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Safatle - Fear and Helplessness
Safatle - Fear and Helplessness
Vladimir Safatle
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Fear, Helplessness, and Political
Bodies as Circuits of Affect
Freud on Social Emancipation
vladimir safatle
is the cogito ergo sum of the State.”16 It is difficult not to get into
a situation where we finally hope for “a legal framework from
which real conflict has been banished, and in which there are
only rules to enforce.”17 For the Hobbesian state is a state of social
protection that uses every possible power for carrying out its task
without any external constraint; it is an administrative machine
that knows no coercion given its sole function of ensuring the
physical existence of those it protects.
Within this relationship of non-relations, the legitimacy of a
sovereignty founded upon the capacity to provide protection
and security needs to perpetuate an image of the disaggregat-
ing violence and imminent violent death if the social space is no
longer controlled by a sovereign will of broad powers. Since the
State is nothing more than “civil war constantly impeded by an
insurmountable force,” it must continually provoke the feeling of
helplessness, of the imminence of the state of war, immediately
turning it into a fear of extreme vulnerability, in order to legiti-
mize itself as a force of protection based on the perpetuation of
our dependence.18 Indeed, we must be more precise and remem-
ber that sovereign authority has its legitimacy secured not only
by instituting a relationship based on fear of the sovereign itself,
but mainly by providing the image of a possible detachment
from a social fantasy concerning the imminent disintegration of
the social and the constant risk of violent death. Hobbes call this
social fantasy the “war of all against all.” It is through the perpet-
uation of the imminence of such fantasy that the sovereign au-
thority finds its foundation. It is by nourishing such social fantasy
that the “pacifying power” of political representation is justified.
Only in this way can fear “conform the will of all” individuals, as
if it were the true sculptor of social life.
A Politics of Helplessness
subject in his agency and of the symbolic order that supports him
in his capacity for determination.27
But it is not obvious why an affect of this nature could have a
political function, except within a model of “psychologization”
of social demands in which political demands tend to turn into a
search for multiple forms of protection or care. In this situation,
political demands for social transformation become demands of
care directed at the current instance of power. The emergence of
political subjects with their force of transformation is not possi-
ble, since we only have punctual demands for reparation before
a power constituted and recognized as such. But if, for Freud,
admitting the vulnerability of helplessness is a fundamental con-
dition for social emancipation, this is because it is not an expe-
rience of resignation in the face of vulnerability, a demand for
care by proto-paternal figures of authority, or an experience of
continuous political exploitation of fear. What we have in Freud
is a way of affirming helplessness, with its ontological insecuri-
ty, that can lead us to the consequent reduction of demands by
figures of authority based on the phantasmatic constitution of a
sovereign force or even by providential beliefs to guide the tele-
ological understanding of historical processes. The helplessness
shows us how political action is action on the bottom of ontolog-
ical insecurity.
It should be noted that helplessness as a political affect should
not be confused, at least in this context, with the resigned accep-
tance of some kind of disenchantment related to the disinflation
of our expectations of social reconciliation. This should not be
confused as the “mature” acceptance of the nonexistence of some
sort of providence to guide us, as if it were the case of confusing
“political maturity” with some form of affirmation of the nec-
essarily deceptive character of common experience. In all these
cases, affirming helplessness would transform melancholy into
an affectively democratic life thought as a general cooling of the
passions of rupture, as an accommodation to the finitude of the
limited power of our actions.
In fact, we can follow another path and understand helpless-
82 The Undecidable Unconscious 4, 2017
The goal of the Freudian text seems clear: to break with the illu-
sion that sustains the link between politics and the production of
collective identities. Freud shows how in the heart of the identi-
fications with the sovereign power that constitute the people as
a unity, something deprives the people of the security of rela-
tionships of filiation. Freud does not deny the constitutive role of
vertical identification between the authority and what will be the
people.32 To refuse this idea would undermine his thesis on the
productive nature of the libidinal ties. Instead, Freud affirms that
“the man Moses created the Jews.” He grants that there are imag-
inary identifications that determine the repertoire of ideational
84 The Undecidable Unconscious 4, 2017
images that will guide the ideal “I” and that there are symbolic
identifications that define the ways that subjects assume symbol-
ic functions. But beyond that there are what we must call “real
identifications” that confront subjects with an unassimilable and
un-representable core in the Other. These identifications remain
unbearable as long as they dispossess the subject from stable and
secure determinations. They produce an encounter that, though
initially refused, will continue to sound until they create new po-
litical ties. In fact, Freud uses Moses to talk about these real iden-
tifications as a creative force of political subjects. Such identifica-
tions, which allow the realization of a logic of incorporation that,
in a certain way, denies itself, have something unbearable insofar
as they forsake the subjects of stable and secure determinations.
They dispossess them, producing a mismatch that, while being
violently refused at first, continues to resonate until they are able
to create completely new political ties. It is from these real iden-
tifications and from his force of creation of political subjects that,
in his own way, Freud speaks.
We know that the ground of Freud’s argument is the idea that
Moses was an Egyptian who gave to the Jews the monotheistic
religion of Ikhnaton, the Aton religion. He is a foreign leader, a
strange and unassimilable body in the heart of power. A narcis-
sistic identification is not possible here. Moses is not like his peo-
ple: he doesn’t speak the same native language, he doesn’t have
the same history, and he doesn’t act from the same affects. His
religion is without an imaginary; it is refractory to any ritual. It
is the expression of a god who is silent when asked who he is,
answering with just the empty tautology “I am who I am.”
There is no specularity between the Egyptian Moses and the
Jews. Moses is so strange to the Jews that he left no determination
to be transmitted in a common language of representations. All
he leaves is a trace, something that appears in the biblical texts as
distortion (Entstellung), a trace that de-completes the text, point-
ing to “another scene” where we find the effects of the intoler-
able nature of a “highly spiritualized religion,” unable to care
for the Jews and give them a “satisfaction of their necessities.”
Safatle: Freud on Social Emancipation 85
on what only exists as a trait. This is the politics that Freud has
bequeathed to us and which has never been so necessary.
notes
1. About some criticism to this position, see Kingston and Ferry, Bringing
the Passions Back In, 11.
2. The standard argument of this need for law was critically well de-
scribed by George Marcus: “From the perspective of impartiality and uni-
versal application, passionate citizens are thought to have abandoned the
rational use of the mind, which might, however fallible, be able to undertake
the task of fair and equal consideration” (The Sentimental Citizen, 22).
3. Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy, La panique politique, 24. It follows that
“For methodological individualists, the idea that a feeling such as anguish
or guilt can be owned by a group is almost incomprehensible. Seeing the
individual as the basic unit of society, they are willing to assume that feel-
ings, as well as meanings and intentions, are in some ways the ‘property’ of
individuals. This concept of sub-socialized human subject, shared by some
traditions within hegemonic psychology, is incapable of understanding how
feelings sediment groups, contributing substantially to their coherence.”
Hoggett and Thompson, Politics and the Emotions, 3.
4. For example, see Borch-Jacobsen, Le lien affectif; Monod, Qu’est-ce qu’un
chef.
5. Laclau, On Populist Reason.
6. This led one commentator to affirm that “Freudian analysis undoubt-
edly belongs in certain respects to a moment of polemical reaffirmation of
the pastoral metaphorical that participates in a historical disillusionment
about the ‘moral progress of humanity,’ a deception before the regressive
tendencies of the so-called ‘rational’ civilization and a problematization of
the hopes on the Enlightenment” (Monod, Qu’est-ce qu’un chef, 237).
7. Lacoue-Labarthe and Nancy, La panique politique, 10.
Safatle: Freud on Social Emancipation 89
8. Hobbes, Leviathan, 77. Or already: “We must therefore resolve, that the
Originall of all great, and lasting Societies, consisted not in the mutuall good
will men had towards each other, but in the mutuall fear they had of each
other” (Hobbes, De cive, 9).
9. Hobbes, De cive, 3.
10. Hobbes, De cive, 30. As Leo Strauss will recall, concerning Hobbes:
“Man spontaneously desires infinitely” (Political Philosophy of Thomas Hobbes,
10).
11. Hobbes, De cive, 30.
12. Castel, L’insécurité sociale, 13.
13. No one describes better than Carl Schmitt the assumptions of this
Hobbesian passage from the state of nature to the founding contract of life
in society: “The covenant is conceived in an entirely individualistic manner.
All group ties have been dissolved. Fear brings atomized individuals togeth-
er. A spark of reason flashes, and a consensus emerges about the necessity to
submit to the strongest power” (The Leviathan, 33).
14. Bodei, Geometria delle passioni, 86.
15. Hobbes, Leviathan, 84.
16. Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, 52.
17. Balibar, Violence et civilité, 56. This is evident in statements such as
this one by Hobbes: “Whereas amongst men there are very many that think
themselves wiser and abler to govern the public better than the rest, and
these strive to reform and innovate, one this way, another that way; and
thereby bring it into distraction and civil war” (Leviathan, 105).
18. Schmitt, The Leviathan, 84.
19. Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 69.
20. This led Derrida to assert that “if the drive for power or the cruelty
drive is irreducible, older, more ancient than the principles (the pleasure
principle or the reality principle, which are basically the same, the same in
differance, I would like to say), then no politics will be able to eradicate it”
(Without Alibi, 252).
21. Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 72–73.
22. Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, 73.
23. Hence an important statement of Mladen Dolar: “The drive is not only
what preserves a certain social order. At the same time, it is the reason why
such order cannot stabilize and close itself upon itself, by which it cannot be
reduced to the best arrangement between existing subjects and institutions,
but always present an excess that subverts it” (“Freud and the Political,” 22).
24. Freud, Inhibition, Symptoms and Anxiety, 164.
90 The Undecidable Unconscious 4, 2017
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