2013), and continued to write fanfiction with an intensity that led to the
resurgence of an intellectual property (IP) such as Star Trek (Kozinets, 2007). Further
examples include the users of retro-technologies such as Lomo photography (Schau et al.,
2009). However, while researchers have documented long-term resilience, one gap in the
literature is that we do not fully understand the dynamics of tribal reconstitutions. This
gap exists because the literature conjures ephemerality without investigating it or by
emphasizing either short-term transience or long-term resilience, but not both. For
example, Skandalis et al. (2016) emphasize the transient aspect of the tribal experience,
meaning an intense, brief and transformative experience, without resolving how tribes
endure the passage of time. Alternatively, both Kozinets (2007) and Schau et al. (2009)
demonstrated that some groups remain active without managerial intervention, without
mentioning ephemerality. Moreover, tribes can collapse permanently – when the tribe
disperses; it never comes back – as Parmentier and Fischer (2015) documented when the
audience of a TV show lost interest in the narrative. Therefore, an apparent paradox
exists between two (seemingly) opposing aspects of tribes: short-term ephemerality and
long-term resilience.
The purpose of this investigation is to contribute to understand the on-going
dynamics that tribes mobilize to disassemble and reassemble via “ephemeral
gatherings” (Maffesoli, 1996, p. 75). To address this purpose, we ask the following
research question: how do tribes reassemble? To address this question, we draw
inspiration from a stream on assemblage thinking (AT) in consumer research (Canniford
and Shankar, 2013; Canniford and Bajde, 2015; Hoffman and Novak, 2017; Martin and
Schouten, 2014), an approach that focuses on the emergent interdependencies that
foster reconstitutions and transitions.
This paper has two contributions. First, we contribute to the literature on consumer
tribes explaining how tribes reconstitute when consumers ascribe and distribute the tribal
assemblage that effectively overcomes a meshwork of practical challenges and barriers.
This contribution has managerial implications extending Canniford (2011), by detailing
technical, material, social and spatial interventions that firms can use to foster tribal
reconstitutions. The second contribution extends the methodological guidelines for an
assemblage-oriented ethnography that researchers can use to operationalize AT; henceforth,
supporting future research onto practical accomplishments and interdependencies in
consumer collectives.
Theoretical anchor Tribal
Consumer tribes assemblages
The notion of consumer tribe describes a multiplicity of ephemeral and often non-
commercial social groupings (Goulding et al., 2013), characterized as emergent,
impermanent groups lacking structured hierarchy and organized leadership (Cova et al.,
2007). Transience, ephemerality and fluidity are tribal features (Cova, 1997, pp. 299-300),
“the fragmentation (and the ephemeral nature) of consumption” emphasizes short-lived
interactions. For Carù and Cova (2015, p. 280), tribes are “a fluid group of people who share
ephemeral experiences based on a particular product, service, brand or consumption
activity.” Tribes are “fluid” (Carù and Cova, 2015, p. 280) because people come and go
without the stable bonds of other collectivities, such as communities, in which consumers
build relationships and commitments (Muñiz and O’Guinn, 2001). Unlike communities,
tribes disregard “the long-term moral responsibility of belonging to a group” (Goulding
et al., 2013, pp. 815-816).
In the literature, the defining aspect of tribes is their “ephemeral gatherings” (Maffesoli,
1996, p. 75; Goulding et al., 2009; O’Reilly, 2012). One example is Hardy et al. (2013), who
investigated how a group of recreational vehicle (RV) enthusiasts build their lifestyle upon
brief encounters with other travelers. The interactions at campgrounds are fluid as people
come and go, but the brief encounters are meaningful as they enable “new beginnings” for
RV enthusiasts. Recent studies investigated other short-lived events, such as the “restaurant
day” event in Helsinki (Weijo et al., 2018), to understand the act of collective creativity in
which consumers transform the public space into a food festival for one day.
Canniford (2011, p. 595) wrote, “connected to the rapid processes of bricolage, tribes
emerge, morph, and disappear again as the combinations of people and resources alter.” So
that tribal manifestations require not only shifting combinations of participants but also
gear and services (e.g. RVs and campgrounds Hardy et al., 2013). For instance, Tumbat and
Belk’s (2011) work on mountaineers noted the commercial components of the Everest
expeditions requiring not only expensive equipment but also the services of guides. Thomas
et al. (2013) demonstrated that the participants’ orientation in running events for either
socializing or competing alienated the collectivity by dividing it into separate heterogeneous
sub-groups, but runners, event organizers and running stores, put together events to
address the sub-divisions of the community organizing events aligning with the various
sub-groups interests.
If ephemerality is at the core of the tribal phenomenon, then we need to understand what
brings tribes together over dispersals. For Canniford (2011), the convergence relies on ludic
interests, including playful or recreational activities. Examples include shared participation
in a hobby like cosplaying (Seregina and Weijo, 2017) or surfing (Canniford and Shankar,
2013). Tribes gather to produce innovations via activities to which they are passionate, e.g.
Goths working to organize a festival (Goulding and Saren, 2007). The literature shows that
tribes reassemble, partly, because they share entrepreneurial interests. By entrepreneurial,
Kozinets (2007) refer to creative engagement in a focal activity so that consumers are
simultaneously producers and consumers, prosumers. In Kozinets (2007), fans wrote
fanfiction long after the peak of the Star Trek franchise without, and even against, the show
producers’ authorization and participation. Here, brand communities and tribes overlap in
that “fan-fic” writers (a tribe) are also fans of the Star Trek franchise (a brand community).
However, while writing fanfiction is entrepreneurial in that it includes content production
for an IP, it remains unclear how non-commercial activities are entrepreneurial – e.g. board
gaming (Cova and White, 2010) or parenting (Epp and Velagaleti, 2014).
EJM The entrepreneurial drive around the projects that tribes share has a creative capacity that
can generate consumption-driven markets (Martin and Schouten, 2014). In their work on the
hobby of mini-motorbike riding, Martin and Schouten (2014) demonstrate that consumers
formed an emerging market by solving problems in enabling minimoto enthusiasts to ride
together; therefore, consumers developed new infrastructure including media, tracks and
events, to participate in the collective riding. In another example, Hietanen and Rokka (2015)
show that consumers in the dubstep scene changed the music industry. By challenging who can
be a music producer, “virtually every owner of a personal computer [is] a potential music
producer” (Hietanen and Rokka, 2015, p. 1571), and by developing underground channels in
which “music producers intentionally made their sound harder to discover and comprehend”
(Hietanen and Rokka, 2015, p. 1583) the countercultural scene produced tensions that shape
how the mainstream music market distributes music. The problem is that even if tribes are
generative, their unreliability poses a challenge, as demonstrated by the collapse of the dubstep
scene shortly after Hietanen and Rokka’s (2015) publication.
Ephemerality manifests as brief gatherings (Hardy et al., 2013), fluidity per the comings
and goings of people (Carù and Cova, 2015), and transience via intense, and transformative
experiences (Skandalis et al., 2016). However, we note that when investigations mention
ephemerality, the practical arrangements are rarely the object of research – including
putting together people, things and service providers. Therefore, we investigate the practical
accomplishments that tribes require to manifest. By focusing on reconstitutions, we shift
from Goulding et al.’s (2013) “learning to be tribal” to ask how tribes continue to be tribal.

Assemblage thinking
AT is a posthumanist approach that emphasizes the redistribution of the agency from the
individual to a socio-material mesh of people, things and narratives (Canniford and Bajde,
2015; Canniford and Shankar, 2013; Hoffman and Novak, 2017). We use AT to investigate
how consumers put together a meshwork of interlocking interdependencies of consumers,
things and commercial operators. Instead of reducing human action to the intentionality (or
culture) of consumers, AT enlists action through webs, networks or assemblages of techno-
material devices that enable consumers to act in markets (Thomas et al., 2013; Parmentier
and Fischer, 2015). The AT thesis is that consumers do not act by themselves, and instead,
human action requires complex interdependencies among policies, discourses, symbols,
people and devices (Latour, 2005).
What unites ideas of assemblages, actor networks and figurations are conceptions of the world as
constituted from more or less temporary amalgamations of heterogeneous material and semiotic
elements amongst which capacities and actions emerge not as properties of individual elements
but through the relationships established among them (Canniford and Bajde, 2015, p. 1).
The AT approach emerged from two distinct approaches, assemblage theory (DeLanda,
2016) and actor-network theory (ANT) (Latour, 2005). The similarities between assemblage
theory and ANT include a relational view of social reality in which human action results
from interdependencies. Both approaches account for the emergence and synergy for
productive associations between human and non-humans, people, devices and ideas.
However, while both approaches use the word assemblage, they have differences (Bajde,
2013). DeLanda (1997) is a philosopher interested in speculative realism, which means that
his work explores “what-if” scenarios, for example, by speculating why the Portuguese
managed to build an overseas empire while the Ottomans or Venetians remained locked in
the Mediterranean, DeLanda (1997) enlists the physical properties of sea currents, square
sails and ports. ANT, on the other hand, emerged from the sociology of science and
technology (Callon, 1986; Latour, 1993), and thus, is interested in how engineers and Tribal
scientists accomplish practical effects in the world. For instance, Latour (1993) explained assemblages
how the pasteurization process emerged less from the genius of one man, Pasteur and more
from the contestations that brought microbes from invisibility to prominence; hence, Latour
(1993) places attention on heterogeneous actors, including microbes, bureaucrats and
scientists. This paper draws assemblages closer to the ANT stream, and thus, we define
assemblages via three characteristics, namely, hybrids, distributed agency and fluidity.
Hybrids. Hybrids arrangements are “simultaneously real, social and narrated” (Latour,
1993, p. 7), which means that materials, consumers and discourse are part of the same
analytical frame (Callon, 1986). To illustrate, an assemblage approach to cosplay (Seregina
and Weijo, 2017) integrates consumers (humans) in association with costumes, textiles
(materials) and characters from popular culture (narratives). In surfing, the assemblage
includes the surfing tribe alongside surfboards, waves and a romantic view of natural purity
(Canniford and Shankar, 2013). Further examples include how shopping carts shaped
modern retail (Cochoy, 2010) and how the household devices connected to the internet
produce unique experiences for consumers at home (Hoffman and Novak, 2017).
Fernandez and Beverland (2018) described how collectors value the materiality of vinyl
records, along with the author and music. Furthermore, Epp and Velagaleti (2014) referred
to techno-social assemblages as family members integrate emotions, service providers and
technology in dealing with parenthood. Because of the increasing demands of urban life,
parents spend less time with their children than they would like; hence, they compensate for
their absence by using technologies including video streams and contracting with service
providers in constituting an emerging techno-social assemblage of family care. The ensuing
family is hybrid in that technology and service providers participate in the family
assemblage along with human members, thus expanding the contours of what family
means.
Distributed agency. Within AT, consumers act through webs of associations that
enable – and restrain – human action. Ideas, people, skills, techniques and tools constitute an
assemblage – a web of actors – in which individual actors participate. For example, in a
study of climate change, Latour (1993, p. 2) discussed how “heads of state, chemists,
biologists, desperate patients, and industrialists find themselves caught up in a single
uncertain story mixing biology and society.” Instead of limiting the capacity of action to
subjects alone, it is possible to consider the synergies that enable people to act because of the
available arrangements (Callon, 1986).
In consumer research, Woermann and Rokka (2015) emphasized the alignment of skill,
routine, equipment and cultural understandings in enabling the experience they called
timeflow that ski and paintball practitioners experience when fully engaged in their activity.
Woermann and Rokka (2015, p. 1494), allude to the agency distributed in the practice when
they wrote that timeflow “should be considered an immediate effect of material artifacts and
technology” as “practice elements” must be aligned to evoke such temporal experiences
(p. 1495). Misaligned human, material, and technical elements prevented the experience, thus
leading to the negative emotions of stress, frustration, and boredom (p. 1502).
In another example, Scott et al. (2017, pp. 37-38) map the alignments of mind and body in
theorizing why “knowledge workers who spend their professional lives sitting in front of
computers” pay money to experience pain in undergoing the physically demanding obstacle
races called Tough Mudder. A close reading of their work shows how distributed agencies
among human and non-human material, including mud and other obstacles, team members
and the presence of the tribe constitute more than the sum of these parts in transforming
pain into a desirable collective experience.
EJM Fluidity. As assemblages form and collapse, researchers can investigate stability, decay
and reconstitutions. Fluidity means that what otherwise appears stable is flowing,
connecting, becoming and dispersing relationally. AT calls attention to the emergent,
contingent and ever-changing amalgam of interdependencies. For example, we return to
Epp and Velagaleti’s (2014) work in which parents use technology to “fix” their family. In
other words, parents avoid the decay of their family by integrating technology, to minimize
undesirable separations and foster meaningful family interactions.
Recent studies document the effort needed to manifest a shared interest, as in the
cosplayers’ ethnography (Seregina and Weijo, 2017). Cosplay involves the creative design of
costumes and collective participation in enacting characters from pop culture. For Seregina
and Weijo (2017, pp. 15-16) tribal members spend effort and face tradeoffs to achieve
“intermittent, irregular and never guaranteed” ludic experiences (c.f. transitional
experiences in Skandalis et al., 2016). The transition between the individual consumer and
tribe is “the central paradox” in which the individual nature of the experience transitions
into tribal bonds, “this paradox is in constant flux, and members’ engagement with the
game is continuously negotiated and managed without being resolved” (Skandalis et al.,
2016, p. 1315).
Drawing from ANTs principles of hybridity, distributed agency and fluidity, we propose
that it is possible to identify the tribal linkages as “manifested” in a web of interdependences
that include both humans and materials. We propose the second research question, what
constitutes the web of interdependencies manifests in an assemblage centered on a shared,
collective focal activity?

Assemblage-oriented ethnographic methods

In addressing the research questions, we combine the data collection methods of
ethnography with the analytical strategy of AT. The use of the ethnographic methods of
participant observation and interviewing allows us to examine the formation of ephemeral
gatherings, here salsa socials. Ethnographic methods have a long tradition in consumer and
market research (Cayla and Arnould, 2013). We build upon the expanding methodological
tradition of ethnography by integrating ontological and epistemological insights from AT
(Canniford and Bajde, 2015) to examine the arrangements of human and non-human
elements, as they constitute linkages within the salsa dance tribe.
Building on the theorization advice by Giesler and Thompson (2016), we contextualize
the salsa case as follows. We initiated the salsa dancing fieldwork in Finland, aiming to
understand how a cultural artifact from Latin America evolves in another cultural setting.
However, as the fieldwork progressed, we noticed that the interviewees kept coming back to
the idea that having fun in a salsa party takes a significant amount of work, not only for the
individual but also for a non-hierarchical group. Therefore, we shifted our theoretical
interest from the salsa “culture” to the practical efforts for putting together salsa socials as a
vaguely coherent group, a tribe.
The size and timing of the salsa socials ranged from 20 to 40 persons in small weekly
gatherings organized by salsa schools; to medium-sized, outdoor, public dances and regional
festivals attended by hundreds of persons; to professionally organized international
festivals held in cities attracting thousands. Over three years, the first and third author
engaged in participant observation at 18 weekly socials, 11 outdoor and regional festivals
and 10 international festivals in cities including Berlin, London, Stockholm, Tallinn, Saint
Petersburg, Copenhagen and Helsinki. Not a salsa dancer, the second author took two
lessons and attended a social in Cali, Colombia to become familiar with the activity. See
Table I for the field sites.
Type activity/event Name/sponsor Country Year (no.)
Tribal
assemblages
Weekly salsa socials HSA, Baila Baila Schools Finland 2012-2015 (10)
iDance School Finland 2014-2015 (8)
Outdoor public summer Salsa på lördagar | Gronalund Sweden 2015 (2)
dancing events Salsa Borealis | Oopera Salsa Finland 2014 (6)
Dansons sur les quais France 2016 and 2017 (3)
Regional festivals Baila Baila Salsa Festival Finland 2012 and 2013 (2)
Tampere Salsa festival Finland 2014 (1)
Tallin Salsa Festival Estonia 2014 (1)
International festivals Berlin Salsa Congress Germany 2012 and 2013 (2)
Hot Salsa Weekend Sweden 2012 (1)
Mambocity Five Star Salsa Congress The UK 2015 (1)
St. Petersburg Bachata Festival Russia 2012 (1) Table I.
Copenhagen Salsa Festival Denmark 2013 (1) Participant
Salsa classes nightclub ACR Conference organizers Colombia 2017 (2) (1) observation sites

Building upon how tribes manifest at ephemeral gatherings, we traced the organization of
events, including objects and social interactions. This socio-material approach complements
Hewer and Hamilton’s (2010) work on emotions in salsa dancing. The authors took the roles
of participant–observer, volunteer and performer. As participants, the researchers
developed an intimate understanding of the events by learning to dance participating in
salsa socials, interviewing and engaging in casual conversations with salsa dancers and
comparing material elements and activity across the socials. Further, in volunteering to help
organize salsa socials, the lead researcher gained experience with behind-the-scenes
activities and in promoting events in developing digital materials and setting up posters,
and in finding and staging venues for the events in adjusting lighting and making space to
dance by arranging tables and chairs. Also, he performed in two events, gaining insight
regarding the differences between paid and volunteer aspects of the community.
The interviews lasted 1.5 h on average and focused on the personal trajectories of the
dancers and their experiences of successful and unsuccessful events. Informants represent both
genders and eight nationalities in an age range of 26-37 years. Two informants are professional
salsa instructors, and four informants have danced on stage, while salsa is a hobby for all
others, who dance regularly at salsa socials and festivals. See Table II for the cultural and
professional background and dance experience of the 13 interviewees. Names are pseudonyms.
Field notes documented the sites, participants, material and their interactions and
interdependencies. We gave attention to the object and physical devices comprising salsa
socials, including the practical arrangements required for dancing, such as shoes and
clothing, dance lessons, local and distant festival trips, online postings and the
appropriation of diverse venues into places to dance, such as restaurants and public forums.
Additionally, we documented backstage activities, including initiating sound systems,
adjusting lighting and providing beverages. Online websites and videos supplemented our
observation of accouterments, décor, techniques and interactions across the salsa socials.
Canniford and Bajde (2015, pp. 12-13) provide some guidance in implementing AT.
Openness for inter-subjectivity. First, in acknowledging the hybridity of salsa socials, we
combine aspects that are simultaneously real, social and narrated in documenting the
devices present in salsa socials, their capacities, and how dancers interacted and talked
about them. Second, keeping in mind that agency distributes across assemblage elements,
we attend the material and personal requirements for the success of the events. The
EJM Name Nationality Gender Age Occupation Years dancing

Ling Chinese Female 26 Entrepreneur 1

Svetlana Russian Female 26 Business graduate. Trained in ballroom dance 3
Hanna Finnish Female 37 Holistic healer 2
Mario Colombian Male 35 Salsa instructor 10
Viktor Ukrainian Male 32 Engineer and software developer 3
Amelie French Female 24 Stage performer (dance and acrobatics) 1
Freja Finnish Female 29 Ph.D. candidate 4
Saara Finnish Female 30 Graduate student in bio-sciences 2
Emma Danish Female 34 High school teacher 2
Lotta Finnish Female 27 Journalist 4
Table II. Juha Finnish Male 33 Business manager 4
Informant Matti Finnish Male 34 Salsa instructor 8
descriptions Ari Finnish Male 36 Business researcher 3

intention is to understand who and what did what, from carrying chairs to organizing music
playlists, to the surface of dance floors and types of shoes, for their purposes, who and what
directed whom, to identify the overlapping and distinct properties comprising salsa events.
Third, regarding fluidity, we observed several events, in different places and times to
document their similarities and differences in how configurations of elements came together,
disassembled, and came together again. Further, we asked salsa dancers for the
characteristics of events that went well and the events that did not, thus triangulating our
observation with the perspectives of other participants.

Findings
Tribes reconstitute by overcoming a meshwork of hybrid challenges: technical, material,
social and spatial
The reconstitutions of the salsa tribe manifest in the events called salsa socials. To put
together these ephemeral gatherings, members of the salsa tribe bring together a series of
human and non-human elements, including the venue, music, accouterments and dancers
equipped with salsa-dancing techniques. Because events succeed or collapse whether the
tribe manages to align these hybrid associations, we start by distinguishing four technical,
material, social, and spatial elements (Table III).
Techniques. We define techniques as the repertoire or family of routines, traditions and
conventions that carry out the shared activity. It is almost redundant to assert that to
participate in a salsa-dancing event; one has to know how to dance salsa, and yet, salsa
socials attract a range of practitioners, from complete novices to experienced performers.
Salsa dancing is not one technique but many; notably, Cuban, Los Angeles also called on-1/
cross-body style and New York also called on-2/mambo style. Each style includes three
competencies as follows: vocabulary, musicality and social. Vocabulary refers to the turns, foot
patterns and weight shifts in body movements. For example, dancing the L.A. or cross-body
style requires linear movements that are flamboyant, sharp and emphasizes acrobatics. In
contrast, Cuban or Casino style performs in a circular motion with playful, flirty movements
that emphasize folkloric interpretations. Musicality refers to the timing of breaks and the pace
of movement. For example, in L.A. style, the convention is that dancers break movement on the
first beat (on-1), with the predominant beat in salsa, one-three-five-seven marked by
the cowbell. In New York style, the convention is to move on the second beat (on-2), to follow
the conga slap often performed at the second and sixth beats. Social skills feature conventions

Elements
Techniques (non-human)
Material devices (non-human)
Skilled-others (human)
Spatial territories (non-human)
dance assemblage
Table III.
conditions of
manifesting the salsa
possibility and
linkages enabling the
Hybrid elements and
Definition
The repertoire of skills and
activities that carry out and
support a focal activity, e.g.
dance styles, spins and steps,
music knowledge and
synchronization, marketing and
promotion and entrepreneurship
Objects and tools that foster and
constrain the focal activity via
techniques, social interactions
and spatial appropriations, e.g.
dress, equipment and spatial
furnishings such as music, social
media and décor
Proficient practitioners and
supporters, and their
interactions, e.g. adept salsa
dancers and neophytes, and
support services such as music
DJ’s and salsa social organizers
Virtual or physical spaces and
infrastructure housing the tribe,
e.g. dance venues and online
forums
Ascription from consumers to assemblage and from
assemblage to consumers
Process Description
The emulation of techniques Identifies, copies and integrates
a repertoire of dance skills and
techniques
The circulation of devices Coordinates the acquisition, use
and display of dance tools and
accouterments
The calibration with skilled- Sets the ideal routines and
others aesthetics of adept practitioners
The convention of territories Situates dance venues, locations
and characteristics
Distribution from tribe to assemblage and from assemblage
to tribe
Process Description
The popularization of techniques Popularizes and homogenizes
techniques within a community
The standardization of devices Converges designs, tools and
accessories for the focal practice
The professionalization of Valorizes the distributed
skilled-others activities and monetizes efforts
allowing agents to dedicate more
time to the focal activity
The appropriation of territories Maintains access to territories
over time that gives continuity
to the practice
Tribal
assemblages
EJM to lead and follow and to avoid collisions with other couples, communicated in the amount of
pressure, the area of touch, and the degree of hold between dancers.
The techniques determine whether dancers participate in the tribe or not, as dancers
dance with others in the styles appropriate to the music and preference. Dancers learn to
recognize and demonstrate their proficiency in the dance styles exhibited at each particular
social and participate (or not) whether their dancing style fits the event. For example, Freja
describes her intimidation in realizing that, upon traveling to a festival in Portugal, the
assemblage practiced a subtype of salsa dancing that she did not know,
Freja: We went to the trip in Lisbon and went to the salsa social, and at that time I did not know
that there were different kinds of salsa, and they were doing cross-body style salsa there, and I
was terrified. I sat in the corner the whole evening thinking that I cannot do that. I did not dance
even one song. My sister was dancing, and I was feeling petrified.
While neophytes are welcome at salsa socials, one survival strategy for the tribe is to
remove the obstacle of not knowing salsa techniques (to encourage others to learn).
Therefore, experienced salsa dancers tend to be welcoming by dancing with neophytes at
their level, thus accommodating their lack of proficiency.
Contestations may emerge between the techniques that an individual dancer performs
and the style of the tribe, partly because social dancing requires improvisation. In the
passage below, Freja explains that she adapts the dance-style she learned in class to the
music and type of salsa that her dance-partner uses. We note the distinction between
technical dance patterns and proficiency in adapting to those of others in dancing salsa.
Freja: When you go to a class, you learn a pattern, but when you go social dancing, you have to
follow the guy and interpret the music. I thought that if I just go and learn the patterns then I go
to a party and it is fine, but it is not like that. You must learn the movements, the style, the idea of
salsa, and you must interpret the music.
Goulding et al. (2013) identified that learning technical competences is a step toward
becoming part of the tribe. What we add is that it is not sufficient to learn the curriculum in
the abstract, but to enact it at the ephemeral gathering. To that end, salsa dancers enlist the
interventions of salsa dancing schools, foster interactions between novices and experts, and
circulate the type of music that fits their preferred style to push the circulation of their style.
Material devices. Devices are the collection of objects, tools and artifacts, including dress,
equipment and accouterments that the salsa tribe mobilizes at every single salsa social. For
example, while we observed chairs at some but not all events, sound systems were
ubiquitous. Other devices included wooden or concrete floors, water, dim lights and retro-
gendered clothing styles. Women wore dresses or skirts and blouses; a few wore slacks. Men
wore pants and tailored shirts, many carried a handkerchief and a few sported a vest. The
fabrics were light and breathable, in the primary colors of black, gold and silver in indoor
and winter seasons, and bright colors in summer and outdoor events.
Of the many objects in a salsa assemblage, few are more ubiquitous than the heels. See
Plate 1. Footwear impinges upon dancers in simultaneously enabling and constraining their
techniques and ability to attract partners and synchronize dance movements with them.
Leather soles work well on polished wood or other smooth surfaces, while rubber soles
impair spinning techniques there, yet facilitate dancing on asphalt streets and concrete
surfaces. Drawing from AT, we emphasize the interdependencies between the soles of the
shoes and the material of the dance floor in enabling and constraining dance moves,
especially the spins, which are the signature feats of salsa dancing.
In the following excerpts from interviews with Svetlana and Lotta, we note the agentic
properties of the heels of women’s dancing shoes, which they used to evoke femininity, but
 Tribal
assemblages

Plate 1.
A salsera’s custom
sequined dancing-
heel

which also imposed upon them in increasing the skill level required. Svetlana, trained in
ballet and hip-hop, explains that her salsa heels make her feel sexy and invoke her feminine
side and that she hopes to “conquer” dancing in thinner heels, even though wearing them
makes it more difficult for her to dance.
They [the dancing heels] are very important. They are. I can dance without heels, but when
I have my heels on me, I feel [. . .] I feel that I can [laughs]. My hips move better, and then
yeah, and it creates a posture, and it gives me the feeling I feel that I am dancing Latin, not
dancing ballet or I am not dancing hip hop. If I have my heels on, then I am going to do
some Latin Dancing [. . .] I can’t just go with hip hop clothes on and dance salsa, it is stupid.
I wouldn’t feel that I am dancing salsa, and of course how I look is an emotional part. Now
[points to her skirt and heels] I feel like this thing going! [laughs].
Lotta explains that she chooses to wear heels to achieve a specific feeling related to how they
shape her posture, adding that they also make it more difficult for her to dance.
Lotta: [dancing with heels] changes the way you move, it changes the posture, and changes
the way you feel, and it is a contradiction because heels make it a bit more difficult to dance. I
hope that it is not the same with all women, but in my case [pause] for some reason [pause]
despite dancing for around 20 years, my balance is really bad, and I have problems with heels,
I really do, I do not know what to do, but [I] prefer [to wear] low heels [for dancing], but heels
anyways.
From an AT perspective, consumption is hybrid (Canniford and Shankar, 2013). We build
upon this insight in emphasizing how devices shape the salsa assemblage. From the
EJM passages above, we highlight how the devices constrain, enable and otherwise impose upon
dance techniques, upon dancers’ sense of themselves and their relations with other dancers
and upon other material devices. The heels operate in hybridity with and on humans, other
objects, and place features in establishing standards. An example is Svetlana’s
determination to “conquer” dance techniques in “thin heels.” While the heels complicate
dancing, they are emblematic to her of an adept woman salsa dancer.
I admire [the dancers who wear] heels that are good looking, and [with] really, really thin heels. I
know that it is difficult to dance with thin heels, and also makes me admire these people who can
move like that, because I know how difficult it is, because it eats out some body movements when
you have heels. When you do not have heels, it is easier, and it is more movement, and then it is,
again, a challenge I want to conquer.
Functional devices operate along with the aesthetics of the group (Arsel and Bean, 2013).
Aesthetic conventions differ across sites, as some salsa socials have more elegant dress
codes and others more casual. Among the devices present, we noted those purchased and
customized by individual dancers, as well as those supplied by organizers. As a volunteer
helping to organize salsa socials, the first author worked on rearranging chairs and testing
the lighting and sound system to adapt to the impositions of these objects.
We know that consumers use materials to fulfill desired experiences (Canniford and
Shankar, 2013; Martin and Schouten, 2014). Our data include multiple devices enabling and
constraining the assemblage. In analyzing data further, we noted that devices tend to be
most noticeable by dancers when they prevent their ability to dance. As examples, the right
clothing, shoes, music and illumination cohere the assemblage, versus the wrong attire and
overly bright lighting detracts from it.
Skilled-others: as the idiom goes, “it takes two to tango.” As participants usually dance in
pairs, then equal proportions of leaders, usually men, and followers, usually women, with
matching skill levels fitting the salsa dance assemblage. Thus, the active participation of
several proficient dancers makes the event, as Hanna stated, “if many people must stand
around and wait, it automatically affects the atmosphere. A good salsa party is where there
are 50/50 guys and girls.” For neophytes such as Ling, observing the joy and pleasure of
proficient dancers motivated her to learn salsa, and participate in events, as she explains
below.
Well, I was an exchange student, and a friend of mine invited me to this salsa party near to where
I lived. It was in the suburbs, and that was pretty far from the center. So, I went there, and I saw
all these people having a blast. Everyone was smiling on the dancefloor, I mean, not everyone, but
these were Swedes, you know. Swedes do not smile that much, and they came so far just for the
party. I came in, and I saw the mood, and I saw all of them smiling, and I wanted to experience the
same. They seemed so happy to be dancing” Ling continues later “for me, it was tough to enjoy; it
took me months to learn enough, but now I am addicted, even though I do not have that much
time anymore.
From Ling’s account, we emphasize her desire to experience what she saw others doing and
expressing. Acting on the desire to emulate an experience that consumers see others attain
and that they can only achieve with others is an impetus for participating in a consumption
assemblage. Beyond this, such collective desire, emulation and action serve to organize
social interactions among adept and neophyte dancers in this tribe, and thus, help explain a
tribal assemblage that otherwise appears ephemeral (Skandalis et al., 2016).
Spatial territories: the territory is the virtual and physical space housing the focal
activity, in this case, salsa dancing, and it is the place in which dancing occurs interacts with
other resources of the assemblage in shaping the assemblage. For example, while Cuban
salsa evolved in the streets of La Habana, New York salsa evolved in nightclubs such as the Tribal
Copacabana (1940-1992) and at the Palladium (1976-1995). The type of venues, nightclubs, assemblages
shaped the N.Y style into a stylish and trendy tradition that emphasizes the refinement of
the dance moves and eye-catching attires, as compared to the friendlier social dance
conventions of Cuban salsa.
In contrast to the nightclubs of N.Y and L.A, the dancers in the Helsinki tribe struggled to
find places to dance. Unreliable venues were obstacles to the nascent tribe in Helsinki.
Below, Juha, an organizer, evaluates the “maturity” of the salsa assemblage in Helsinki by
the quality and quantity of its territories.
The scene was very young. We only had Alppila, and somehow that did not appeal to me. It was a
high school, and they rented the sports hall for dancing. Before, we did not have many options,
but now we have more because the community is mature now. We still need more places. We have
places for only two nights a week and a big one every month. If we lose one of them, it is a big
deal, but in Berlin, for example, you can dance salsa every night if you want to.
We make a distinction with DeLanda’s (2016) notion of territorialization, which means the
degree to which the components of the assemblage become homogeneous. Our distinction is
that while the physical location is elementary in studies of consumption (Canniford and
Shankar, 2013), we emphasize how the place shapes the contours of the assemblage. Already
we have noted the floor, the lighting and music as spatial features enabling and constraining
the salsa dance assemblage; additionally, the type of venue shapes the code of the distinct
dance-traditions; NY-style salsa evolved in nightclubs, LA-style integrated the glamour of
Hollywood and Cuban-style maintained its townfolk roots.

Ephemeral gatherings: negotiations between idealized conditions and situational impositions

While the presence of each element is a necessary condition for a successful salsa social, it is
insufficient to explain how the salsa tribe fluctuates between idealized conditions of
possibility and physical manifestation. By conditions of possibility, we mean the unrealized
capacities – in the abstract. To illustrate, we return to Freja’s dancing proficiency compared
to her actual performance; while she knew how to dance salsa, she did not know the specific
style preponderant in that particular event. Therefore, because the accounts of actual events
differ from the idealized version of salsa dancing, we investigated what makes and unmakes
a successful salsa social.
When we asked Lotta about her last salsa social, she stressed how the person in charge of
circulating the music, the DJ, ruined the party by playing tunes that prevented the crowd
from dancing. Lotta then explained her strategies for fixing the event by negotiating with
DIsk Jockeys (DJs) to play her favorite songs and trying to influence the tribe to favor her
music tastes. Significant is how the potentiality of salsa music manifests as un-danceable
songs, as Lotta explains below.
I think it is most important that the DJ can read the crowd. It makes a big difference if the dancers
are L.A-style or Cuban-style. How many times has a DJ played Cuban hardcore timba songs for a
crowd of Mambo dancers – Are you kidding me?
While the circulation of salsa music is the most fundamental prerequisite for dancing salsa,
the salsa assemblage enables and constrains whether the tribe manifests, including styles,
the number of salsa dancers in the city and the type of venue. Further, inconspicuous
elements can make or break the salsa social, for example, a carpeted dance-floor constrains
dancer’s soles, thus limiting all dancers’ ability to spin.
EJM Returning to Table III, we highlight the middle and last columns in describing two
simultaneous and overlapping mechanisms, ascription and distribution, as the means by
elements transform from states of conditions of possibility to manifestations of the
assemblage. First, the term ascription encompasses the mechanisms by which consumers
move from specific conditions of possibility as they engage in the assemblage in dance. In
turn, the assemblage elements impose on individuals via techniques, material, social and
spatial conventions. Second, the term distribution refers to the mechanisms by which
assemblage elements transform from tribal conditions of possibility to manifestations of a
specific salsa assemblage.
In Figure 1, we graphically represent processes of ascription and distribution detailed in
Table III. Three concentric circles illustrate the linkages associating individual dancers, the
assemblage and the tribe. Dashed lines at the center and periphery represent possibilities,
while the middle circle, in boldface, depicts actualities. The shaded area represents the
variations of each ephemeral manifestation – i.e. each salsa social is simultaneously unique
and oddly alike. Also, the arrows in Figure 1 have double-pointed arrows to indicate the
interdependencies between human and non-human elements. Arrows pointing outwards

Figure 1.
Reconstitutions of the
tribal assemblage
from the assemblage toward the tribe depict the mechanisms of distribution expanding the Tribal
tribe beyond the immediate manifestation. Inward pointing arrows from the tribe to the assemblages
assemblage are realized materialities. Conversely, arrows pointing outward from the center
of the circle, from individual consumption within the focal activity to the assemblage, denote
ascription as individual dancers acquire the means to participate in the tribe. In turn, arrows
pointing inward, from the assemblage to consumption indicate impositions on individual
consumption.

Ascription mechanisms: acquiring the means to act as a tribe

The salsa dance assemblage manifests when a group of strangers chooses to allocate efforts
to conform to the requirements of a particular salsa event. Together, dancers manifest path-
dependent associations among elements constituting the assemblage, and in turn, these
interdependencies impose requirements for individual participants. Arguing that consumers
ascribe to the demands of a collective is not entirely new, for instance, Kates (2004)
examined how gays and lesbians learned codes of dress at bars and bathhouses, while Arsel
and Bean (2013) presented tastes in apartment furnishings as a regime that expresses and
impinges upon consumer preferences. We expand upon these studies showing that, in
addition to the meaning and style coded and governed in dress and aesthetic tastes,
consumers participate in the tribe by emulating techniques, circulating devices, calibrating
their skills to match successful salsa dancers and convening in places to dance. We explain
further these ascription processes below.
Emulation of techniques: the aspiring dancer participates in socials, usually, by acting
like successful dancers and matching their skill-set to that of the salsa style prevalent in the
salsa socials. The effort of dancing like the people at the events brings a further appreciation
of the nuances of salsa dancing. In the passage below, Viktor, a Ukrainian IT engineer who
learned salsa in the USA, explains his journey into salsa dancing. His ascription to salsa
started with attending a free, one-hour initiation party recommended by a friend to meet and
dance with others, and then evolved beyond exercise as he gained a deeper appreciation for
the “culture” of salsa music and dance styles.
Viktor: My friend told me about some free salsa teaching and then a salsa party. We had a lesson,
and it was simple enough to understand. The teacher made it feel that it was not super complex,
and even in one hour, you can learn something. I stayed for the first party just to look. Just regular
people are having fun, and I wanted to have fun too. I rather liked it, and then I registered for a
couple of classes thinking that I just needed some tricks, but it was not enough. I still go to salsa
classes three times per week for the last three years.” Later in the interview, Viktor explains, “At
first it was all about meeting people, and the exercise, and the thrill of trying a new skill, and it
evolved into a deeper appreciation of the music, and that kind of thing. Then I learned different
styles, got into the culture, and went to festivals.
Mario, a Colombian who learned salsa in Russia, explains the challenges of attuning local
techniques. He recalls learning to dance salsa to impress a girl, and then, expanding his
techniques to be able to move in synchronicity with her and other dancers at that social.
Mario: When I came to Russia, I liked a girl, and eventually, she became my girlfriend. In the
beginning, I thought that I needed to dance to impress her. There, every Latino dances and I did
not dance, and least not with spins, and I asked a friend to show me. He was one of the top
teachers in Saint Petersburg at the time, and he lived in the student residences where I lived. He
showed me like four turns or spins, and I thought that was sufficient. Then, the next time I went
to the party, and I asked the girl, and I thought; now there it is! I am going to spin you! Then I
went spinning her with those four spins. After a while, she told me: That is it. You need more than
those four spins. I said, well, I need to take classes.
EJM Consumers learn to be tribal through engagement, imagination and alignment (Goulding
et al., 2013). Novices learn the techniques displayed by skilled dancers at the socials they
attend in an iterative, serial process of observing, practicing and emulating the moves of
other dancers. We expand upon this work showing how consumers continue to be tribal by
ascribing to the repertoire of styles that determine the styles and techniques available for
emulation. Further, dancers ascribe to techniques in interdependence with other elements in
precisely attuned and calibrated, interdependent dance pairings, as distinct from the
individualized, free-flowing dance movements and use of drugs characterizing in the metal/
indie music tribe.
As the aspiring salsa dancer learns the dance style(s) evident at the location of the social,
he/she embeds into a web of path-dependent associations. More than a stylistic choice, each
style is a tradition that recreates the history of the socials held there, be they Los Angeles,
Cali, Cuban or New York styles. From the venue selection to the music circulation, devices
shape the style into what it is now.
Circulation of devices. The assemblage sets standards for the use and display of tools.
Such standards, in practice, consist of the objects and their use as established at specific
socials. We noted the convergence of aesthetics and functional considerations in the
consistency among the shoes, clothing and accessories worn by adept dancers. As dancers
outfit themselves for salsa dancing, almost all respondents explained the mobilization of
specific devices to confer functional and symbolic qualities in dance. For example, makeup
should resist sweating and heat, and jewelry should not impair dancing.
Lotta: In my case, it requires much makeup. Choosing the right clothes because some skirts ride
up while dancing, and making sure that my hair does not get in my face all the time because of the
spinning.

Juha: I always wear a vest. It was from a business suit, but I use it for salsa. I went to London last
year, and I saw men wearing vests. I use it because when you dance, you sweat, and it is
uncomfortable for the ladies.

From the field notes: Many objects manage sweat: some women brought fans or fashioned them
from event flyers to cool off periodically, while some men carried a handkerchief in their pockets
to absorb sweat. Others wore a vest as a protective layer to avoid dampening their partners. The
vests are meant to protect the dance partner.
Some devices disqualify dancers from participating in the salsa social, for instance, the field
notes describe an event in which the stylish, high-heeled shoes disqualified a woman from
dancing. Following the gaze of the first author to the heels, an experienced male dancer
explained why he would not ask her to dance, “I am wary of her shoes. She has very high
heels that obviously are not for dancing; I worry that she will break an ankle.” The
uninitiated may not distinguish between stylish dress heels and dancing heels, but
experienced dancers do. By wearing shoes that she considers appropriate, yet adept dancers
view as not suited to dance safely, the aspiring salsa dancer disqualifies herself from
participation.
Martin and Schouten (2014) documented various customizing practices tribal members
use to overcome material constraints. In building on their work on customization, we
elaborate on how specific devices coordinate dancers’ practical and symbolic achievements
and impose upon them as a function of the relations among disparate elements. As such, the
particular devices circulating at the social set evaluative standards that represent a subset of
the possibilities of the tribe.
 Calibration of skilled-others: calibration is the self-correcting process in which Tribal
experienced dancers and newcomers adapt to each other’s another skill level. While dancers assemblages
learn the patterns by attending salsa classes, the calibration of social codes occurs at the
event as adepts and novices interact. Furthermore, dancers calibrate their interactions with
each dance partner as they both interpret and improvise their dancing. To illustrate, Matti, a
highly accomplished salsa instructor, teaches calibration to the level of the dance partner.
Additionally, he encourages aspiring dancers not to be too harsh on themselves and enjoy
their level at socials.
Matti: “Classes are for learning, and socials are for fun,” Matti says in a class on social dancing
etiquette “When you are at a social, never teach or give feedback if your partner does want to;
socials are not for that. The goal is for everyone to have fun.” Turning to the leaders, “please do
not make the followers uncomfortable by doing crazy stuff if they can’t. Dance at their level, even
if it is just a basic step and a crossbody turn.” And he concludes, “never apologize for what you
know. Try to become a better dancer in the class, but at socials, just do what you know what to
do, smile, and help your partner have fun.
An aspect of the calibration process occurs when the newcomer incorporates exemplars as
an aspiration. In the passage below, Lotta explains her inspiration in becoming her “ideal”
salsa dancer, including references to Latinas from popular culture.
Lotta: The Latin culture in general interests me, of course. Salsa is a Latin dance, it is a joyful
dance, and it is a sexy dance, so yes. I definitely wanted to learn salsa.
This Latin feminine ideal is a template that Lotta uses to align her consumption choices.
While she states, “you can be whatever you want,” she also emphasizes how her inspiration
is a template, namely, the televised dance competitions. Moreover, she credits the
accessibility of salsa conventions in encouraging multiple dance pairings, as compared to
the dedicated partnering in ballroom dance.
Lotta: My biggest inspiration was ‘dancing with the stars.’ I just found so amazing what two
people can do together because it is quite acrobatic. Of course, it is a TV show, after all, so they do
many lifts, but I wanted to do the same. It was a barrier to going to ballroom dancing because you
need your own partner, so I did not go there. I went to salsa because it was more convenient and
inexpensive for students; also you do not need your own partner. Then, salsa is much easier to
start. I went to salsa socials, and it was fun because there are good dancers.
Calibration also occurs by enlisting the participation of competent dancers at the salsa
social. For example, Svetlana follows her favorite salsa dancers on social media, and when
she goes dancing overseas, she goes to the events in which she knows that her favorite
dancers will attend.
Svetlana: I travel to London quite often, and they have many salsa events there, so I use Facebook
to know where my salsa friends are going dancing, and then I go there. I do the same for festivals.
I go to the festivals where I know that my friends will be.
Convention of territories: we noted similarities and differences in territories across salsa
socials. Notably, each venue imposes slightly different features on dancers and other
elements of the assemblage. As an example, while bars collaborate in offering free salsa
classes and demonstrations that attract new dancers, these sites tend not to attract
experienced dancers. The most experienced dancers usually go to dedicated “dancer” events.
In turn, as dancers adapt to the distinct characteristics at each venue, their style adjusts
as well, for example, by becoming adept at spinning in the close-quarters of a small
dancefloor compared to longer steps when dancing in the street. Casual clothing converged
EJM with bright lights, mirrors and polished wooden floors at some dance schools, for example.
In contrast, eveningwear, dimmer lighting and carpets or tile floors cleared of tables and
chairs comprised the assemblage convened on a slow night at a restaurant. At the salsa
socials held an industrial park alternatively used by skateboarders, sportswear and
sneakers were evident. Each of these venues brings a different set of challenges and conveys
a distinct ambiance that dancers adapt to in consumption, in calibrating techniques, tools,
and social patterns to those emerging at specific places in forming the salsa dance
assemblage.

Distribution mechanisms: extending the tribal possibilities beyond the immediate group
One of the challenges for explaining the manifestation of a salsa dancing event in the Nordic
countries as opposed to Cuba or Puerto Rico is that one cannot rely on culture to account for
its popularity. While immigration can explain the presence of Cuban teachers, it cannot
explain the growing interest for participating in salsa dancing in a Nordic country; instead,
we must account for the efforts of salsa enthusiasts in distributing salsa dancing to cities
across the world. Therefore, returning to Figure 1, we turn to how the salsa dancing tribe
grows in popularity, by projecting salsa dancing as the activity of choice against not only in
competition with other dance-styles but also to other possible activities. To do that, we must
account for the distribution of salsa dancing:
 in the popularization of techniques to nondancers;
 the standardization of practices and devices;
 the professionalization of amateurs into salsa celebrities; and
 the appropriation of territories for the tribe.

Popularization of techniques. The more popular the dance styles, and the more attractive the
parties, the more that the associated salsa schools and teachers thrive. Additionally, because
salsa socials tend to emphasize specific techniques of salsa dancing, they appeal to dancers
that participate, and those who want to join in the particular style(s). As students enroll in
events, their selection and involvement expand and diffuses specific styles, which broadens
the tribe by creating more practitioners and more opportunities to dance in subsequent salsa
socials.
The popularization of techniques is an effective mechanism for tribal homogeneity, in
assembling layers of “group heterogeneity” (Thomas et al., 2013). Event organizers publicize
events catering to multiple dance-traditions to bring as many dancers as possible, and there
they often reserve one or more dance floors for preferred dance style and feature DJs playing
music compatible with the respective dance traditions. Cuban, New York, Bachata and
Kizomba were the most popular during our fieldwork.
As the popularity of distinct techniques garners attention at socials, practitioners become
paid instructors. During a return visit to his native Colombia with his dancing partner,
Mario so impressed local organizers with the cross-body style of salsa that he had mastered
in Russia, that one attempted to recruit him to be a dance instructor, as he notes:
Colombians do not dance like that. When we began dancing with spins and all [. . .] people were so
impressed that they made a circle around us. One guy even offered us a job at the local salsa
school.
Mario had introduced his “European” salsa tradition in Cali, a city that claims to be the salsa
capital of the world. The interest in recruiting Mario for teaching at the salsa school in Cali
exemplifies the marketization of diverse techniques as salsa diffuses globally.
 To diffuse salsa dancing worldwide, dancers use a complex web of transmedia. Tribal
Thousands of videos exist under the tag “salsa social dancing” accumulating millions of assemblages
views, and channels exist in which salsa dancers upload performances from various socials
and festivals. Videos typically feature whole songs and keep both dancers in the frame,
which helps diffuse techniques. The codification of standards in Youtube videos enables the
replication of the style via emulation. Eventually, practices retreat into standards so that
objects become commodities, and practitioners become professionals. Matti describes below
how videos inspire newcomers:
Matti: At some point, I saw some videos, there was still not YouTube, but there were videos from
the Mayan Salsa Competition. They inspired me to dance salsa, and one of the videos featured a
couple from Los Angeles, and there was this beautiful, beautiful girl, and a handsome guy, they
danced incredibly, and she inspired me. And I said to myself: ‘One day I will be dancing with a
girl like that.’ She was a good inspiration for me. After I made a commitment to move to San
Francisco, I found great teachers, I made sacrifices, but I was committed [. . .] And then this funny
coincidence, I met this lady that was my inspiration, and I danced with her again at a Jack and Jill
[social dancing competition format], from the video from a long time ago. And I could dance with
her. Go imagine.
While Kozinets (2007) discussed how a subgroup of the tribe produces transmedia content,
we expand this idea noting the formation of a self-contained media ecosystem within the
salsa scene, including channel operators, organizers, public relation agents and celebrity
dance-couples who go by the first name only. The implication is that while Kozinets (2007)
argued that tribes are entrepreneurial because they work in a consumption project, we claim
that tribes are entrepreneurial literally, meaning that as tribes popularize, participants start
commercial enterprises, which extends the popularity even further.
Standardization of devices: of the variety of objects at the salsa socials and festivals, we
distinguish those that become ubiquitous, including several tools that salsa dancers bring to
every event, in this case, clothing, shoes and other accouterments. We emphasize the
reproduction of functional and aesthetic material conventions described in the excerpt from
the field notes below.
Field notes: Two salseras discussed the merits and flaws of open- versus closed-toe shoes for salsa
dancing. Their discussion lasted for several minutes. Salsera 1 argued that open-toe shoes are
better because they allow stepping with the toes wide open; useful for improving balance. In
contrast, Salsera 2 preferred closed shoes to avoid hitting the rough edges of men’s shoes when
spinning. They both supported their arguments by physically pointing to the actual footwear
from dancers in the social and discussing the best stores to acquire shoes.
As devices circulate at every salsa social, they also become commodities in the marketplace.
Dancers tend to purchase from specialized stores the devices similar to those they have seen
others perform with, those that have worked for them in successful events, and those they
have discussed with other dancers, as in the conversation above. In turn, the circulation of
similar sets of objects in the assemblage creates conventions that render them knowable and
somewhat predictable, as salsa dancers acquire and wear the devices at future salsa socials.
Devices circulate in the salsa dance assemblage as individual dancers acquire and use
those used by the most accomplished dancers. Device circulation operates in tandem with
the emulation of techniques in multiple socials over time, and adept dancers corroborate
with producers to make available select devices in the marketplace in the formation of
brands. An example is the offerings of salsa celebrity Liz Lira, an American-based
professional salsa dancer, and choreographer who has won World Salsa Championship
EJM titles. The first author attended her workshops for six months, during which time she
launched the Liz Lira brand of dance shoes, clothes and accessories (http://lizlira.com).
Professionalization of skilled-others: as salsa dancers become more proficient over time,
some become paid professionals, even celebrities. Other social dancers transition to
becoming service providers, including salsa teachers, school operators, event organizers and
travel operators. Matti, a dance school founder, is keen to explain his salsa trajectory to
anyone who will listen to “inspire more salsa dancers to fulfill their potential,” including
uploading his “salsa story” to YouTube (www.youtube.com/watch?v=WDtajPHt_Yc). He
describes his transition from elite student-athlete to professional salsa dancer, beginning
with a significant incident in which he moved to a new city lacking salsa, and there he
became an instructor to increase the pool of talent at salsa socials in his city.
Matti: I went to play basketball in Louisiana, and I got the scholarship, but one day I heard salsa
music on campus on campus, and I saw the dancing, and I was excited and wanted to learn more,
but in Monroe, there were no instructors. [. . .] My friend taught me the most basic, and with no
musical background, and no sense of rhythm, and all I had was a vision. I watched the VHS and
practiced in my room. [. . .] I was not very good, but I started creating a community, just with the
purpose [. . .] for me to teach other people to have more people to dance. It was excellent for my
dancing, but the intention was to have other people to dance, so I started the community.
The entrepreneurial capacity of consumers to monetize their expertise is not new, e.g.
Tumbat and Belk (2011) noted that many guides started as mountaineers. We further note
that the financial interests, skills and material displayed by these paid professionals impose
on the assemblage, as does the range of support services. As examples, teachers diffuse
particular dance techniques, and the recently created online travel agent, salsa-trips.com,
promotes travel to popular salsa festivals. In complementing Martin and Schouten’s (2014)
work on consumers’ efforts in building a market, we emphasize how consumers become
professional dance teachers, performers, designers, craftspersons, tour operators, event
managers, website creators, photographers and videographers. Their activities converge in
interdependent yet distinctive market niches, including salsa classes, shoes, clothing,
festivals and travel within their respective markets.
Appropriation of territories. The diffusion of the popularity of salsa dancing depends
upon the venue in which salsa socials manifest. Salsa dancers prefer centrally-located
nightclubs (rather than suburbs) because they have better flooring and sound equipment
and attract more participants. Some salsa groups prefer public places to attract a crowd of
bystanders and appeals to potential newcomers. For example, the non-profit salsa
association in Helsinki obtained permission from city authorities to dance in a seaside
amphitheater. It became a city tradition, with a range of top-notch dancers and an engaged
audience that fostered the growth and vibrancy of the salsa scene there. In Bordeaux,
France, several salsa schools cooperate with city authorities to establish a public dance
forum by the riverside during the summer, which sports a range of styles and attracts a
lively audience of tourists and locals, of which some may become salsa dancers.
Securing access to a suitable venue is a significant challenge for event organizers.
Appropriating spaces require expenditures, and such spatially related transactions shape
the tribe, in turn. Dancer-organizers are quite industrious in securing places to dance.
However, obtaining access to these spaces can be difficult when managers require payment
before the event. Another problem, as Mario describes below, is that dancers tend to avoid
alcoholic beverages to maintain coordination while dancing, yet some venues depend on
such sales for their profit.
 Mario: “It is complicated to find good places for salsa socials. I mean, sure, most nightclubs liked Tribal
it when we promised a hundred dancers in a night, but then salsa dancers do not drink alcohol,
only water, and clubs do not like that.” He further explains, “Well, the thing is that alcohol makes
assemblages
dancing more difficult, or maybe dancers are healthier, I do not know. The point is that they do
not drink that much, so clubs do not like us”.
Noting the “fluid” quality of a brand assemblage, Skandalis et al. (2016) explained the nature
of a transitional experience. In complementing their work, we point to how the territories
hold the tribe together. At one point during the ethnography, the operators of a salsa school
refused to continue holding weekly socials on their premises. This event initiated a tribal
effort to negotiate access to a restaurant to redress the problem of a lost venue, thus showing
how the tribe and the venue are interdependent.
Mario: It was difficult to find good venues [. . .] We had to improvise and negotiate a lot. We got
Wednesdays in a normal club. Wednesdays were not very crowded, so they gave us from 9 pm to
12 am in the main hall. At midnight, they had Latin music, but it was more for nightclubs. On
Friday, the party was at the dancing school from 9 pm until 2 am. Then, on Saturdays, it was in a
big restaurant, with a large floor. It was a restaurant, not a dance place, but they had few
customers at 11 pm. I said to this person; I can bring about 300 people every weekend that
potentially will consume.

Discussion
Theoretical contributions
The salsa tribe disperses at the end of the evening only to reassemble somewhere else, in a
different day, in a different city, with other participants. Each manifestation is recognizable
as a salsa social, but it is never an exact replica. Whether it is a salsa festival in Northern
Europe or a summer retreat in Latin America, each assemblage is oddly similar, but never
identical. In other words, while some elements of the salsa social are persistent – music,
dancers, floor, pairings and accouterments – each manifestation differs because it must
overcome a meshwork of practical challenges that are unique to that specific manifestation.
Following AT’s notion of distributed agency (Callon, 1986; Latour, 1993), we note the
interdependencies required for recreating the salsa event reproduce the iterations that seem
to work elsewhere, with variations because of local impositions. Each iteration responds to
the space restrictions, equipment available and available practitioners, which enable and
constrain what is possible and manifests.
When returning to our research question about how tribes reassemble, we place the
answer on the shifting conditions between possibility and manifestation. The tribal
assemblage constitutes, disperses and reconstitutes via uniquely configured ephemeral
gatherings that ascribe to an idealized template, and circulate via emulation, socialization,
professionalization and popularization. For instance, as the salsa tribe crosses borders,
proficient salsa dancers organize salsa socials in distant cities, invite newcomers, and
eventually open their own salsa academies. By responding to local impositions, the
templates start to diverge, and multiple salsa styles emerge and coalesce in namesake
locations: Los Angeles, Cali, New York and Havana. While salsa adapted to the nightclub
ecosystem of Los Angeles, salsa retained in Havana the folklore of streets and beaches.
Henceforth, as consumers ascribe to the consumption assemblage, they gain the means to
act tribal locally, and as tribes reproduce the successful configurations elsewhere, further
iterations distribute the template to new places and people, but in slightly different
configurations.
EJM This paper expands Cova’s (1997) notion of linking value as follows. While Cova’s
formulation refers to the products and services that allow consumers to share their passions
and interests, this paper highlights the role of firms in sorting out the hybrid
interdependencies that help manifest the tribe overcome a meshwork of practical challenges
preventing its manifestation – including not only participants but also techniques, devices
and sites. Firms play a role in fostering, which tribes become popular, what techniques
circulate within the tribe, and the required devices.
In almost every study on tribal consumption, whether it is with surfers, operagoers or
salsa dancers, scholars conceptualize the tribe via their signature arrangements that are so
repetitive that scholars treat them as “practices” or “routines” (Woermann and Rokka, 2015,
p. 1489). Some practices are so recurrent that they become a signature of the tribe, e.g. Scott
et al.’s (2017) obstacle races, Tough Mudders, always feature pain and mud. What we add to
this conversation is that successful assemblages can become templates that are performative
because they configure the action. As some events succeed while others fail, tribes repeat
successful configurations and refine what does not work. These iterations result in one or
more templates for enacting potential future gatherings; a path-dependent assemblage that
manifests even across distant sites and with new participants.

Managerial contributions
Conceptualizing tribes per assemblages has managerial implications on consumption-driven
innovation (Martin and Schouten, 2014). As tribes find new ways to deal with practical
obstacles, they develop new solutions. For example, building upon Canniford and Shankar
(2013), we interpret surfing as a “person-board-waves” assemblage; and yet, this assemblage
can develop into standup paddleboarding, a hobby that closely resembles surfing except
that it adds a paddle and removes the waves. By conceptualizing tribes per hybrid
interdependence, marketers can identify new opportunities for product development and
open innovation. To do so, managers can study multiple manifestations of the tribe, similar
but never identical, to identify the particularities and variations of the consumption
assemblage that can become a source for innovation.
When it comes to managing tribes, the literature shows that that tribes resist
management, partly because they are ephemeral and partly because of the fluidity in which
participants come and go (Canniford, 2011). The current literature offers two options for
firms. One option is that firms encourage (some) tribal participants to transition into brand
communities by inviting consumers to foster personal relations to develop a sense of
belonging among members of the group and affinity with the brand (Fournier and Lee,
2009). The second option is that firms produce offerings with “linking value,” which
consumers use to share their passions and interests (Cova, 1997; Cova and Cova, 2002).
This paper proposes a third option. Firms can support tribes to overcome the multiple
practical challenges that prevent their manifesting. As we noted above, each salsa
manifestation is alike, but not an exact replica. Figure 1 represents how the salsa tribe
constitutes, disperses, reconstitutes in multiple events, across sites and over time. Firms can
participate as agents that catalyze the reconstitutions, both sequentially over time and
simultaneously across sites. Managerial interventions can foster the circulation of the tribal
template into multiple constituencies, catalyzing the popularity of the tribe: the more
circulation and the more commercial opportunities. Henceforth, firms benefit when
supporting the practicalities that tribes require when manifesting their focal passion:
accessing venues, transferring techniques and attracting participants.
An additional managerial implication is that each hybrid element in Figure 1 is an
entrepreneurial opportunity. As dancers open salsa schools transferring techniques, become
YouTube personalities popularizing salsa-dancing styles and organize logistic support to Tribal
attend overseas salsa festivals, the tribe becomes entrepreneurial literally: opening firms assemblages
catering to the tribe. These “prosumers” (Kozinets, 2007) manage the impositions and
barriers across sites that prevent consumers from ascribing to the tribal template and
distributing it beyond the immediate group. Examples include raising awareness to attract
newcomers, expand the popularity of techniques to non-practitioners and (as Red Bull does)
sponsoring the professionalization of athletes and their gear. Therefore, entrepreneurs find
opportunities that remove practical obstacles for the tribes to manifest; from renting venues
and sponsoring techniques to foster tribal celebrities.

Method contribution: an assemblage-oriented ethnography

We note that as researchers in consumer research use AT, their emphasis remains on the
human subject (especially culture and experiences). One example is how while Epp and
Velagaleti (2014) used AT to show how consumers integrate devices and service providers
into their family care, their perspective prioritizes the parents’ viewpoint, especially their
frustrations and feelings of inadequacy. Even with AT, the human subject remains the focal
actor leading Belk and Sobh (2018) to call into question whether AT contributes to consumer
culture theory (CCT).
In contrast to Belk and Sobh (2018), we propose that AT is a productive approach for
CCT as long as the research distributes agency from the consumer subject into the
meshwork of hybrid interdependencies. Echoing Woermann (2017, p. 154), the pragmatic
and local procedural assemblages require attention, “it sometimes appears as if rituals,
gatherings, and symbolic acts just happen, but do not really take place”. The AT approach
in this paper emphasized material doings in explaining how consumers put together an
activity; a meshwork of interdependencies in which agency distributes to the materials,
techniques, spaces and (also) humans.
This paper extends Canniford and Bajde’s (2015) guidance for implementing assemblage-
oriented fieldwork in three ways. First, we situate the fieldwork in the sites in which people,
objects, ideas and symbols manifest, here salsa socials, but other sites exist, e.g. professional
salsa-dancing competitions or YouTube videos. At each site, the goal of the fieldwork is to
address the practical accomplishments that “bring to life” this particular manifestation,
especially in the practicalities. Hence, the researcher participates not only as a consumer–
observer but also as a producer–observer, for instance, by volunteering in putting together
the events. Second, while we used interviews, we focused on the practical arrangements that
make or break the events, for instance, by asking what went right or wrong at a specific
salsa social. Instead of asking for interpretations of what salsa-dancing means, we focused
on how salsa-dancing manifests; hence, inquiring their transitioning from possibility to
manifestation. Third, when participating as a consumer-observer, the researcher documents
not only what salsa dancers do and say but also what devices, techniques and spaces
appear. By investigating variations on the techno-material elements across sites, the
researcher can document the alterations that foster or hinder tribal manifestations.

Suggestions for further research

Future research can use AT to investigate the boundaries and connections between
interpretative and post-humanist research. While recent studies show that consumption is
assembled (Canniford and Bajde, 2015), and this study extends the role of hybrids in
assembling consumption, the theoretical challenge remains to de-center the consumer
subject.
EJM A second avenue is investigating whether tribes can shape markets. While Martin and
Schouten (2014) demonstrated that consumption-driven market emergence is possible, their
work emphasizes the nascence of a product category, the mini-moto and its infrastructure.
Also, Hietanen and Rokka (2015) wrote about the generative aspect that tribes on
democratizing the work of music producers. Our paper joins this growing stream on the
generative aspect of consumers in markets (Kjellberg and Olson, 2017), by showing how
tribal action is market-mediated via professionalization, standardization, appropriation and
popularization. Future studies can investigate the generative capacity that tribes have to
influence market practices and shape markets.

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Corresponding author
Carlos A. Diaz Ruiz can be contacted at: c.diazruiz@auckland.ac.nz

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