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THE TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 607
istic world-view, many other thought-systems may begin to appear
to a great many people as equally feasible ways of approaching
reality. Then thought and the status of thinking can become mat
ters of general social concern rather than the exclusive problem of
raphy that idealism has in philosophy; and that the advent of one
signals the imminence of the other. Intellectual history centers
attention on man's highest faculties-his reason, his will, his emo
tions-but, curiously, it conduces to the kind of pessimism found in
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608 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 609
an age or culture, it
pervades the historiographical profession of
may not mean that something is dead; but it certainly means that
something has changed. It may suggest, as the advent of idealism in
philosophy does, thatmen have become less interested in transform
ing their world than in enjoying the privileged positions they
occupy in it. It may even be that the advent of intellectual history
as a form of historiography signals the appearance of
predominant
times when dominant classes wish to freeze society in its present
state or to deny either the possibility or desirability of social change
of any sort.
If such is the case, then the conceptual antithesis of intellectual
history in historiography is dialectical materialism. And indeed, in
the Soviet Union, where dialectical materialism is enthroned as
historiographical orthodoxy, there has been very little interest in
intellectual history. We need not speculate on whether this situa
tion reflects a felt confidence in the capacity of the Soviet social
system to meet whatever challenges its enemies might offer to it or
whether it is a result of a general adherence to theMarxian theory
that socially significant thought always follows after (and is estab
lished by) changes in themodes of production. A dialectical materi
alist is understandably interested less in what men thought was the
case in different times and places than in the
relationship between
the socio-political superstructure and themodes of production. For a
consistent dialectical materialist, what men thought was the case is
always a function of a perfectly comprehensible relationship between
an individual's place in the socio-political order and the interest he
has in sustaining or changing the current modes of production.
This is not to say that he will have no interest in the history of
thought at all; it is just that what men think and why they think
it is not a special problem for him, as it is for anyone without his
explanatory system.
As a historian, a dialectical materialist may cherish those indi
viduals who "correctly" foresaw the way history was tending at a
particular time and who took a "proper" position on the main
social issues of their day. In principle, he should have no difficulty
in regarding ideologically burdened thinkers of the past with detach
ment and even with sympathy, since the reasons for their conscious
or unconscious distortions of reality have been rendered transparent
by the Marxian analysis of the ubiquity of the class struggle
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610 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 611
which they belonged and the capacity of minds which, because of
their threatened nature in declining or disintegrating social situa
tions, were driven to perceptions of social reality far superior to
many self-designated dialectical materialists. Luk cs, however, was
criticized by Bukharine and Zenoviev, the arbiters of thought in the
Comintern and accused of idealist deviationism; eventually he him
self suppressed his book. Nonetheless, the insights contained in it
continued to dominate his studies of literary history (Goethe and
His Age, Studies in European Realism, and The Historical Novel)
in which such bourgeois artists as Goethe and Scott and such
"reactionaries" as Balzac are granted a range of vision and profun
dity of understanding of what he calls "social reality" far beyond
anything that conventional Marxists are likely to grant them. Of
course, the test of such qualities lies in the extent to which they
approached or fell away from Marxist perceptions of history; but
the correlations Luk cs makes between consciousness and society in
the nineteenth century are truly impressive and for the most part
convincing in their broad terms.
Luk cs' example and above all his theory of historical conscious
ness as set forth in Geschichte und Klassenbewusstsein have inspired
many contemporary Marxist historians to try to discredit the two
principal approaches to intellectual history that flourish outside
Marxist circles: a kind of sublimated idealism on the one hand and,
on the other, a kind of Darwinian
conception of the history of ideas
in which whatever has survived inWestern thought is taken to have
its own sociological justification and to require no further analysis
of its ideological weight in the social struggles of the community
under study.
The principal immediate predecessor of contemporary Western
intellectual historiography, that Kulturgeschichte which arose dur
ing the middle decades of the nineteenth century and of which
Jacob Burckhardt was the outstanding practitioner, was manifestly
reactionary in its political posture. Burckhardt's approach to the
was in method and in itsmanner
subject impressionistic typological
of presentation, programmatically anti-scientific and self-consciously
aestheticist in its desired effects.This aestheticist approach had a
scientistic counterpart in the Geistesgeschichte ofWilhelm Dilthey,
whose principal heirs were Max Weber and Friedrich Meinecke.
Dilthey brought to his study of the history of ideas a lingering
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612 THE MONIST
respect for Positivism, which required him to pay lip service to the
ideal of a science of society, based on a combination of sociology,
psychology, and Rankean historicism, to which Geistesgeschichte
was supposed to contribute as the basis for a scientific theory of
mind. But like Burckhardt, who vested themotive power of history
in an ineffable Schopenhauerian will, Dilthey fell back on the
conception of Erlebnis,
a kind of Germanic lan vital, that was as
incomprehensible in itsmachinations as it was supposedly fertile in
the production of new cultural forms. Both movements reflected a
reassess the
pervasive need in late nineteenth century thinkers to
main achievements of Western culture in the light of social devel
opments inaugurated by the French Revolution, that is to say, to
assess the value of traditional European culture on the one side and
the relative worth ofmass democracy on the other.
Although both Kulturgeschichte and Geistesgeschichte have
been interpreted as late counterparts of Hegel's phenomenology of
mind, in reality they are more understandable as part of the effort
mounted by social conservatives to meet the threat presented to
them by Neo-Positivism in philosophy and by Marxism in politics.
The irrationalist conclusions of Burckhardt and Dilthey effectively
denied the possibility of a science of consciousness. Their efforts to
turn thought to the study of consciousness as an independent ele
ment of cultural life, worthy of the same consideration as that
lavished by earlier historians on political, social, and economic phe
nomena, had the effect of historicking consciousness itself, of remov
ing it from the position of dominance that it had enjoyed in Hegel's
system, but also of disengaging it from the socio-economic matrix in
which Marx had embedded it in his work. If it also had the effect of
undermining the authority which Kant and Comte had vested in
science, by relegating it to the status of one among many possible
world-views, this seemed small enough price to pay for discrediting
Marx's claims for a scientifically sanctioned socialism.
Late nineteenth-century theorists of consciousness-among whom
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 613
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614 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 615
historian concentrates on philosophical and religious works, artistic
and literary monuments, and social and political tracts-and wher
ever it seems profitable, biographical and social historical materials
that might contribute to some oblique illumination of why it was
that certain works appeared or became popular when and where
they did. For the professionally recognized intellectual historian,
the task has remained-as it was for Ranke-the reconstruction of
the past "as it really was," the past being the intellectual, or
spiritual, tone of an age rather than its or social institu
political
tions.
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616 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 617
derivation of the actions of the men of that age from the patterns
thus postulated. Marxism or some form of sociological determinism
has the advantage here, for in the conviction that the course of ideas
must follow the course of institutions (as Vico put it), it has a rule
for making the necessary transitions between thought and action.
But "sociologism" has become as much a b te noire to the profes
sional historian as Marxism, with the result that he has been forced
into a kind of diluted idealist conception of the history of ideas that
lacks both the vigor and clarity of its Hegelian variety, and with
which he is equally ill at ease.
Whether he likes it or not, the intellectual historian is forced to
decide whether the thought of an age illuminates the action, or the
reverse. Of course, one need not choose monolithically between the
two alternatives, but unless he fails tomake the choice pari passu in
the construction of his narratives, the historian runs the risk of
excessive ambiguity or equivocation of judgment. As a specialized
sub-branch of history-in-general, intellectual historiography must
have some criterion for determining which data can be constituted
as evidence and which can be eliminated. Yet the more general the
criterion, the more flabby the resulting narrative; the more specific
the criterion, themore idosyncratic the product.
Those intellectual histories that have come under the most
severe attack at the hands of the professional historians are those
that claim to represent the general spirit or dominant world-view of
a whole culture, such as the Hellenic, or a whole age, such as the
Renaissance. For every intellectual history purporting to establish
the essentially humanistic bases of Greek civilization, there are fifty
general historians prepared to document evidences of its essential
theism. And so too for the Renaissance, the Baroque, the Enlight
enment; for concepts such as Mannerism, Idealism, and Romanti
cism; or for an emotive atmosphere, such as the "optimism" of the
Enlightenment or the "pessimism" of the late Roman Empire.
Intellectual historiography seems to progress by the conflict between
specialized monographers and general synthesizers, just as other
branches of historiography do; but it seems more prone to contro
versy, because it categories touch, not only upon the "essences" of
different ages and groups, but upon the "essence" of human nature
as well, in a way that social, political, and even economic
history do
not. This is perhaps why some of the best work in contemporary
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618 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 619
each successive "matching" of a picture of the world-reality be
followed by yet another "making" of the picture. The "remaking"
is, in Gombrich's theory, the occasion for the production of a new
artistic style; for Kuhn it is the occasion for the creation of a new
a canon sanctioned by
discipline and qualification of the theoretical
the established "paradigm" or world-view. Moreover, for both of
these historians, genuine revolutions in sensibility-such as the
creation of realism in Greek art, or the Copernican-Newtonian
an overloading
synthesis in the seventeenth century-are results of
of a received mechanism of encodation beyond its capacity to func
tion at all. The overloading gives rise to what amounts in Kuhn's
metaphor to a quantum-leap in sensibility, in which the "anoma
lous cases" of the old "normal science" are taken as primary data in
the constitution of a new "paradigm" and with it a new "normal
science." Such a reversal or inversion took place in science in the
seventeenth and again in the early twentieth century, Kuhn argues;
and such a reversal seems to be occurring in contemporary art,
according to Gombrich.
The important contribution of these theories lies less in their
designation of when a "revolution" in sensibility occurs than in the
kind of research tasks they suggest to other workers in their fields.
Instead of leading out, to general questions of the world-historical
course of human consciousness or the nature and destiny of man, as
the older idealistic conceptions of intellectual history do, Gombrich
and Kuhn's approach leads into the subject, to concentration on the
relations between theories and procedures within specific disciplines
and stylistic conventions and to the dynamic interaction and mu
tual influences of conflicting thought-styles. By focussing study on
the relationship between theory and practical applications of
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620 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 621
Foucault's de la folie
Histoire l' ge classique (1961) and Les
mots et les choses: Une
arch ologie des sciences humaines
(1966)
and Bardies' Michelet par lui-m me (1954) and Sur Racine
(1960)
are less histories of thought or even of
practices than virtuoso
"readings" of the relevant established documents in the effort to see
how far one can utilize Marx, Freud, Sartre, Hegel, Durkheim, and
almost anyone else the historian happens to be
acquainted with, in
the "unearthing" of the "structures" that make
specific styles of
thought and action possible. These are
genuinely "underground"
histories of thought or sensibility, owing as much to the
example of
Nietzsche's Genealogy ofMorals as to that is to
anything; say, they
are searches for the kind of
psychological data that gets obscured in
repression in the hope of piercing through or uncovering the "lived
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622 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 623
tion; and it allows Barthes to account forMichele t's original popu
larity and later obscurity by an original convergence and subse
quent divergence of his and his publics' "obsessions." To be sure,
this kind of intellectual history has been criticized as overly preci
ous and modishly responsive to Parisian intellectual fads, as irre
sponsible with respect to the texts and the academic scholarship on
the subjects dealt with, and, above all, as sharing the same "syn
chronie" bias as L vi-Strauss' studies of primitive cultures (as in La
pens e sauvage). The attack has been mounted from the academic
right as well as from theMarxist left. But the approach has found
favor in the powerful Annales coterie, and gives evidence of rising
rather than falling in the immediate future.
The intellectual historian who has spanned the gap between the
"synchronie" and the "diachronic" structuralists is Lucien Gold
mann, a student of Piaget, a historian of philosophy and literature,
and a Marxist of theHegelian (or,more precisely, early Luk csian)
persuasion. Goldmann's work ranges over the whole of Western
thought and expression from the seventeenth century (on Pascal
and Racine) through the twentieth (on Andr Malraux). He calls
his approach "genetic structuralism" to distinguish it from the
ahistorical varieties noted above. The problem of intellectual his
tory, as Goldmann sees it, is to treat major literary and philosoph
ical creations, not in terms of their contents (since here the artist or
thinker is able to exercise the greatest freedom of choice), but in
terms of the "structures of the universe of the work" which are
to the mental structures of certain social . . ."
"homologous groups.
The group, Goldmann maintains,
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624 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 625
French aristocracy, and from the French aristocracy to the history of
French society as a whole in the age under study. The important
point for Goldmann is that research should expand outward, from
the texts to the social groups to which they are structurally homol
ogous, rather than inwardly, from the texts to the psychoanalytic
investigation of their authors. The tactic is sociological, and specifi
cally Marxist, but Goldmann's Marxism is of the Hegelian variety
of the early Luk cs, which means that he is sensitive to the enor
mous variations in consciousness met with in different writers and
thinkers and to the possibilities of clear perceptions of reality in
reactionary, no less than in progressive, thinkers. He does not pre
tend that class origin or allegiance explains everything in the texts,
nor is he interested in "explaining away" the genius of those who
opposed the values for which Marxism militates. On the contrary,
he explains themarvelous diversity of French thought and letters in
the late seventeenth century by the fact that, for a while, the
monarchy stood above, and mediated between, the various classes,
representing no one of them exclusively; this, in Goldmann's
view, provided the objective conditions within which thinkers and
writers of all the different classes could give full and open expression
to the visions of the world, the "imaginary universes,"
aspired to
individually by them. Taken all in all, Goldmann's work is a
hopeful sign of a revival of interest in intellectual history by Marx
ist scholars and evidence of a continuation of that interest in the
history of consciousness that flowered, only to be crushed, just after
World War I. And in my opinion, it offers the best suggestions for
dealing with those cataclysmic transformations-those revolutions
in sensibility-which the structuralism of Gombrich and Kuhn on
the one side and of Foucault, Barthes, and the Anuales group on
the other have avoided trying to analyze in any
sociologically signifi
cant way.
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626 THE MONIST
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 627
Hecht's article on "Social History/' Ibid., VI, 455-62; the volume ded
icated to "The Historiography of the History of Philosophy," Beiheft
5 of History and Theory: Studies in the Philosophy ofHistory (Middle
town, Conn.: Press, 1965), the article
Wesleyan University especially by
Maurice Mandelbaum, "The History of Ideas, Intellectual History, and
the History of Philosophy," pp. 33-66; John C. Greene, "Objectives and
Methods in Intellectual History," Mississippi Valley Historical Review,
44, No. 1 (June, 1957), 58-74; and the Presidential Address delivered
to the American Historical Association in 1967 by Hajo Holborn, "The
of Ideas," American Historical Review, 73, No. 3 (February,
History
1968), 683-95.
The place of intellectual history in both American and European
historiography is delineated in John Higham, Leonard Krieger, and
Felix Gilbert, History, a volume of the Princeton Studies dedicated to
the survey of "Humanistic in America," ed. Richard Schlatter
Scholarship
(Englewood Cliffs,N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965); see also, on European
intellectual history, the comprehensive study of Pietro Piovani, Filosof a e
storia delle idee (Bari: Laterza, 1965). On Russian historiography and
the place of intellectual history within it, see Arthur P. Mendel, "Current
Soviet Theory of History: New Trends or Old?" American Historical
Review, 72, No. 1 (October, 1966), 50-73; and the responses of the
M. L. Malkov to a on
Soviet historians, J. Gefter and V. questionnaire
Soviet historiography prepared by Professor Mendel, "Reply to a Ques
tionnaire on Soviet Historiography," History and Theory, 6, No. 2 (1967),
180-207.
The sociology and history of intellectual historiography have not
been studied much, although Karl Manneheim's classic Ideology and
Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, trans. Louis
Wirth and Edward Shils (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1946)
offers helpful hints as to how these might be approached, especially in
Parts I-II. On ancient histories of see the remarks of
thought, Philip
P. Wiener, "Some Problems and Methods in the History of Ideas," in
Ideasin Cultural Perspective, ed. Philip P. Wiener and Aaron Noland
(New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1962), pp. 24-41; and
Robert P. Pfeiffer, on the historical thought of the Hellenistic age, in
History of New Testament Times, With an Introduction to the Apoc
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628 THE MONIST
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TASKS OF INTELLECTUAL HISTORY 629
English versions.
On Luk cs, see the work of one of his former students, now a critic,
Jozsef R vai, La litt rature et la d mocratie populaire: propos de
Georg Luk cs (Paris: Les ditions de la Nouvelle Critique. 1951) ; and
Morris Watnick, "Relativism and Class Consciousness: Luk cs,"
Georg
in Revisionism: Essays on the History of Marxist Ideas, ed. Leopold
Labedz (New York: Praeger, 1962), which also contains accounts of
Bloch and references to Korsch. The works cited in the text of this
article have all been translated, with the exception of Geschichte und
Klassenhewusstsein, which can be had in what appears to be a pirated
French version: Histoire et conscience de classe: Essais de dialectique
marxiste, trans. Rostas Axelos and Bois ditions de
Jacqueline (Paris:
Minuit, 1960). To these should be added Luk cs*manifestly "Stalinist"
history of ideas in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries: Die
Zerst rung der Vernunft (Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag,
1959).
Intellectual historiography in Germany has tended to remain either
locked within the older history-of-ideas tradition, represented by Meinecke
(on whom, seeWalter Hofer, Geschichtschreibung und Weltanschauung:
Betrachtungen zum Werk Friedrich Meineckes [Munich: R. Oldenburg,
1950] ), or the Existentialism of Jaspers and Heidegger. Karl L with's
Von Hegel zu Nietzsche (Zurich: Kohlhammer, 1941), English transla
tion by David E. Green (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc.,
1964), represents the latter school-on which, see Berthold Riesterer,
"Karl L with's Anti-Historicism," in The Uses of History, ed. Hayden
V. White (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1968). The work of
Freidrich Heer should also be noted as a Roman Catholic variation on
the same tradition: Aufgang Europas (Vienna-Zurich: Europa Verlag,
1949), and Europ ische Geistesgeschichte (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
1953). Much of the best intellectual historical work done by German
scholars appeared outside of Germany, due to the necessity of flight
from the Nazis. Gombrich himself is an outstanding
example, as ismuch
of the work published in the Journal of the
Warburg and Courtauld
Institute of which he is head. Other examples are Erich Auerbach's
mag
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630 THE MONIST
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