The Foundation of Chinese Prehistoric Cultures
Rethinking a Trajectory of Cultural Development in the Central Plains
Zhao Hui
Key words: China prehistory culture foundation
In a previous study, I argued that within a few thousand
years of written history, a trajectory of historic
development, which rooted from cultures in the Central
Plains, could be observed. Now from an archaeological
perspective, this trajectory seems to have its starting point
at the last stage of Neolithic culture–the Longshan 龙山
period.
In considering an overall development of Chinese
Neolithic cultures, Yan Wenming 严文明 summarizes
conceptually in one term “Chinese civilization as a plu-
ralistic integration.” He explains that, due to different
environmental setting, prehistoric cultures in the main-
land of East Asia developed into a gigantic complex with
regional variants that had been interconnected and
interacted, forming a foundation of civilizations. Thus
from a global view, this complex becomes an entire cul-
tural structure of East Asian prehistory. It is my under-
standing then that “the Central Plains-rooted cultural tra-
jectory” is a part of this complex, which reflected its
progressive development.
However, my previous study was based solely on
cultural materials from archaeological sites and their
interrelationship. I argued that during the Longshan
period, the Central Plains became a unique cultural re-
gion that consisted of a few local variants but is also
distinct from neighboring regions. It was this Central
Plains cultural region that became a center of historical
development.
Multi-variations of Prehistoric Cultures and
Multi-processes towards Prehistoric
Civilizations
The basic concept of the “Typological Classification of
Regional Variations” theory is to address the formation
of semi-independent evolution with a cultural region
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although it was inevitably to influence, or be influenced
by, other regional cultures. If the nature of regional cul-
tures was created in correspondence with their social-
economic complexes–which is a normal process in ag-
ricultural societies, it means that those societies have its
own trajectory towards civilizations. This kind of rela-
tionships has been addressed in a recent collective study.
First of all, it is believed that regional societies as a
part of formation of Chinese civilizations did not have
the same trajectory. Thus we can examine this develop-
ment by dividing later prehistoric period between 4000
and 2000 BC into three phases.
During the first phase (4000–3300 BC), the
Miaodigou 庙底沟 phase of Yangshao 仰韶 culture
reached its peak. At the same time, similar prosperity
occurred in the cultural regions of the lower and middle
Yangtze River valley. The other regions retained stable.
During the second phase (3300–2500 BC), the Cen-
tral Plains region retained steadily while its internal struc-
tures were slightly re-configured. Both regional cul-
tures in the lower and the middle valleys of Yangtze
River developed into its unprecedented level,
respectively. The Haidai 海岱 region in the lower Yel-
low River valley began its progress towards civilization
around 3500 BC, and continued its steady development
since, while the Liaoxi 辽西 cultural region rose in the
Northeast about the same as the Haidai but speedily
reached its peak.
During the third phase (2500–2000 BC), cultural com-
plexes in the lower and middle valleys of Yangtze River
had suddenly a collapse, except that in the Chengdu 成
都 Plain of the upper valley walled settlements mysteri-
ously emerged. The same cultural collapse appeared in
the Liaoxi region. On the contrary, the Central Plains
societies re-emerged from a cultural pause after the
Miaodigou Phase, starting the process of above men-
Chinese Archaeology
tioned “the Central Plains-rooted culture trajectory” of
historic development.
Second, as for the reasons of such diversified process
for civilized societies, it was resulted from agricultural-
based productivity. Because of different ecological
settings, different economic strategies, and distinct tra-
ditions based on different fundamental material cultures,
the roles that handcrafts, public buildings, religions, and
warfare played in the societies would be quite different
in the process of civilizations. Thus there are two mod-
els to summarize the regional cultural development.
Model I: In environmental favorable regions like the
East and the South, the degrees of socialization and so-
cial classification were much higher. Accompanied with
new order of social structure, these societies developed
a set of hierarchical system, evidently indicated by ex-
otic craftsmanship and burial rituals. Such hierarchical
classes were also reflected in levels of settlements with
the societies.
Model II: In environmental unfavorable regions like
the West and the North, where dry-land horticultures
were practiced, the degrees of socialization and social
classification were low. Usually there were lacks of
evidence from their cultural material to distinguish dif-
ferent classes in the societies. Social conflicts and es-
tablishment of new order of social structure were based
on the differences between settlement patterns within
the societies.
Of course, the differences in process of civilizations
also occurred within the same macro-regions. For
example, the Haidai and Jiangzhe 江浙 regions, all in
the East, had the different processes. In Haidai, the es-
tablishment of new social order was based on the gradual
development from the Dawenkou 大汶口 culture to
Shandong 山东 Longshan culture, while in the latter the
Liangzhu 良渚 culture rose in a rapid way, in which
their unique religion, as a humanly-enforced driving
power, played an important role in the societies.
The Emergence of the Central Plains Cultural
Region
At the end of this so-called multi-originated evolution
process, the societies under changes tended to be
unilateral. From a broad perspective, this was related to
ecological environmental changes in East Asia. The new
evidence suggests that this primary trajectory was car-
ried on through the process of centralization in the Cen-
tral Plains region.
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In the Central Plains region, the development of so-
cial complexes halted for a short period after the pros-
perity of the Miaodigou Phase of Yangshao Culture, but
this change was insignificant compared to what was hap-
pening in a broad landscape of China. It was about 3500
BC when drier condition started to dominate in north-
ern China. The changes that occurred in post-Miaodigou
societies were resulted from climate changes that forced
the regional economy into dry-land horticulture.
From 3000 BC on, the Central Plains region, after a
period of backward development, entered a stage of so-
cial-economic reconfigure as a result of interaction
among cultural complexes. Archaeological evidence
suggests that the Miaodigou II Culture, originated from
southern Shanxi, quickly extended their territory into
western Henan, which started to press their impacts on
the societies in the central Henan around Zhengzhou 郑
州. As for the same reason, the Central Plains societies
were also influenced by expansions of the Dawenkou
Culture in the East and the Qujialing–Shijiahe 屈家岭
—石家河 Culture in the South China. Entering the
Longshan period, therefore the Central Plains began to
embrace multiple components of social complexes from
these influences, which form an unprecedented unique
body – the Central Plains Longshan Culture. The emer-
gence of this complex in the Central Plains produced an
ideal geographic as well as cultural network making all
connections for trades and communication. Outside the
periphery of this network there still existed cultural com-
plexes based on hunting-gathering-fishing economies.
Therefore, as a center of these cultural complexes, the
Central Plains complex started to play an important role
in stepping forward cultural development in Chinese
prehistory.
Natures of the Central Plains Societies
The complexity of the Central Plains societies was based
on the Model II, featuring the low degree of social clas-
sification within the societies, but the high degree of
conflicts with external societies.
Compared to other societies like those in the East
Coast regions, there were lack of cultural material that
indicates social status of elite members within the Cen-
tral Plains societies, such as highly decorated craftsman-
ship and burial rituals, either there were lack of traces
for such elite material are being developed. Thus be-
cause of poor resources and lower class diversification,
social conflicts were carried out only between external
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societies, not within societies. Archaeologically, in the
other regions, the largest sites usually are the walled
central settlement where public facilities are established.
Such walled settlements lasted for a long period, with
continuous expansion and modification. However, in
the Central Plains, the walled sites usually were not cen-
tral settlements, and usually abandoned after a short use,
with no evidence of expansion. Furthermore, archaeo-
logical evidence indicates rapid increase in perfunctory
burials, human sacrifices, and large numbers of weap-
ons including arrowheads. These reflected unstable so-
cial environment for the local societies pressed by the
neighboring societies. Following up these conflicts, the
latter might likely have immigrated into the Central
Plains, pushing reconfiguration of social structures in
the region. Therefore, under such circumstance, the so-
cial system would have two responds as follows.
First of all, there were the urgent needs for stabiliz-
ing the conflicts between societies and for re-establish-
ing a new order and/or new relations between societies
with conflicts. However, these Central Plains societies
had lacks of suitable meanings for balancing such
instability, such resources re-allocation or resources
management by one society over the other as well as
traditional roles of the religions that played in uniting
societies. Therefore, in order to establish a new social
order, they had to use a secular method, to gain a pow-
erful authority through warfare.
Second, the needs for internal adjustment are to be
corresponding to external conflicts. Thus, when war-
fare became an important daily life in those societies,
changes from their previous daily production and man-
agement must be made in order to adjust for military
competitions. During the Longshan period, the increase
of warfare could be indirect evidence suggesting the ris-
ing power of military personnel. Clearly, these military
authorities must have corresponded with social
managements, which we can find much textual evidence
from later period writing documents.
Therefore, with the rise of military authority, the so-
cial stratification began. From its appearance, such so-
cial stratification in Central Plains societies may not have
much difference from that in other regions; that is, it
started from a large and rich family within the tribe, then
down to the small family level. From archaeological
evidence, it is clear that such division happened in Cen-
tral Plains was much later than in East and South regions,
thus the degree of such division was not obvious as seen
in the other regions. In the Central Plains, the upper
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class had the least membership in the societies, and the
middle class was also less, while the majority was the
lower class members – that distribution set apart from
that in the East societies. It is evident that, in the East
societies, the social classification happened from a core
of rich group towards two polarities of social structures,
while in the Central Plains societies, the elite members
rise suddenly from poor and lower groups as a result of
speedy promotions for military personnel. Such differ-
ence of social classification between the cultural regions
was also due to poor resources management in the Cen-
tral Plains. That is also the main reason that most of
tribal societies did not collapse due to economic causes;
instead they retained within the network of social system,
serving for the upper class that started to control the
network.
Therefore, based on such intense competition and lack
of recourses, those relatively egalitarian societies were
suddenly transformed into “quasi-civilized” or civilized
societies at all.
Historic Continuity of the Central Plains
Cultures
It was the Central Plains where the plays of Three Dy-
nasties were put on. The Longshan culture in the Cen-
tral Plains has been considered to be the ultimate origin
of the Erlitou culture of Xia Dynasty. Rise of Shang
also started in this macro-region as well. Although schol-
ars are in disagreement of the place of origins for Zhou,
it is evident that Zhou formed territories that penetrated
into the Central Plains during the Late Shang Period.
For both Shang and Zhou, their origins of states were
based on the second models of the formation of
civilizations. Therefore, these similarities naturally set
them in close relations, that is, the history of Three Dy-
nasties was continuous from the foundation of the
Longshan societies. It can be summarized in following
points.
1. For the need of re-building the political orders dur-
ing the social conflicts, the Central Plains societies took
up a practical approach to open management in deal-
ing with non-conventional traditions coming from sur-
rounding societies. That was opportunistic rather than
refusal. From archaeological evidence, it is suggested
that the Longshan societies might follow the presenta-
tions of class rituals that were built up in other complex
societies in order to smooth their internal conflicts be-
tween the classes. For example, during this time ritual
Chinese Archaeology
pottery that had their origins from the societies in the
Southeast region occurred in the Central Plains societies.
At the meantime, burial rituals including burial goods
and furniture as well as size and scale of tombs became
regular within the Central Plains cemeteries, which were
to set apart in social classes. Such a ritual system com-
bined material representations and blood hood relation-
ships within self-sufficient farming-based societies, fi-
nally leading to an ancestral worship ritual that last for
centuries to influence dynastic political system and so-
cial moral behavior.
2. The way to power up the high authorities through
prestige resources re-allocation, seen in those societies
with the most jade products, become another effective
means for the Central Plains societies to build the new
social order. Special handcraftsmanship were not in
any advancement in Central Plains, although a few jade
workshops were discovered from archaeological sites
of Miaodigou II cultures in southern Shanxi, not to men-
tion ritual products for special events. However, inven-
tion of bronze casting technique had made people to
develop a capacity to obtaining and controlling new
recourses, which were reflected in their material cultures.
Therefore, Xia started to territorize southern Shanxi, and
Shang expanded into south of the Yangtze River. Even
some scholars claim that the reasons why Shang moved
their capitals so frequently were due to finding a way to
control raw materials for bronze casting. Besides those
mineral resources like copper, tin, and lead, during the
Xia-Shang period, precious resources that were wanted
included ivories, turtle shells, cowries, and hawksbill.
In order to access those rare materials, those societies
proceed with long-distance trades and exchanges. Those
activities as a part of the existing political systems in
Three Dynasties period were very important.
3. Within the societies of the first model, progression
of prehistoric religions did not advance over that in the
societies of the second models. But it is common sense
that the important role of prehistoric religion played in
stabilizing societies, that was exactly what the Central
Plains societies much needed at that time. Therefore,
ideals of “disconnection of earth-and-heaven,” were
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brought up forth by Archaic Emperor Zhuan Xu 颛顼,
who led to a religious reform. No matter how reliable
these legends could be, archaeologically it is evident that
northward spread of ritual jade was obvious. Ritual
jades, such as combined use of cong 琮 tube and bi 璧
disc, had a very important position during ceremonies
held of the Three Dynasties. The fact that tortoiseshell
divine, a conventional tradition in the South, was quickly
adopted into the North divining system, was probably
related to such transformation of religion practices. More
importantly, the Central Plains societies, with open-mind
reform advocators, took an advantage of geographic net-
working central region in mixing various cultural
elements, ideas, and systems, finally forming a founda-
tion of Chinese cultures.
4. However, every coin has two sides. Because the
Central Plains took a position in prompting military
authorization, through such open-minded management,
the results of their political system had following
disadvantages: 1) The religion was only allowed to be
practice with purposes of prompting the authority
personnel, nothing else, thus producing an impersonal-
ized power symbol, which continued to become “heaven-
and-human combination authority” idea in later history.
2) The special handcraftsmanship, even with advanced
technology, was controlled by resource-accessible po-
litical managements, thus new technology did not be-
come economic productivities, but only served for po-
litical or ritual purposes. As a result of that, these spe-
cial handcraftsmanship was not able to be independent
from agricultural economy, and furthermore the prod-
ucts were not able to become commercial goods in re-
flection of their true values. That is why there was no
political position for merchants and skill-workers dur-
ing the Three Dynasties. 3) In order to establish the
new social order, that founded on new personnel
authority, within horticultural societies that were also
newly re-configured, the Central Plains societies needed
to take on some of extreme means in place to control all
of sources of ideas and political system from other places.
That led a high degree of centralized political system
that last for the rest of ancient Chinese history.
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