THE ETHNE IN EPIRUS AND UPPER MACEDONIA ‘Tur indigenous states of Epirus and Upper Macedonia were called ethne by ancient authors regularly.’ The meaning of the Greek word ethnos is given as ‘a number of people living together’, and a note is added that ‘the ethnic groups are more usually constituted reference to kinship than to territory” (OCD! 359). In my hooks Epirus and HM 1 I maintained that the ethne of Epirus and Upper Macedonia were ‘tribal states’, based on kinship. On the other hand, M. B. Hatzopoulos has argued in 1996 that the ethne ‘in the Macedonian national territory are definitely not “tribes” but original groupings of rural communities’ (Hatzopoulos 220). He extended his theory to include the ethne of Epirus; for he wrote as follows. ‘The “clan formations” invoked by Papazoglou are as inexistent as Hammond’s “tribal states” are misleading . . . no more in Upper Macedonia than in Epirus is there the slightest vestige of groups united by parentage or descent’ (Hatzopoulos 1, 103). While I have the greatest admiration for Hatzopoulos’ work in his two volumes, I think that in this matter he has applied an incorrect method. Afier analysing the social organization of these regions under Roman rule he suggested that some institutions of that period were survivals of practices which had obtained under the kings of Molossia and Macedonia. On this hypothesis he reconstructed a system for the earlier period in which the ethne were groupings of a regional and not a tribal nature. However, in my opinion it is erroneous to argue backwards in this case: for under Roman rule Molossia was desolate and Upper Macedonia was impoverished, whereas in the earlier period Epirus had been populous and Macedonia had been flourishing. In what follows I work forward from carly times, and I study the ancient evidence’ in its historical sequence. 1, THE EARLY PERIOD ‘The earliest evidence consists of some fragments of Hecatacus which refer to conditions in the sixth century, We can supplement them with statements by Rhianus, who wrote about the middle of the third century, and by Strabo at the turn of the first century Bc to the first century AD; for both of them drew on the work of Hecatacus.’ For example, Hecatacus is cited by Strabo as giving archaic names which had different forms in classical times. At Strabo vi. 2. 4 Hecatacus used the forms Atag and AGxpos (later “A@OG and AGKHOV). At vii. called the river Aous ‘Aias’; and he had the ‘Aias’ flow from the area ‘round Lakmos’. We may therefore attribute to Hecataeus as source some other passages in which archaic names are given, especially names associated with the Pindus range. The allowing special abbreviation are wed G. L, Hammond, Epi (Oxford, 1967) Hommon in iin The Kowe af Epirus and Macedonia’, Mims Classical Shdies, 16 (1991), 183-92. Hatzopoulos = M. B. Hatzopoulos, Mocedanian Justitutions wider the Kings (Meletemata, 22.1, Athens, 1996). HM. =N.G. LH id, A History of Macedonia, i Oxford, 1972) Detailed maps with ancient and modern names are available in Epirus (e.g, maps 7,12, and 16) and in HM fe ‘maps 6, 9, ancl1; and a general map with ancient names in N.GL, Hammond (ed), Alas of the Grevk and Roman Wid in Antiguty (Princeton, 198t), map 12. The indexes of these works include references to the maps for the names of places. * My concern is with the instances of €8V0S in inscriptions and! in ancient authors and neither with the theories of what may have constivuted ‘ethnicity’, nor with “the post-war circumspection concerning ethnicity’, of which J. M. Hall hhas given an account in PCPS 41 (1995), 83-100. As Langue in piras, 447-35 and 702.348 N, G. L, HAMMOND At Strabo vii. 7. 6 the form “AparBog was used instead of the classical Arachthus, and its source was stated to be ‘Mount Tymphe’ (in Central Pindus).# At vii. 7. 8 fin. the ‘Aratthos’ and the ‘Lycormas, an earlier name of the Euenos’ flowed into the Ambracian Gulf. Plutarch (Mor. 293 ¥) gave for the river Aous a name which was clearly archaic, He was describing the very early migrations of the Acnianes: on their way from Epirus to Cirrha on the Corinthian Gulf they occupied for a time ‘the area round the Araauas, a region of Molossia’ (tfic Mohosoiag tiv nepi Tov “Apaovay ywpav KatéeCZOV), ‘from which they were named Paraouai’ (Mapaovon).5 Another version occurs in Stephanus Byzantius s.v. Mapovoior: he explained the name as ‘those living beside the Aous’. In classical times the habitat of the Parauaei was on the western flank of the Pindus range in the area reaching Vovousa on the Aous. They were then between the Molossi and the Orestae. The Orestae also were at one time ‘Molossian’; for they are so described in Hecataeus, FGrH 1 F 107 ‘Opéotou ModooorKov é6vog, and Hecatacus was probably the source of Strabo when he described ‘the Talares a Molossian tribe’ (MoAottKov 0A0v)" living on the eastern side of the Pindus range (ix. 5. 14 fiz.). Such an extension of Molossian rule was recorded as happening after an extended rule by the Chaones (vii. 7. 5). Nor were the Orestae the most distant subjects of the Molossi in the archaic period; for Strabo linked together the Orestae, the Elimiotae and the Pelagones as members of ‘the Epirotes’, that is of the Molossians.” 2. A Way OF LIFE IN THE EARLY PERIOD We have attributed to Hecatacus as the source the mention of the Talares as ‘a Molossian tribe’. It occurs in a description of the Pindus area which evidently came from Hecataeus. “The Pindus is a great mountain . . . cowards the west it has the Perrhacbi, migratory folk’ (*H Mivdog 5poc gon pe yor. . . mpd Eonépav Nepporfovc petorvaotas dvOpwmovs [EZov]) . . . upon Pindus itself there used to live the Talares, a Molossian tribe, an offshoot of those around ‘Tomaros (t@v nepi Tov Tépapov adoncopa) ‘and Acthices’. The particular interest of this passage is that it is impossible for a people and their sheep to live on Pindus during the winter, when the land is covered with snow and it is extremely cold.* It follows that the people named by Strabo lived there only in the summer months, when there are excellent pastures, particularly on greenstone formations. We can thus understand the epithet ‘migratory’ as applied to the Perrhaebi; for in the winter they went presumably from western Pindus to the Perrhaebi who were settled in north-east Thessaly near the coast. So too the Talares ‘on Pindus itself’ were there only for the summer, and at other times were in the lowlands near Dodona; for they were ‘an offshoot of those around Tomarus’, that is of the Talares settled in the neighbourhood of Dodona’s sacred mountain, Tomarus. This migratory way of life is called ‘wranshumant pastoralism’, The area which comprises South Albania, Epirus, the Pindus range, and Upper Macedonia is ideally suited by climate to §"The form “Apad80g occurs in Tod GHFi no. 2, dated 60 0. » There are no palacographical grounds for emending these passages, asin the Loch edition. © LSJ sw IIT translates QUAOV as ‘clan or tribe according to blood or descent’ and cites Itied ii. y62. If Strabo was quoting Hecataeus verbatim, Hecataeus believed that the ‘Talares were a racial unit. The word felon in this sense seems to be archaic, *Sce Epirus, 451-2 for this meaning of “Epirotes’. © As F found in the winter of 1943-4. It was then a dangerous task for a runner to cross the Pindus range from Epirus to Macedonia.THE ETHNE IN EPIRUS AND UPPER MACEDONIA. 347 this way of life, It has always been practised on a very large scale.? Epirus, for instance, was credited in 1932 with 1,400,000 sheep and goats; and in 1850 Samarina in the Pindus range had 80,000 sheep pasturing in the summer. The way of life was well described in AD 1308: ‘they do not have cities, forts and country-houses, but they live in tents and are always being moved from place to place in their own clusters and companies’ (habitant in papilionibus . . . per turmas et cognationes suas)."° In modern times the Sarakatsani, being transhumant pastoralists, lived in temporary hut-encampments (kaGBia), moved from the lowlands to mountainous areas and especially to that of Mt. Gamila to hire pastures, and operated in small ‘companies’ (nopéon), cach numbering a minimum of fifty persons. A ‘company’ of the Sarakatsani consisted of persons related by descent: hence the word cognationes in the medieval description. Two or three or more ‘companies’ clustered together for defence, and these ‘clusters’ are the furmae of the medieval description. A ‘company’ of Viachs might number as many as 500 persons. Before we leave the period of Hecatacus we should note Hecatacus F 103 A€Gapor- E6voc, Xadvev toic Eyzertais mpooeyeis .. . bmd “Apvpov dpog oiKodv. The Dexari are an archaic form of the later Dassaretii. They were subject to the Chaones, who were still powerful in the north, and their region lay south of the Encheleae, an Illyrian tribe, which had control of the Lakes."* They were neighbours of the Orestae, who were a Molossian ethnos in Hecatacus F 107. Molossian influence and Molossian control of the regions east of Pindus left a legacy which was noted much later by Strabo: for he said that ‘according to some’ in the whole area from the northeastern tribes (¢.g. the Pelagones) to Corcyra ‘the inhabitants have a similar hair- style, dialect, cloak and so on’ (vii. 7. 8). As regards the dialect we know now from the decipherment of the oracular tablets of Dodona that the dialect of local questioners was North-West Greek." It is an important point, because it differentiates the people of what became ‘Upper Macedonia’ from the Macedones proper, who spoke a dialect peculiar to themselves (Maxedovioti), 3. THE ETHNE IN THE MIDDLE PERIOD By the time of Thucydides some changes had come about. The Orestae, the Pelagones, the Lyncestae, and the Elimiotae, once under Molossian control, became ‘parts of the Macedones’ ° T have described it from my own experience in Bpira, 25-7, HM 4, 14-16 and more fully in my book Migrations and Tnoasions in Grece end Adjacent Areas (Princeton, 1976), 37-31, where references will be found to earlier works. To these may be added J. Winniftith, The Viachs (London, 1987) and H. Forbes, “The ientification of pastoralist sites within the context of estate-based agriculture in ancient Greece’, BSA (1999), 325-58 Anon., Descriptio Eurspae Orientals, ed. O. Gorka (Krakow, 1916), 25, " So also J- K. Campbell, Honour, Family and Patronage (Oxford, 1964), 41, who described a company of Sarakatsani as ‘a number of autonomous but related families joining together for the co-management of their flocks... founded ‘upon ties of kinship and marriage’. See Epirus, 457-8; Mt. Amyrom is to be identified with Mt. Tomor, asin Eperus, map 1 “The majority of the tablets record the personal {questions of people from this area. Sce the report of S, Dakaris, A. Ph. Christidis, and J. Vokotopoulou, *Les lamelies oraculaires de Dodone et les villes de MEpire du Nord’, Lilliyie mevidiouale et 'Epire dans Uantiguité, ii (Paris, 1993), 56-60, and especially n. 30 ‘les inscriptions oraculaires ~- foutrnissent un trésor inguistique du Nord-Ouest, datant du Vie siécle & la fin du itte siécle’, The name of the magistrates in Seleucid Syria GBertives in PUb.v. 54. 10 has been confirmed by an inscription mentioning Rektyives in Spria, 23 (1942-3), 2-2. These words in the North-West dialect were evidently brought from Macedonia to Syria, So too Hesyehius sx: Mednyives,348 N. G. L. HAMMOND (Strabo ix. 5. 11 fin.). So Thucydides described ‘the Lyncestae and the Elimiotae and other ethne inland’ (¢xdvaev) as being ‘of the Macedones, allied and subject to them, and having their own kings individually’ (ii. 9. 2). Then in 429 BC it was only the Atintanes who acted under a Molossian commander. The Orestac and the Parauaci campaigned together under the command of the Parauaean king (ii. 80. 5-6). They were both independent of the Molossians. The organisation of the Molossian state has become known through the discovery at Dodona of two inscriptions, dated to 370-368 BC.*4 Decrees were passed by ‘the community of Molossians’ (t0 Kotvov tévV Modocodw); and they were dated by named officials of the Molossians and named damiorgoi, each equipped with the ethnic of a constituent community, eg. the Arctanes, an €8vog "Hretp@ttKdv in Stephanus Byzantius s.v, In the one complete inscription there were ten Sojopyoi. In a later inscription, dated ‘before 330 BC’," there were fifteen ovvapyovtes, a variant of the term damiorgoi. Thus we see that the Molossian state consisted of a varying number of constituent ethne in the fourth century. In only one inscription dated to 370-368 BC was the ethnic (Arctan) associated with the inhabitants probably of a city (Eurymenae)."® A citizen of the Molossian state might be described with three ethnics, namely of the state, of the cluster and the ‘company’ to which he belonged. In SGDI 1346, dated to the reign of Alexander I (king 342-330 BC), Sabyron as prostates of the Molossians was described in addition as “Ovénepvog Kaptotés. In SGDI 1347, which is slightly later, we have Moocool “Opoares Xwmdror (Epirus, 566). In this period the setiled population lived generally in villages. Thus in 423 BC the Macedonian king wished to follow up a victory by attacking ‘the villages of Arrhabaeus’, the king of the Lyncestae (iv. 124. 4 tag tob “Appafaiov keyg). In his description of Epirus as it was probably ¢. 380-60 Bc Ps.-Scylax 28-32 wrote separately of the Chaones, Thesproti, Cassopi, and Molossi as ethne ‘living by villages’ (Kart: Kd@OC). The exceptions were in the rich plain of the Derriopes, where there were ‘cities’ (Sabo 7.9), and in Elimiotis, where Elymus was said to have founded two cities, Aeane and Elimia (Steph. Byz. s.\V). The literary tradition has been confirmed by archacological exploration. In Epirus, apart from the colonial sites such as Ambracia, there were no indigenous cities with the possible exception of remains at Kastritsa, perhaps to be identified with Eurymenae, and at Cassope. In Upper Macedonia excavation has confirmed the existence of cities in Derriopus and in Elimiotis, and archaeological surveys indicate an absence of cities in the other areas. Even of villages there is inevitably little trace.'’ Thus the general picture in both Epirus and Upper Macedonia is that the majority of the population were living as transhumant pastoralists, and the rest in open villages. » For instance near Florina Keramopoullos excavated, tee lo ey arc Hn, 85-4 c, AllEpirus und das Kinigtum der Molosser (Erlangen, 1954), 287, held that the Eurymenaei were a Molossian tribe, See Epirus, 526-7. what proved to have been an open village (PAE 1931, 55-6) In a survey of Lyncestis L. joulow and MB. Hatzopoulos reported races of thirteen ancient seatlements in Les Miles de ta Voie Egaticane enne Héracle des Lyncetes el Thesalonigne (Meleteroata, 1; Athens, 1985), 170.5THE ETHNE IN EPIRUS AND UPPER MACEDONIA 349 4. Tne LATE PeRiop ‘The late period is inaugurated by the speech of Alexander in which he describes the services of Philip II in the 350s. As it is sometimes argued that the speech was a rhetorical exercise by Arrian and not, as Arrian indicates, an actual speech (in Arrian’s own diction), it is necessary to consider part of the speech in some detail. Alexander was addressing the mutinous army of Macedones in 324 BC. He named first Philip’s service to the Macedonians who were in mountainous country, neighbouring the Ilyrians, Triballians, and ‘Thracians. These were the people of Upper Macedonia. Next he spoke of Philip’s services in annexing ‘the great part of Thrace’—that is of Thraceward Chalcidice as well as what we call Thrace; capturing the ports and opening up trade, i.e. principally on the coast of Lower Macedonia. He made it safe for Macedonians to work the mines (the richest being in Kilkis, Chalcidice, and Mt. Pangacum). Finally Philip brought the Greek city-states under his control and was appointed commander-in-chief against Persia. In this part of his speech, although all Macedonians benefited indirectly, Alexander appealed to different parts of his audience, in order to secure their support separately: It was a very practical approach, and it achieved its purpose. I see no reason for questioning the authenticity of this part of the speech." ‘Philip took you over’, wrote Arrian, ‘when you were migratory (RAavijtas) and without resources, when the majority of you in your goatskin garments (Sup8éponc) were pasturing a few flocks on the mountains . .. He gave you cloaks ({AGHVSac) instead of goatskins to wear,'? brought you down from the mountains to the plains . . . and made you inhabitants of cities’ (Arr. Anab vii. g. 2). It is a brilliant description of transhumant pastoralists in their summer pastures, and it confirms the conclusions we have reached on other grounds, that the majority of the inhabitants of Upper Macedonia had been continuously engaged in transhumant pastoralism. Evidence of Philip's policy in Upper Macedonia has been provided by the excavation of two cities in regions which had only known villages: Heraclea in Lyncestis and Celle in Eordaea.” He acted also in Epirus in 342, where his subjugation of the Elean colonies enabled the indigenous Cassopacans to establish Cassope as their capital city. ‘That Philip did bring the pastoralists ‘down to the plains’ is certain. For he needed to do so in order to have them available as soldiers, and thereby to enlarge his army (Polyaenus iv. 2. 17 weieo Sbvoynvy Ext}oat0). But he founded very few cities; for instance, in Lyncestis he founded Heraclea, but it was thereafter “the only city in Lynkos’ according to Hatzopoulos (1. 88). The excavation of T have discussed in CQ, 0.4. 49 (1999), 249-50 various objections, eg those of PAC Brunt in the second volume of his Locb edition. Hee regarded the speech as an ‘epideictic display by Arrian’ with ‘exaggerations and absurdities’ and ments in his notes at vol. fi, 298-9, “9 Vlachs in my experience wore a thick hooded garment reaching down to the eet. It was made of thick felt and rendlered waterproof by a mixture of goat-wool and sheep- wool. When I spent a day in pouring rain in such a garment, it felt like @ tent and kept me dry. Known as a ‘kapa’, it corresponds with the SG8épa of Alexander's speech. A form of it, worn over the head, is shown in a ancieot relief in MB. Sakellariou (ed), Macedanie (Athens, 1983), 85 fig. 50. On the other hand, Philip’ ‘cloaks’ were made shoet and open, flying back from the shoulders in aetion, as ibid. 87, 129, and 159. In the Greek text the word anégnve, here translated ‘made’, has the meaning rather of ‘declared’; for it expressed Philip's intention and not the extent to which he implemented it i his lifetime. * The site at Gradista near Petres was id Celle by M. B. Haczopoulos and me (see ATAH ane! Hatzopoulos 1, 9§ m. 4); according to D. J. Blackman in AR 44 \.q47-8), 88 ‘it may have been founded in the second half of the fourth century ae”. For a summary of the excavations there see P. Adam-Veleni in Aéxa Xpovia Apxmokonxs Epyo om MaxeBovia Kai Spéixn (Thessalonike, 1997) 6-8 ified with, 7 (1982), 197350 N. G. L. HAMMOND Gradista, identified as Celle, has led to the conclusion that ‘it may have been founded in the second half of the fourth century BC’, i.e. probably by Philip. It seems, then, that Philip settled the pastoralists in open villages, in which each company retained its racial character. After Philip's death the conquests of Alexander offered better opportunities for Macedonians in Asia, and there is no evidence of new cities being established in Upper Macedonia in the Hellenistic period. In Epirus Philip acted in 342. His subjugation of the Elean colonies enabled the indigenous Cassopaeans of the Preveza peninsula to develop Cassope as their city. But the great change came about in Pyrrhus’ reign (he died in 272 BC). It was revealed by my archaeological survey of Epirus; for a hundred or so sites with circuit-walls were discovered and most of them were dated by me to the latter part of his reign. As walled sites they could be called méAeic, ‘cities’, although half of them were no larger than villages. The other indication that there were very many communities in Epirus is provided by the great number of ethnics. In 1993 P. Cabanes knew of some eighty ethnics from inscriptions found mainly at Dodona and at Buthrotum;® so, when we take the rest of Epirus into account, the total number of ethnics must have been two or three hundred. ‘The majority of the very numerous ethne are likely to have been, as in the past, racial communities. ‘There are indications in the ancient evidence that the Thesproti and the Molossi considered themselves to be racial ethne. They were thinking of themselves as an original group—the Thesproti proper and the Molossi proper—and not as a group increased by ruling over others. ‘Thus Stephanus Byzantius Alyeotaiot, of Gzonpatoi, dard twos Alytotov otpatnyod, dg “ALUPVOLOL dtd “ApUpVOD, ‘Aegestaei, the Thesproti, from Aegestes a commander, as Amymnaci from Amymnus’. The hesproti surely thought of themselves as the racial descendants of the ‘Thesproti of the Odyssey and of the Cyclic Epic Thesprotis, and the priestesses of Dodona will have encouraged Pindar to write of ‘Thesprotian Dodona’ (Strabo vii. 7. 11). The Molossi had no Homeric ancestry. But there is a Molossus, the eldest son of the Homeric Neoptolemus, son of Achilles. He is mentioned by Pausanias in a passage which is full of eponymous ancestors (i. 11. 2). Pausanias made the point that the kings of the Molossi were descendants not of Molossus but of his brother Pielus. The presence of Molossus in this family tree was presumably as the eponymous ancestor of the Molossi. | am of course concerned with the way in which the ethne regarded themselves, and not with the truth or falsehood of what they claimed. According to Plutarch, Pyrhus t. 2, ‘divine honours were paid in Epirus to Achilles who was called in the local dialect Aspetos’ (see also Hsch. s.«). This worship was evidently practised by the Molossi because of their belief that they were descended from Achilles’ grandson, Molossus. If the name Aspetos is to be attributed to the archaic period, like some such names in the fragments of Hecataeus, then the Molossi were already thinking of themselves as an ethnos with a worship of their own. There is an analogy in the case of the ‘Tymphaei; for they worshipped Zeus under the name Deipaturos, probably as the god of their mountain Tymphe (Hsch. s.v. Aeutctwpog). The Hellenistic period was one of great prosperity. In comparing it with the conditions of the Roman period Strabo made the general comment: ‘Although the cthne were small and many and insignificant (vii. 7. 3 486Ev), yet it was not altogether difficult to draw their boundaries because they were so populous (tet TH evavdpiav) and because they were ruled by their own kings’. Of Epirus in particular he wrote that ‘the whole of Epirus was populous’ Listed im Bpiras, 659-61 with approximate L. Harenond (Matedoita, Pasartema 7; Thessalonike, ‘measurements, 99. The mumber of ethnics in the whole of Epirus and See the preceding note, and P Cabanes in A@tépaya —Uer Macedonia wat have numbered some hunt.THE ETHNE IN EPIRUS AND UPPER MACEDONIA 351 (vii, 7. 9 eddvépel). With Upper Macedonia in mind he remarked that in contrast to what happened later ‘there were cities in the ethne’, and he named one of Pelagonia’s ‘three cities’, three of the cities in Derriopus, and Aeginium as a city of the ‘Tymphaci. 5. THE ROMAN PERIOD In 167 in Epirus the Romans sacked seventy cities, mainly of the Molossians, and deported 150,000 persons (Polyb. xxx. 15). Strabo wrote of the condition of Epirus 150 years later. it is mostly desolate, and the inhabited places are left in the form of villages and are in ruins’ (vii. 7. 9 fin. Viv 88 ta ROAAC ev épnpice Katéxer, ta 8 oiKOUPEVA. KeOpNBdV Kai EV Epeutiotc Aeineton). Archaeology confirms this account. S. Dakaris has reported the evidence of widespread destruction, especiall Molossia, and I have described the fate of a Molossian city at Ammotopos, of which the circuit-wall was deliberately demolished and the parts of the abandoned houses still stand.** Even Dodona was deserted (vii. 7. 10 init.). In Upper Macedonia the cities of the Hellenistic period did not exist in the time of Strabo (vii. 7-9 init). People lived, as they had done in the carly period, in companies of pastoralists and in open villages. An inscription of the second century AD provides an insight into conditions. It was found at Kranokhori on the western flank of Mt. Grammos in the territory of the Orestae, who were a ‘gens libera’ (Pliny ALY iv. 35). It recorded a decision taken by the [Blattynaei in their Assembly, and it was signed by 56 men, who were ‘the citizenry’ (H] noAtteio). The decision concerned the grazing and the cutting of stakes on the community's land. We see here a small ‘company’ of pastoralists trying to protect their summer pastureland from encroachment.*5 Some other communities of the second century AD are known from inscriptions. In Pelagonia ‘the community of Neapolitae’ (NeautoAerta@v TO KOLOY) was a part of ‘the State of the Argestaei’ (¥ téw ’Apyeataiwv TOAtG) and as the relief shows women wearing the thick cloak (now the ‘kap: the Neapolitae were transhumant pastoralists, like the [BJattynaci.*® A ‘community of Dostoneis* in Derriopus recorded a vote of gratitude (Aootavéay 10 KoLVOY) nse iption in Latin, found at Vitoliste in Derriopus, concerned boundary-markers between ‘the Geneatae’ and ‘the . . xin’, that is between two village communities.” Another inscription, dated towards the end of the second century AD, which was found at Bela Crkva in northern Derriopus, named ‘the village of the Alcomenaei’, 1) “Adxopevatiooy x@pn.** These inscriptions show that we are correct in regarding the companies of transhumant pastoralists and the open village communities as constant features of life in Epirus and Upper Macedonia throughout their history. 6, SOME CONCLUSIONS ABOUT THE ‘The issue at stake, as I noted in the introduction, is whether the ethne were in my terms ‘tribal states’ and in Papazoglou's terms ‘clan formations’ or in Hatzopoulos’ terms ‘original groupings of rural communities’. Since the Concise Oxford Dictionary gives ‘clan’ as synonymous with ‘tribe’, Papazoglou ATURE OF THE ETHNE ¥ In BSA 48 (1953), 135-40 = my Collected Stadies 2 1993), 279-92 and Hatzopoulos 1, 79-82 (Amsterdam, 1993), 69-74 with plates * Spomert, 71 (1961), no. 63 and no. 88. 5 The best text is in_A. Rizakis and J. Touratsoglou, ® Ibid. no. 437 Dostoneis} and BCH 47 (1923), no. 277 Enuypagés Aveo Maxedowas, + (Athe lite} 985), with a full bibliography on p. 169, to which sh added K. Buraselis in Ancient Macedonia, ¥ (352 N. G. L. HAMMOND and I are in agreement.” My meaning in my words ‘tribal state’ is expressed best by Collins English Dictionary. “Tribe, a social division of a people . . . defined in terms of common descent.” In alll periods, as we have seen, a basic social division in Epirus and Upper Macedonia was the ‘company’ of transhumant pastoralists. It was a familial group, descent being traced in the male line and being preserved by a high degree of endogamy. The ancient evidence indicates that at least some ‘companies’ and some ‘clusters’ of companies derived a common descent from an eponymous ancestor, Thus Pielus was the ancestor of the Peiales, Pergamus of the Pergamii, and Cestrinus of the Gestrini (these are listed in Paus. i. 11. 1-2); and Genous appeared as the ancestor of the Genoaei, Aegestaeus of the Aegestaci, and Amymnus of the Amymnaei (given by Steph. Byz. s.vv). The traditions of these eponymous ancestors are likely to date at least from the archaic period; for Pindar traced the descent of the Molossian royal family, the Acacidae, from Neoptolemus, a son of Achilles (Nemean iv. 51. vii. 38; cf Paean vi. 10)” My conclusion, then, is that the ‘companies’ and the ‘clusters’ were ‘tribal’ communities. On the other hand, they were not ‘groupings of rural communities’; for the companies and the clusters of the pastoralists were nomadic and not identifiable with rural settlements. Indeed cach of these ethne, however small, may be called a ‘tribal state’, if we accept the OED definition of a state as an ‘organized political community’. In the carly period and in the middle period the scttled population, as distinct from the nomadic pastoralists, lived only in open villages. Each village was self-standing; it had its own territory and its own community of citizens. In origin this type of village was ‘an outgrowth of a household’, xouxie. oixiag, and was correctly defined as ‘a partnership of several households’, ék maetovev oiKi@y Kowovie. (Arist. Pol. 1252b 16-18). Its racial character was probably maintained under the primitive conditions of life in most periods in Epirus and Upper Macedonia. It was of course ‘a rural community’; but there is no indication in the ancient evidence that there were ‘original groupings’ of these rural communities. My conclusion, then, is that in the early period and in the middle period the large ethne—the Molossians, Chaonians, Orestae ete.—were composed of tribal communities (the ‘companies’ and the villages) and should therefore be described as ‘tribal states’. The term ‘states’ is justified by what we have learnt of the organization of the Molossian ethnos from the inscriptions of the early fourth century BC. As a final comment we may note that the names of some tribal states reveal the importance of the transhumant pastoralists. The Tymphaei surely took their name from the summer pastures of Mt. Tymphe in southern Pindus. Other such names were the Parauaei, occupying summer pastures in the area of Vovousa in western Pindus; and the Paroraei, occupying summer pastures near the source of the Arachthus river, rising from southern Pindus (Strabo vii. 7. 8 and vii. 7. 6)! Clare College, Cambridge N. G. L, HAMMOND © In ‘Sur les koina régionaux de la Haute Macédoine’ Zoo Antike, 4 (1959), 170, she wrote of ‘les grandes tribus". © These traditions were no doubt handed down by the The ancient evitience does not enable us to see how in other areas a collection of tribal communities became associated to form a stare. In Upper Macedonia each canton priestesses and the priests of Dodona, the oldest shrine in Greece. They were collected and probably reorganised by Rhianus and by Theagenes, writers of the Hellenistic period (Gor Rhianus see Epins, 701 and far Theagenes see HM 41-2}. Theopompus named Helenus, son af Priam, ancestor of the Chaonian royal farnily (RGIH 115 F 355) vas self-sufficient in chat it provided arable land in plains and summer pastures on the surrounding mountains; for instance Pelagonia and Derriopus were enclosed by Mt. Plakenska, Mt Babana and Mt. Barhous (see HM 1, maps 1, 6, and g). Hete the geographical conditions may have helped the association of the eomm w forma state. But that was not so in Epirs