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Life.: Du Fay (Dufay Du Fayt), Guillaume
Life.: Du Fay (Dufay Du Fayt), Guillaume
https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.08268
Published in print: 20 January 2001
Published online: 2001
updated bibliography, 11 October 2004; updated, 11 October 2004
(b Beersel, Aug 5, 1397; d Cambrai, Nov 27, 1474). French composer and theorist. He was
acknowledged by his contemporaries as the leading composer of his day. He held positions in many of
the musical centres of Europe and his music was copied and performed virtually everywhere that
polyphony was practised.
1. Life.
According to the executors of Du Fay’s will, his ‘homeland’ was the town of Bersele [Beersel] near
Brussels. His date of birth has been postulated by Planchart (EMH, 1988; 1995) as 5 August 1397; this
date is based on the year of his ordination (late 1427) and his years as a chorister at Cambrai
Cathedral (1409–12), and events connected with the establishment of his obit. His original patronymic
was Du Fayt; he apparently altered the spelling to Du Fay during his years in Italy. The family name
(Du Fay as well as Du Fayt), universally spelt as two words in all 14th- and 15th-century documents
traceable directly to bearers of the name, was not common in Cambrai: the largest concentration is
found in documents from the area of Valenciennes. Du Fay was born the illegitimate son of a single
woman, Marie Du Fayt, and a priest whose name has not come down to us.
The earliest mention of the composer comes from the years 1409 to 1412, where he is listed as
‘Willemet’ and later ‘Willermus Du Fayt’. His teachers at Cambrai during those years included Rogier
de Hesdin, who taught him for 11 weeks in the early summer of 1409, Nicolas Malin, magister
puerorum at the cathedral from 1409 to 1412, and perhaps Richard Loqueville, magister puerorum
from 1413 until his death in 1418. Du Fay’s connection with Cambrai is probably due to his mother’s
decision to live with a relative, Jehan Hubert, who became a residentiary canon of the cathedral in
1408 and whose first cousin, Jehanne Huberde, was in the care of Marie.
Du Fay apparently caught the attention of the cathedral authorities early on, for they made him an
exceptional gift of a copy of Alexandre de Villedieu’s Doctrinale in 1411. His instruction in music and in
grammar followed the rigid but practical curriculum common to most French cathedral schools in the
late Middle Ages. By 24 June 1414 he had received a small benefice as chaplain of the Salve in the
parish church of St Géry outside the walls of Cambrai, but by November of that year he was no longer
at Cambrai. It is generally assumed that he went to the Council of Konstanz (1414–18), either in the
retinue of Jehan de Lens, Bishop of Cambrai, or that of Pierre d’Ailly, who had been Bishop of Cambrai
when Du Fay was a chorister. This assumption is supported by his later connection with Carlo
Malatesta, whom the composer could only have met at Konstanz, and also by the nature and
transmission of his earliest datable composition, a Sanctus related to a similar work by Loqueville,
employing as a cantus firmus a troped chant that was used at Cambrai as part of the recently compiled
Mass to pray for the end of the Schism.
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Du Fay apparently returned north in 1424, most likely because Jehan Hubert, in whose house Marie Du
Fayt was still living, became seriously ill. Hubert died on 24 December 1425; he left a substantial
bequest to Marie, but there is no mention of Guillaume. No documentation concerning Du Fay’s
whereabouts in 1424 and 1425 has come to light, but on the basis of two songs, Ce jour le doibt and
Adieu ces bons vins de Lannoys, it is assumed that he was a petit vicaire at Laon Cathedral. This view
is supported by the fact that his first two benefices after the one in St Géry were a chaplaincy at the
altar of St Fiacre in Laon (1429) and another at the altar of St John the Baptist in the parish church of
Nouvion-le-Vineux (1430). The collation of this last benefice belonged to the community of chaplains in
Laon. Early in 1426 Du Fay was recruited by Robert Auclou, secretary of Cardinal Louis Aleman, to join
the cardinal’s familia in Bologna, where Aleman was papal legate. If Du Fay travelled to Bologna with
Auclou he was in that city by late February 1426. Two litterae de fructibus from Aleman to St Géry,
recorded in the chapter acts, attest Du Fay’s presence in Bologna. He is mentioned in the first, dated
12 April 1427, as a deacon, and in the second, dated 24 March 1428, as a priest.
Du Fay was in Bologna from February or March 1426 until August 1428, when the Canedoli faction in
the city revolted and expelled Aleman and his court. A number of works can be placed in the Bologna
years, notably the isorhythmic motets Rite maiorem Jacobum, written for Robert Auclou, and Apostolo
glorioso, written for the rededication of a church of St Andrew in Patras, the last Latin diocese of
Greece, whose bishop was Pandolfo Malatesta da Pesaro, as well as the song Mon chier amy, which, it
has been suggested (in Fallows, 1982), was written as a song of condolence to Carlo Malatesta da
Rimini on the death of his brother Pandolfo (d 3 October 1427). The Missa S Jacobi, which includes
Propers as well as the Ordinary, has been placed in that period since it makes use of a rhymed alleluia,
and there is evidence that the St James liturgy in the church of S Giacomo, Bologna, used one of the
very rare versified Offices for that saint.
After leaving Bologna Du Fay went to Rome. He is listed as a member of the papal chapel in a payment
of 4 December 1428, but a littera de fructibus dated 14 April 1429 states that he had been a papal
chaplain for about six months, placing his arrival at the curia sometime in October 1428. He remained
in the papal chapel until July 1433. During his years in Rome he, like other members of the chapel,
sought to advance his clerical career by petitioning the pope for a number of benefices. Although he
still only held the locally collated benefices of St Géry and Laon by 30 April 1430, by 18 September of
that year he had obtained the parish church of St Pierre in Tournai.
Pope Martin V died on 20 February 1431 and Gabriele Condulmer was crowned Pope Eugenius IV on
11 March. Traditionally a new pope, in the weeks after his coronation, granted two expectatives to
virtually every member of the curia as well as to thousands of petitioners in rolls submitted to him by
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In August 1431 he received a canonicate at Lausanne with the proviso that he resign the benefice at St
Pierre, Tournai. On his resignation that post was requested by one Jacobus de Werp, whose letter is the
sole source of the information that Du Fay was the son of a priest and a single woman. In the end the
benefice was awarded instead to another papal singer, Gilles Laury. In 1433 Du Fay obtained for a
short time the Benedictine priory of Cossonay, near Lausanne, which he resigned in exchange for
another (unnamed) benefice. That same year he sought a renewal of his right to the two expectatives
originally granted him by Eugenius IV in 1431.
Among the works written by Du Fay during his Roman years are the motets Ecclesie militantis,
Balsamus et munda cera and Supremum est mortalibus. The first of these has been thought to be for
the coronation of Eugenius IV, but neither text nor transmission support that assumption; the second
was intended for the distribution of the wax Agnus Dei on 7 April 1431; and the third for the meeting of
King Sigismund and the pope on 31 May 1433. The song Quel fronte signorille carries in its only source
the annotation that it was written in Rome. Planchart (1998) indicated that the Kyrie settings and the
earliest hymns belong to the Roman years as well.
The pope’s finances were severely depleted as a result of the Council of Basle, which had opened
during the year of Eugenius’s election, and it is clear that by 1433 the papal chapel was in crisis.
Furthermore, Du Fay’s own ecclesiastical career seemed also to be stalled. Thus, when Duke Amédée
VIII of Savoy sought to recruit him, the composer obtained a leave of absence from the pope. By
August 1433 he had left Rome and on 1 February 1434 he is mentioned as maistre de chapelle in Savoy.
He probably arrived at the court sometime before that date, since a week after his arrival the
festivities celebrating the wedding of the duke’s son, Louis, to Anne de Lusignan, princess of Cyprus,
took place. Among the guests were the Duke of Burgundy with his entire retinue, including the
Burgundian chapel, and it is likely that the Duke of Savoy had sought Du Fay in order to have in his
own chapel a musician of the same calibre as those of the Duke of Burgundy. These festivities are the
only documented time that Du Fay, Binchois, Martin le Franc and the blind vielle players of the
Duchess of Burgundy were together (Wright, 1975), and therefore the famous reference to their
meeting in Martin le Franc’s celebrated poem Le champion des dames can be traced to this occasion.
By July 1435 Du Fay had returned to the papal chapel, which was then in Florence.
Du Fay developed close ties to the Savoy family. Their musical establishment was not large, but it had a
number of competent musicians among its chaplains and minstrels. The duke sought to provide Du Fay
with some benefices and may have had a hand in his receiving those in Lausanne and Cossonay. By 29
July 1434 he had obtained the parish church of St Loup, Versoix, and the duke nominated him to a
canonicate in Geneva. The collation of this benefice posed a problem in that the holder had to be a
nobleman or a university graduate. Du Fay was a commoner and as late as November 1435 did not
have a university degree, which rules out the possibility, discussed in earlier scholarship, that he
obtained a law degree from Bologna or Rome. He had not collated the Geneva benefice by February
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Du Fay was received as a canon of Cambrai, with Grenon acting as his representative, on 12 November
1436. The quick collation of the benefice could be due to his having been a local cleric and also to his
having paved the way with the Cambrai authorities not long before his nomination. In August 1434 he
had been granted leave from the court of Savoy to visit his mother in Cambrai, and in October of that
year was among the distinguished visitors presented with gifts of bread and wine by the cathedral
chapter. Shortly after his collation of the Cambrai canonicate he resigned his other benefice at
Cambrai, that in St Géry, which he had held since the beginning of his career. Like the Geneva
benefice, the canonicate at Cambrai was for a man with a law degree, and for the first time in a papal
letter of 5 May 1437 Du Fay is mentioned as having a Bachelor of Law degree, which he must have
obtained by papal fiat.
No works by Du Fay can be placed with certainty during his first sojourn at Savoy, although it has been
suggested that the ballade Se la face ay pale comes from that period (Fallows, 1982). A number of
important works date from his final stay in the papal chapel: these include Nuper rosarum flores, for
the dedication of S Maria del Fiore, Florence, on 25 May 1436, the plainchant prose Nuper almos rose
flores, for the same occasion (Wright, 1994), and the two other Florentine works, Mirandas parit and
Salve flos Tusce. The song C’est bien raison, written for the Duke of Ferrara, may date from this
period, but it may otherwise be an earlier work, from 1433 (Fallows, 1982; Lockwood).
Du Fay left the papal chapel at the end of May 1437 and returned to Savoy. In August of that year he
was present at a meeting of the chapter in Lausanne, and in April 1438 the Cambrai chapter named
him and Robert Auclou as delegates to the Council of Basle. Du Fay had also maintained good relations
with the house of Burgundy, and in May 1438, probably under pressure from the new provost, Bishop
Jean of Burgundy, the chapter of St Donatian in Bruges granted Du Fay the canonicate that Eugenius
IV had requested for him in 1431.
Relations between Eugenius IV and the Council of Basle, which had been tense since the pope’s
election, deteriorated rapidly between 1436 and 1439. On 18 September 1437 Eugenius attempted to
dissolve the Council and open a new one in Bologna, and finally on 8 January 1438 a council sponsored
by the pope opened in Ferrara. On 14 February the council fathers who remained in Basle elected Du
Fay’s former patron, Cardinal Louis Aleman, president of the Council of Basle, and the following day
Eugenius anathematized any decision by the Council. The impasse lasted over a year, but on 25 June
1439 the Council declared Eugenius deposed, and in November elected in his place Duke Amédée VIII
of Savoy as Pope Felix V, thus creating a new schism. Du Fay, probably realizing that this conflict
between his two principal patrons threatened his most important benefices in Cambrai and Bruges, left
the court of Savoy even before the deposition of Eugenius IV. By 6 July 1439 Du Fay had entered the
service of the Duke of Burgundy, which most likely means that he had reached northern France by
then; the earliest record of his presence at Cambrai is his attendance at the general chapter of the
cathedral on 9 December 1439.
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Du Fay remained at Cambrai from December 1439 to March 1450, constituting the longest period of
residence in one place to this point in his life. A number of former members of the papal chapel were
residents of Cambrai at this time, connected not only with the cathedral but also with the churches of
St Géry and Ste Croix. Du Fay’s life in the 1440s is extensively documented in the cathedral records
(see Wright, 1975, and Planchart, EMH, 1988, for the most important aspects of his work during this
decade). He took an active part in the administration of the cathedral and, together with Nicolas
Grenon and Symon Mellet, began an ambitious project to revise the liturgical books of the cathedral
and to compose and assemble a large repertory of polyphonic music for use in the services. For a
number of years, beginning in 1442, he was maître des petits vicaires. As the schism worsened he
resigned his benefices in Versoix and Lausanne (1442). On 23 April 1444 his mother died and was
buried in the cathedral, and on 14 August 1445 he moved to the house of the late canon Paul Beye,
which he would retain until his death.
From the beginning of his reception as a canon of St Donatian he had trouble with the chapter over the
collection of his revenues. The relationship worsened steadily despite the support of the Duke of
Burgundy, and in October 1447 Du Fay resigned the canonicate at St Donatian and was installed as a
canon of Ste Waudru in Mons, which he had visited, for the purpose of attending chapter meetings,
during his time at Cambrai.
Much of what Du Fay wrote between 1439 and 1450 is lost, and what survives presents problems in
terms of dating and transmission. Works from this period include two isorhythmic motets, Moribus et
genere and Fulgens iubar, the first probably written in 1442 for the visit of Bishop Jean of Burgundy to
Cambrai, and the second dated either 1442 (Fallows, 1982) or 1447 (Planchart, 1995). The song
Seigneur Leon was probably written as a homage to Leonello d’Este on his accession as Marquis of
Ferrara in 1442, and the Missa S Antonii de Padua, probably composed for the dedication of
Donatello’s altar in the basilica of S Antonio in Padua on 13 June 1450 (Fallows, 1982), thus dates from
the end of this period. Planchart (EMH, 1988; 1995) proposed that five Proper cycles, which he now
accepts as authentic works, were composed as part of a set of six masses (one largely lost) for the
weekly series of votive masses of the Order of the Golden Fleece established by the Duke of Burgundy
at the Ste Chapelle in Dijon.
Planchart (EMH, 1988) also presented evidence that, in conjunction with the revision of the Cambrai
liturgical books, Du Fay undertook the compilation and composition of an extensive set of polyphonic
Ordinaries and Propers for the cathedral, copied into four volumes by Symon Mellet in 1449 (Wright,
1975), and which may have prompted a large payment from the chapter to Du Fay in 1452.
With the death of Pope Eugenius IV on 23 February 1447 and the election of Nicholas V the tension
between Basle and Rome began to subside. On 7 April 1449 Felix V abdicated the schismatic papacy;
the Council of Basle elected Nicholas V on 19 April and dissolved itself on 25 April. By May 1450 Du
Fay had left Cambrai. He is known to have been in Turin from 26 May to 1 June 1450, and Fallows
(1982) has proposed that he and his companions were on their way to Padua to sing his Missa S Antonii
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In contrast with the earlier period in Cambrai, documentary information for Du Fay during his last
sojourn in Savoy between 1452 and 1458 is very limited. The accounts of the chapel itself, which
survive complete from 1449 to the end of the century (Bouquet), pass over him in total silence, but in
an autograph quittance of 8 November 1455 Du Fay referred to himself as magister capellae of the
duke. The accounts of the tesoreria generale note a gift of livery to him in January 1455 without
mentioning his status, and a letter from Pope Nicholas V to Duke Louis of Savoy also refers to Du Fay
as magister capellae, but it is clear that his position in the Savoy chapel was largely ceremonial and
that he was viewed as private counsellor and a friend of the ducal family. A letter (dated by Fallows at
22 January 1456) from Du Fay to Lorenzo de’ Medici refers to a recent meeting with the court of
France (including most likely Jean de Ockeghem), probably at the signing of the treaty of St Pourçain
in 1455, and mentions his recent composition of some songs and four lamentations on the fall of
Constantinople. Both Du Fay’s letter and that of Nicholas V indicate that the composer was apparently
trying to find patronage or a benefice that would allow him to remain in Savoy or in Italy in his old age.
In the event no substantial benefice was available and in September of 1458 he was in Besançon, on
his journey back to Cambrai. By October 1458 he had arrived in Cambrai where, apart from a few short
journeys largely connected with his canonicate at Ste Waudru, he was to spend the rest of his life.
Two works can be securely placed in this period in Savoy. The first is the lamentation for the fall of
Constantinople, O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius, and the other is the set of plainchants for a new feast,
the ‘Recollection omnium festorum Beate Marie Virginis’, established by a foundation of Michel de
Beringhen at Cambrai, and for which some of the texts were written by Gilles Carlier (Egidius
Carlerius). However, a number of other works surely date from these years as well, most likely among
them the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’, and a number of chansons composed on texts by poets of the circle
of Charles d’Orléans, who were present at St Pourçain in 1455. These songs include Malheureulx cueur
and Les douleurs. His only late Italian song, Dona gentile, must also date from this period.
On his return to Cambrai Du Fay resumed his activities as a canon of the cathedral, becoming master
of the petits vicaires in 1459, and was master of the petit coffre for a number of years. The cathedral
accounts also indicate that he arranged for Symon Mellet to copy a considerable amount of polyphonic
music for the cathedral. Furthermore, he renewed contact with Guillaume Modiator, called Malbecque,
a colleague from the papal chapel, who was his receiver for a small benefice he had in Watiebraine
(near Soignies), and perhaps through him came to know Johannes Regis, who succeeded Malbecque as
Du Fay’s receiver when Malbecque died in 1465. In 1460 Du Fay took part in negotiations, ultimately
unsuccessful, to appoint Regis magister puerorum at Cambrai.
The composer renewed his ties with the court of Burgundy. In 1457 Duke Philip ‘the Good’ requested
permission from King Charles VII to recruit in France for a crusade; this may have been the occasion
for the writing of the combinative chanson Il sera pour vous/L’homme armé, which mentions Simon le
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During this last period in Cambrai Du Fay developed a close friendship with a fellow canon, Pierre de
Ranchicourt, and when the latter was made Bishop of Arras in 1463 he retained rooms in Du Fay’s
house and visited him often. Other visitors included Tinctoris (in 1460) and Ockeghem (in 1463). One
of Du Fay’s motets was sung on the occasion of a visit by Charles the Bold to Cambrai in 1460; on a
later visit, a tense meeting between the courts of Burgundy and France in 1468, Du Fay may have met
with both Ockeghem and Busnoys. The dedication of Cambrai Cathedral in 1472 also brought a number
of visitors to the city, probably including Compère, whose motet Omnium bonorum plena, which
mentions Du Fay, was most likely composed for this occasion (Montagna). Planchart (1972, 1993) has
argued that Du Fay’s Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’ was used for the dedication, even though it was
probably originally intended as a mass for his own obit. In addition to the visitors, he kept in contact
with Rome and Florence, as is shown by correspondence between him and Antonio Squarcialupi, and
by documentary evidence that he sent music to Rome.
At the end of his career Du Fay had a relatively small number of benefices. He retained his canonicates
at Cambrai and at Ste Waudru, as well as the parish church in Wattebraine. A canonicate at Condé was
exchanged for a chaplaincy at Ohain (Belgium). In 1470 he bought some land in Beersel to provide an
income for the establishment of his obit on 5 August, and in 1472 he supplemented the fund by the
purchase of a smaller piece of land in Wodecq. He drew up his will in July 1474 and died on 24
November of that year. He had requested that as he lay dying the cathedral singers should sing his Ave
regina celorum, but owing to the shortness of time this could not be carried out and the antiphon was
sung at his obsequies instead. The will and its execution reveal that Du Fay died a wealthy man but
with no close relatives. The year after his death Mellet copied a number of lamentations by Busnoys,
Hemart and Ockeghem; these are lost, but were possibly composed in memory of Du Fay.
A number of works can be dated to this last period in Cambrai. There is strong evidence that the Missa
‘L’homme armé’ was written between 1459 and 1461. The Missa ‘Ecce ancilla’ was copied into the
Cambrai choirbook in 1463 or 1464, the troped antiphon Ave regina celorum in 1464 or 1465, and the
Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’, probably begun after Du Fay established his obit in 1470, was copied at
Cambrai in 1473 or 1474. Fallows (1982) suggested that the rondeau En triumphant might be Du Fay’s
response to the death of Binchois in 1460. Payments to Symon Mellet point to the existence of a
number of late works that are now lost, including a Missa pro defunctis. Furthermore, there are
references as late as 1507 to the existence of an Officium defunctorum that the Order of the Golden
Fleece sang as a work of Du Fay (Prizer).
Two representations of Du Fay have survived: one is the well-known illumination in a copy of Martin le
Franc’s Le champion des dames (F-Pn fr.12476), and the other is an image of the composer kneeling,
carved on his funeral monument. The anonymous illuminator of Le champion des dames probably knew
the composer, as his work has been identified by art historians in manuscripts copied for Cambrai,
notably the breviary of Paul Beye. The right side of the composer’s face in the funeral monument has
suffered some damage and abrasions, since the stone was used as a well cover after the destruction of
the cathedral, but the images, although simplified likenesses, clearly depict the same person.
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Throughout his life Du Fay was regarded as the leading composer of his age. Most of his career
spanned a period of relative stylistic stability, and he was largely successful in incorporating new
stylistic traits that came to the fore during his life, including the contenance angloise of the 1430s, the
scoring and contrapuntal techniques found in the music of the master of the Missa ‘Caput’, and some
of the elements of the music of Ockeghem and the young Busnoys. In doing so he achieved an
extraordinary synthesis of the musical language of the mid-15th century while retaining a number of
older traits, particularly in his use of chromaticism. The period immediately following his death,
however, was one of relatively fast stylistic change and Du Fay’s music seems not to have made a large
impact on that of composers of Josquin’s generation. Few works from that generation use Du Fay’s
music as a source, a notable exception being Guillaume Faugues’s Missa ‘Le serviteur’, based on one of
Du Fay’s late rondeaux. Equally telling is the virtual absence of Du Fay’s music from most sources
produced around 1500, particularly the early printed anthologies of secular and sacred music. And yet
there are documented performances of his work in Brussels as late as 1507 (Prizer), Cambrai in 1515
(Wright, 1978) and until 1535 (Planchart, 1995). In addition, theorists continued to cite several of his
works until close to the middle of the 16th century. His name continued to be mentioned as one of the
important composers of his age by theorists and historians until the beginning of the scholarly
recovery of medieval music in the 19th century, although it is unlikely that most 17th- and 18th-century
writers, with the possible exception of Padre G.B. Martini, knew a note of his music. In the same
manner, works dealing with the history of the church in France continued to mention him as a
churchman, with no awareness of his importance as a composer.
3. Works: general.
Du Fay cultivated virtually all genres of polyphonic music known in his day and his approach to
composition varied slightly depending on the genre. His works include songs in the formes fixes,
plainchant settings where the chant is paraphrased in the cantus or another of the upper voices, freely-
composed settings (cantilenas) of liturgical, non-liturgical or ceremonial texts and cantus-firmus
compositions including motets and settings of the Ordinary of the Mass. An important subcategory of
plainchant settings is formed by pieces composed in fauxbourdon, where the cantus and tenor are
written out but a third voice replicates the cantus line a 4th below.
In terms of compositional approach there are not always marked differences between the first three of
the four categories mentioned above. In virtually all cases Du Fay’s point of departure was a cantus-
tenor contrapuntal framework expanded by one or two voices. In the case of the plainchant settings
the voice that elaborates the chant is the cantus of such a framework. In the cantus-firmus works Du
Fay began early on to utilize a double tenor as part of the framework with the cantus, sometimes
conflating both tenors into a solus tenor. This is the texture prevalent in virtually all the four-voice
isorhythmic motets and the cantus-firmus masses.
There are works where the categories are blurred. The isorhythmic motet Supremum est mortalibus
has sections in simple fauxbourdon, some of the cantilenas present complex rhythmic surfaces
comparable to those of the isorhythmic motets, and some of the songs make use of cantus-firmus
procedures in contexts so simple and compressed as to appear ironic. O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius
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The hallmarks of Du Fay’s style are a balanced and carefully wrought melodic writing style that early
on consisted of a well-articulated succession of small motivic cells and became considerably more spun
out in the 1440s; a clear and transparent contrapuntal structure with well-defined cadences, closely
tied to the rhetorical structure of the text (prompting a number of scholars, beginning with Besseler,
1950, to consider his music as an important step towards the emergence of tonal harmony); and a rich
rhythmic surface that retained some of the layering of fast and slow motion characteristics of much
late medieval music, even though it became more and more homogeneous and flowing in the later
works. In early works the rhythmic activity and the small motifs articulating the melodies call attention
to themselves, while in the later music both are subsumed into the smooth flow of sonorities. Finally,
an important aspect of Du Fay’s writing that links it with the music of his predecessors and early
contemporaries but separates it from later music is the discursive use of chromatic alteration (for
discussion of this see Boone, 1987 and 1996, and Brothers, 1997).
4. Chant settings.
Ex.1. Christe, redemptor omnium/Ex Patre (a) Version with fauxbourdon (showing paraphrased plainchant
melody) (b) Version with composed contratenor
More than half of Du Fay’s surviving works consist of chant settings, where one of the voices, usually
the cantus, follows the contour, text and phrasing of a plainchant melody with a small amount of
elaboration. This melody is supported by a tenor and the texture is expanded by a contratenor, or, in
the simplest cases, by fauxbourdon. A few works survive both with fauxbourdon and with a composed
contratenor (ex.1).
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5. Cantilena settings.
Du Fay’s cantilenas have comparatively few antecedents: they go back no further than the music of
English and northern Italian composers working at the end of the 14th century. His works cover a
relatively wide stylistic field: at one extreme they closely resemble simple chant elaborations (except
that here none of the voices is derived from plainchant), as in the earliest of the surviving Ave regina
settings (v, 120), and at the other they match the complexity of the isorhythmic motets, as is the case
with Inclita stella maris. Within these wide boundaries they present a considerable variety of textures
and some, such as Flos florum, are stylistically close to Du Fay’s more florid secular works. Formally
the cantilenas are his freest and least predictable works and a number are unique not only in his
output but in the entire 15th-century repertory. In a sense, more than a specific genre, these works
represent a group of closely related compositional procedures and strategies that Du Fay employed
also in the songs and in isolated settings of the Ordinary of the Mass. Texts set in this way may be
liturgical, devotional or ceremonial, but virtually all are in Latin. The exceptions are the well-known
Vergene bella and O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius. Closely related to the cantilenas is the famous
troped Ave regina celorum (v, 124), but this is a hybrid work incorporating cantus-firmus procedure,
his only work that can be classified as a fully fledged example of the new kind of motet cultivated by
composers such as Ockeghem, Busnoys and Regis. It represents a summation of all Du Fay’s
compositional strategies, including paraphrase, cantus firmus and extended passages of free
composition that are reminiscent of his cantilenas.
6. Motets.
Under this heading are considered only those works that Du Fay would have termed a motet, that is,
what is now termed an isorhythmic motet. In them Du Fay was working within a tradition that went
back over a century before his first efforts in the genre. It is clear that he was aware of the work of
Vitry and Machaut, but that his immediate models were largely works from northern Italy and England,
particularly those of Ciconia and Dunstaple (Cumming, 1987, 1994; Allsen; Lütteken). Du Fay’s motets
have been studied in considerable detail because, beyond their intrinsic musical interest, the majority
of them can be associated with specific places and thus provide valuable biographical information. The
earliest, Vasilissa ergo gaude, dates from 1420, and the last, Fulgens iubar, possibly from 1447. The
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Du Fay’s earliest settings of the Mass show that early on he was acquainted with the music of
Loqueville and the French traditions of the late 14th century, but also with the music of Ciconia, Zacar
da Teramo and the Lantins. His earliest work in this genre is a Kyrie-Sanctus-Agnus cycle, related to a
work of Loqueville and probably composed for the Council of Konstanz (Planchart, 1993). Most of his
mass music from before the 1440s consists of isolated movements or pairs composed as plainchant
settings or in free settings related to the cantilenas or the secular works. Only a few of these
movements use a cantus firmus, and the organization of the Sanctus-Agnus pairs is based on
alternations between duos and full-texture sections.
Two complete mass cycles survive from before 1440: these are the Missa sine nomine [‘Resvelliés
vous’] and the Missa S Jacobi. The former shares musical material and gestures with the ballade
Resvelliés vous, and the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus and Agnus are interrelated by opening gestures
(including ‘plainchant’ intonations written by Du Fay) and extended hocket sections at the end. The
Credo shows less of a connection to the other movements and its place in the cycle has been
questioned (Hamm, 1960), but it too echoes aspects of the ballade. The Missa S Jacobi is a plenary
mass, where an Ordinary interrelated by textural alternations and mensural shifts is complemented by
motet-like settings of the Propers, ending with a simple fauxbourdon for the communion, which may be
the earliest surviving example of the genre.
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In the 1450s Du Fay turned his attention to the English tradition of mass cycles based on a cantus
firmus, and the last four masses securely attributed to him belong in this category. The first of these,
the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’, based on the tenor of his own ballade, is built along the lines of his late
isorhythmic motets and shows his awareness of works such as the Missa ‘Caput’. Head motifs and
carefully placed returns of musical material from one movement to another are all present in these
works. In the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’ some of these traits clearly recall the isomelic returns in the
motets, while in later masses the returning material is presented in a more varied and flexible form.
Similarly the later masses move further away from the layered textures of the motet and towards the
more homogeneous musical texture found in the music of Ockeghem and Busnoys. Greater use of
imitation in the later masses means that melodic elements of the tenor appear in the other voices as
well. The Missa ‘L’homme armé’, Du Fay’s most extended work, shows surprising returns to the
rhythmic intricacy found in some of the works of the 1440s, and in the masses ‘Ecce ancilla’ and ‘Ave
regina’ the tenor (and sometimes the bass in the latter) is presented with its antiphon text instead of
the text of the Ordinary. The Missa ‘Ave regina’ also borders on parody since it uses not only a cantus
firmus but contains extended citations of the entire polyphonic fabric of his motet of 1463. This mass
appears to be a deliberate summation of virtually all Du Fay’s approaches to mass composition.
8. Plainchant melodies.
In 1457 Egidius Carlerius and Du Fay were commissioned to produce the texts and plainchants for a
Marian feast that Michel de Beringhen was instituting in his will, the ‘Recollectio omnium festorum
Beate Marie Virginis’. They adapted some Marian chants for the feast, but by and large wrote entirely
new pieces for the day and night Office as well as for parts of the Mass. Du Fay’s plainchants were
identified and studied by Haggh (1988). The antiphons and responsories of the Office are ordered
numerically by mode and each melody is composed with careful attention to modal structure in terms
of division into tetrachords and pentachords (a trait also found in the songs). Planchart (EMH, 1988)
noted that Du Fay may be the composer of a plainchant setting of the introit for St Anthony Abbot,
Scitote quoniam, found only in the Cambrai books, and Wright (1994) attributed to Du Fay the prose of
the Mass for the dedication of Florence Cathedral, Nuper almos rose flores.
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Du Fay left a large corpus of songs covering all the formes fixes, plus one or two combinative chansons.
The majority of the songs are rondeaux, which he composed throughout his career. The ballades are all
early works and the few virelais or bergerettes are relatively late. Both of the combinative chansons
are also late. A small number of works to Italian texts, which do not follow any of the known poetic
forms, are also early apart from the exceptional rondeau Dona gentile, which must date from the
1450s. Most of the songs have a three-part texture using cantus, tenor and contratenor, but a number
of four-voice works are more or less evenly distributed throughout his career. In a few cases, such as in
Pour l’amour de ma doulce amye, the fourth voice is not by Du Fay. Imitation is present in both early
and late works, but becomes slightly more prevalent in the later pieces, particularly between the
cantus and the tenor. Straightforward canons and mensuration canons also appear, although
infrequently, in early and late works. In most sources text is set only to the cantus, although a
considerable number of pieces have text also in the tenor and some in the contratenor. In the late
songs the imitation between cantus and tenor invites text underlay of the latter; however, it is clear
that underlay in the sources was frequently a matter of scribal preference. The early songs show an
extraordinary range of textures, particularly in terms of rhythmic and motivic organization, and some
of them are quite idiosyncratic (for example Resvelliés vous, Ma belle dame souveraine, Hé
compaignons). The subject matter of the texts also ranges from courtly love to scenes of bourgeois
conviviality. Textures in the late songs are smoother and the rhythmic and melodic differentiation
between the voices is less pronounced. The texts of the later works are in general closer to the stylistic
canons of courtly love poetry. A few of the very late songs, such as Dieu gard la bone, show that Du Fay
was aware of the style of the secular works of Ockeghem and particularly Busnoys. Du Fay’s text
settings throughout his career pay exquisite attention to the detail in the poetry and to rhetorical and
poetic structure, and show an acute concern for the tonal and melodic balance of his lines.
A number of works by Du Fay that are mentioned in 15th- and 16th-century records are no longer
extant; others probably survive anonymously and are unidentifiable. The lost works include three
lamentations on the fall of Constantinople, mentioned by Du Fay in his letter to the Medici, and a
number of works copied by Symon Mellet in the 1460s, namely a Magnificat in the 7th mode (1462–3),
the hymn O quam glorifica (1463–4), a prose for St Mary Magdalene (Laus tibi Christe, 1463–4) and the
Missa pro defunctis (1470); this latter was associated in later performances with a lost Office for the
Dead, as discussed above.
The identification of the cycle of weekly Propers for the Order of the Golden Fleece also points to a lost
cycle for the Lady Mass, of which only fragments survive. The possibility that Du Fay wrote a Proper
cycle for Cambrai in the 1440s would also imply a number of lost works. Evidence for the existence of
these Propers is found not only in the anonymous fragments that have been attributed to Du Fay by
Feininger and Planchart, but also in the decision by the Cambrai chapter in 1515 that an Epiphany
motet being sung at that time should be replaced by another ‘drawn from the works of the late Du
Fay’ (Wright, 1975). A Mass for St Anthony Abbot mentioned in the execution of Du Fay’s will has been
I-
identified with an anonymous work surviving in Trent 89 (TRmp ), but the work lacks some
movements.
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Even in the 15th century a number of works circulated with incorrect or conflicting attributions to Du
Fay. This created a particular problem because one of the works incorrectly ascribed to him, the
English Missa ‘Caput’, was available early on in a modern edition and assumed a central position in the
evaluation of his style. Further problems were created by the often unexplained rejection in Besseler’s
edition of a number of works with ascriptions in the sources, particularly hymns and songs. A number
of these rejections have been shown to be the result of stylistic analysis based on faulty transcriptions
of the music, or of historical assumptions not supported by any evidence (Planchart, EMH, 1988;
Fallows, 1995).
A number of anonymous works have been attributed to Du Fay by modern scholars. Hamm’s
attributions (1960) of a number of sequences, the motet Elizabeth Zacharie, and a Mass Ordinary in
I-Rvat S Pietro B80, have been tentatively accepted by most scholars, and Allsen provided further
evidence for the case of Elizabeth Zacharie. Feininger’s attributions of the masses ‘Veterem hominem’,
‘Christus surrexit’ and ‘Puisque je vis’ have been rejected. The first of these is a twin of the Missa
‘Caput’ and was known to Thomas Morley as an English work; the second is based on a German Leise
and is part of a little-understood repertory of German masses; the third has remained largely
undiscussed in later scholarship. The Missa ‘La mort de St Gothard’, ascribed to Du Fay briefly by
Feininger and accepted without explanation by Besseler (ii, 105), is probably a work of Johannes
Martini (Nitschke).
I-
In addition Feininger (1947) attributed to Du Fay a number of Proper cycles in Trent 88 (TRmp ).
These attributions were initially treated with considerable scepticism but a considerable amount of
new evidence has been uncovered confirming most of Feininger’s attributions (Planchart, 1972; EMH,
1988; 1995; Fallows, 1982). Later attempts to question them (Gerber, 1994) appear to be based on
faulty analysis.
The difficulty of attributing any work on the basis of purely stylistic criteria is illustrated by the case of
the Mass for St Anthony Abbot, whose attribution to Du Fay is still debated: Fallows rejected it on
stylistic grounds, whereas Planchart (EMH, 1988) believes that its liturgical connection with Cambrai
means that it can be counted as part of Du Fay’s oeuvre.
12. Sources.
Du Fay’s reputation in the 15th century is attested by the large number of surviving works and by the
geographical spread of manuscripts containing his music. His works survive in nearly 100 manuscripts
originating in Austria, Bohemia, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Scotland and Spain,
dating from the second quarter of the 15th century to the first quarter of the 16th. Particularly
important sources for his music are the early Italian anthologies, GB-Ob Can.misc.213, I-Bc Q15 and
I-Bu 2216, which transmit virtually all his surviving music up to about 1435. Much of his ceremonial
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13. Editions.
Du Fay’s music first became available in modern transcriptions as examples in studies by Kiesewetter,
Rochlitz and Ambros. Important works were edited by Haberl, in several of the volumes of music from
the Trent codices in the DTÖ series, and in Stainer’s influential edition of music from GB-Ob Can.misc.
213. Important editions of sacred and secular works were published by Besseler (1932) and Gerber
(1937). A systematic publication of the complete works was begun by Guillaume De Van, with the
cantilena motets (1947), the isorhythmic motets (1947) and two masses (1949). On De Van’s death
Besseler took over the editorship in 1951 and completed the edition in 1966, reissuing the works edited
by De Van. Besseler’s edition, however, is marred by typographical errors, incomplete transcriptions,
unreported changes in mensural reduction and lacunae in the critical reports. A number of those
occurring in the second and fourth volumes of the edition were corrected by Bockholdt (1960); the
sixth volume was revised and corrected by Fallows in 1995.
Works
Editions
Guillelmi Dufay opera omnia, ed. H. Besseler, CMM, i/1–6 (1951–66) [with important
introduction to each vol.]; CMM, i/6 rev. D. Fallows (1995) with commentary in MSD,
xlvii (1995) [vol., p.]
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Missa ‘Resvelliés
vous’ [see Missa
sine nomine]
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Gloria 3 iv, 90 B I-
paired in TRmp 92 with Kyrie (iv, 72;
59
see ‘Doubtful works’), but ascription of
Gloria is unchallenged
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Alleluia, Veni 3 ii, 71 all, part of Mass for the Holy Ghost (see
Sancte spiritus ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus
Confirma hoc 3 off, part of Mass for the Holy Ghost (see
Deus ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus;
anon. in MS but Spataro quoted a passage
from it in a letter (1532) as being by Du Fay;
ed. in Feininger (1947), 10
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Magnificat octavi 2, 3 v, 81
toni
Benedicamus 3 v, 35 chant in T
Domino
Benedicamus 3 v, 36
Domino
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A solis ortus
cardine [=
Hostis Herodes
impie]
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Imperatrix
angelorum [see
Mirandas parit hec
urbs]
Juvenis qui puellam 3 vi, 15 text is a legal dispute; inc., after 1438
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Mass Propers
Alleluia, Beati omnes (all); Luce splendida fulgebis (grad); Nuper almos rose flores
(seq); Scitote quoniam (int)
Antiphons
Angelus mittitur; Anna parit Joachim; Anna stellam matutinam; Antiquum consilium;
Ave virgo speciosa; Beata es, Dei genetrix; Femina vetus; Festinat ad cognatam;
Gabriel archangelus; Gloriam virginis; Mittitur ad Mariam; Non concava vallium;
Salve vellus; Solem justitie; Tenebrae diffugiunt; Tota pulchra es; Vidi speciosam;
Virga florens paritura; Virgo mater filium; Virgo puerum sistit
Hymns
Responsories
Ibo ad montem; O felix virgo; Omnipotens dominus; Scandit ad ethra; Surge propera;
Ut audivit precursoris
Invitatories
Secular
Italian
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J’ay mis mon cuer et 3 vi, 28 acrostic: ISABETE; perhaps for the
ma pensee wedding of Elisabetta Malatesta da
Rimini to Piergentile Varano, 1425
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Je ne puis plus ce que 3 vi, 51 T follows ant for Terce on 4th day
j’ay peu/Unde veniet after Epiphany
auxilium mihi?
Je triomphe [see En
triumphant]
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Trop long temps ai este 3 vi, 80 ascription to Du Fay very faint (not
en deplaisir erased); one stanza of text only
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De ma haulte et 3 vi, 41
bonne aventure
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Sacred
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Mon seul plaisir, 3 vi, 108 rondeau; also ascribed to Bedyngham and
ma doulce joye probably by him
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Sacred
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Qui latuit in
virgine [see
Je suis
povere de
leesse,
below]
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Je suis povere 3 i, 101 basse danse; in one source Ct has text ‘Du pist
de leesse mein hort’, in another the work is texted ‘Qui
latuit in virgine’; Du Fay’s authorship doubted
by most authors
O flos florum 3 vi, 107 rondeau; no known French text; probably not
virginum by Du Fay
Portugaler
[see Or me
veult]
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Missa ‘La mort 4 ii, 105 attrib. Du Fay by Besseler but rejected by all
de St Gothard’ other scholars; Feininger and Nitschke
suggested that Johannes Martini was the
composer
Missa S Antonii
Viennensis [see
Mass for St
Anthony of
Padua]
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Mass for St 3, 4 ii, 47 B int (In medio ecclesiae), Ky, Gl, grad (Os justi
Anthony of 68 meditabitur), all (Alleluia, Antoni compar
Padua (Missa inclite), Cr, off (Veritas mea), San, Ag, comm
S Antonii (Domine quinque talenta); complex
Viennensis) transmission pattern; Du Fay’s authorship
confirmed by Fallows (1982) with new
information indicating that the mass is not for
St Anthony Abbot, as was previously thought,
but is for St Anthony of Padua, possibly for the
dedication of Donatello’s altar in the basilica in
Padua (June, 1450); Propers ed. in Feininger
(1947), p.122
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Mass for the 2–3 F, 12, common mass [Saturday]; fragmentary; int
Blessed 17, (Gaudeamus omnes), all (Alleluia, Dulcis
Virgin appx. mater), all (Alleluia, Ora pro nobis), tr (Audi
filia), off (Felix namque), comm (Beata viscera)
Mass for the 2–3 F, 46 common mass, Friday; int (Nos autem
Holy Cross gloriam), grad (Christus factus est), all
(Alleluia, Dicite in gentibus), all, Easter
(Alleluia, Dulce lignum), off (Protege Domine),
comm (Per signum crucem)
Mass for the 2–4 F, 1 common mass, Thursday; int (Spiritus Domini),
Holy Spirit int, Lent (Dum sanctificatus fuero), grad
(Beata gens), all (Alleluia, Emitte spiritum),
all, Easter (Alleluia, Veni Sancte Spiritus), off
(Confirma hoc Deus), comm (Factus est
repente)
Mass for the 3–4 F, 16 common mass, Sunday; int (Benedicta sit),
Holy Trinity grad (Benedictus es Domine), all (Alleluia,
Benedicta es Domine), all, Easter (Alleluia,
Verbo Domini), off (Benedictus sit Deus),
comm (Benedicte deum celi)
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Mass for St 2–3 F, 58 int (De ventre matris meae), grad (Priusquam
John the te formarem), all (Tu puer propheta), off
Baptist (Justus ut palma), comm (Tu puer propheta)
Mass for St 2–4 F, 108 int (Venite benedicti), int, octave (Sapientia
Maurice and sanctorum), grad (Gloriosus Deus), all
his (Alleluia, Judicabunt sancti), off (Mirabilis
companions Deus), comm (Gaudete justi)
Mass for St 2–4 F, 166 int (Letabitur justus), grad (Posuisti Domine),
Sebastian all (Alleluia, Sebastiani gratia), off (Gloria et
honore), comm (Magna est gloria)
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LockwoodMRF
SpataroC
StrohmR
J., J.F.R. and C. Stainer : Dufay and his Contemporaries (London, 1898/R)
C. van den Borren : Guillaume Dufay: son importance dans l’évolution de la musique au XVe
siècle (Brussels, 1925)
F. Baix : ‘La carrière “bénéficiale” de Guillaume Dufay (vers 1398–1474): notes et documents’,
Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome, 8 (1928), 265–72
H. Besseler, ed.: Guillaume Dufay: zwölf geistliche und weltliche Lieder, Cw, 19 (1932)
L. Feininger, ed.: Auctorum anonymorum missarum propria XVI quorum XI Gulielmo Dufay
auctori adscribenda sunt, Monumenta polyphoniae liturgicae, 2nd ser., 1 (Rome, 1947)
G. De Van, ed.: Guglielmi Dufay opera omnia (Rome, 1947–9) [4 fascicles published of 20
planned: i: Motetti qui et cantiones vocantur (1947); ii: Motetti isorithmici dicti (1948); iii: Missa
sine nomine (1949); iv: Missa Sancti Jacobi (1949)]
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H. Besseler : ‘Neue Dokumente zum Leben und Schaffen Dufays’, AMw, 9 (1952), 159–76
D. Plamenac : ‘An Unknown Composition by Dufay?’, MQ, 40 (1954), 190–200 [Fr. trans., RBM,
viii (1954), 75–83]
C. Hamm : A Chronology of the Works of Guillaume Dufay based on a Study of Mensural Practice
(Princeton, NJ, 1964)
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H. Schoop : Entstehung und Verwendung der Handschrift Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canonici
misc. 213 (Berne, 1971)
A.E. Planchart : ‘Guillaume Dufay’s Masses: Notes and Revisions’, MQ, 58 (1972), 1–23
R. Bockholdt : ‘Die Hymnen der Handschrift Cambrai 6: zwei unbekannte Vertonungen von
Dufay?’, TVNM, 29 (1979), 75–91
M. Bent : ‘The Songs of Dufay: some Questions of Authenticity’, EMc, 8 (1980), 454–9
D. Fallows : ‘Dufay’s Most Important Work: Reflections on the Career of his Mass for St Anthony
of Padua’, MT, 123 (1982), 467–70
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Petrus Grudenca in 15th-Century Poland’, TVNM, 36 (1986), 26–51
R.C. Wegman : ‘New Data concerning the Origins and Chronology of Brussels, Koninklijke
Bibliotheek, Manuscript 5557’, TVNM, 36 (1986), 5–25
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Library, Canonici misc. 213 (diss., Harvard U., 1987)
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B. Haggh : ‘The Celebration of the “Recollectio Festorum Beatae Mariae Virginis”, 1457–1987’,
IMSCR XIV: Bologna 1987, 3, 559–71
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EMH, 8 (1988), 117–71
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(1991), 1–56
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A.E. Planchart : ‘The Early Career of Guillaume Du Fay’, JAMS, 46 (1993), 341–68
J.E. Cumming : ‘The Aesthetics of the Medieval Motet and Cantilena’, Historical Performance, 7
(1994), 71–83
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Alternatim
Ballade (i)
Burgundy
Cambrai
Mass, §II, 6: The polyphonic mass to 1600: The cyclic mass in the later 15th century
Savoy (i)
Virelai
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