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Du Fay [Dufay; Du Fayt], Guillaume

Alejandro Enrique Planchart

https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.08268
Published in print: 20 January 2001
Published online: 2001
updated bibliography, 11 October 2004; updated, 11 October 2004

(b Beersel, Aug 5, 1397; d Cambrai, Nov 27, 1474). French composer and theorist. He was
acknowledged by his contemporaries as the leading composer of his day. He held positions in many of
the musical centres of Europe and his music was copied and performed virtually everywhere that
polyphony was practised.

1. Life.

According to the executors of Du Fay’s will, his ‘homeland’ was the town of Bersele [Beersel] near
Brussels. His date of birth has been postulated by Planchart (EMH, 1988; 1995) as 5 August 1397; this
date is based on the year of his ordination (late 1427) and his years as a chorister at Cambrai
Cathedral (1409–12), and events connected with the establishment of his obit. His original patronymic
was Du Fayt; he apparently altered the spelling to Du Fay during his years in Italy. The family name
(Du Fay as well as Du Fayt), universally spelt as two words in all 14th- and 15th-century documents
traceable directly to bearers of the name, was not common in Cambrai: the largest concentration is
found in documents from the area of Valenciennes. Du Fay was born the illegitimate son of a single
woman, Marie Du Fayt, and a priest whose name has not come down to us.

The earliest mention of the composer comes from the years 1409 to 1412, where he is listed as
‘Willemet’ and later ‘Willermus Du Fayt’. His teachers at Cambrai during those years included Rogier
de Hesdin, who taught him for 11 weeks in the early summer of 1409, Nicolas Malin, magister
puerorum at the cathedral from 1409 to 1412, and perhaps Richard Loqueville, magister puerorum
from 1413 until his death in 1418. Du Fay’s connection with Cambrai is probably due to his mother’s
decision to live with a relative, Jehan Hubert, who became a residentiary canon of the cathedral in
1408 and whose first cousin, Jehanne Huberde, was in the care of Marie.

Du Fay apparently caught the attention of the cathedral authorities early on, for they made him an
exceptional gift of a copy of Alexandre de Villedieu’s Doctrinale in 1411. His instruction in music and in
grammar followed the rigid but practical curriculum common to most French cathedral schools in the
late Middle Ages. By 24 June 1414 he had received a small benefice as chaplain of the Salve in the
parish church of St Géry outside the walls of Cambrai, but by November of that year he was no longer
at Cambrai. It is generally assumed that he went to the Council of Konstanz (1414–18), either in the
retinue of Jehan de Lens, Bishop of Cambrai, or that of Pierre d’Ailly, who had been Bishop of Cambrai
when Du Fay was a chorister. This assumption is supported by his later connection with Carlo
Malatesta, whom the composer could only have met at Konstanz, and also by the nature and
transmission of his earliest datable composition, a Sanctus related to a similar work by Loqueville,
employing as a cantus firmus a troped chant that was used at Cambrai as part of the recently compiled
Mass to pray for the end of the Schism.

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By November 1418 Du Fay had returned to Cambrai and was already a subdeacon. He is mentioned as
taking part in the services at St Géry until Ash Wednesday 1420. In the summer of that year he entered
the service of Carlo Malatesta da Rimini. There is no direct documentary evidence of this, but a
number of pieces were written for celebrations at Rimini in honour of Carlo’s relatives from Pesaro: the
motet Vasilissa ergo gaude was written in honour of Cleofe Malatesta, bride of Theodore Palaiologos,
before their wedding in 1421; the ballade Resvelliés vous was for the wedding of Carlo Malatesta da
Pesaro to Vittoria Colonna in Rimini on 18 July 1423; and the rondeau Hé compaignons, which lists in
its texts the names of no fewer than five of the musicians of Carlo Malatesta da Rimini, including Hugo
and Arnold de Lantins. A mass Ordinary setting using material closely related to Resveillés vous must
also date from these years.

Du Fay apparently returned north in 1424, most likely because Jehan Hubert, in whose house Marie Du
Fayt was still living, became seriously ill. Hubert died on 24 December 1425; he left a substantial
bequest to Marie, but there is no mention of Guillaume. No documentation concerning Du Fay’s
whereabouts in 1424 and 1425 has come to light, but on the basis of two songs, Ce jour le doibt and
Adieu ces bons vins de Lannoys, it is assumed that he was a petit vicaire at Laon Cathedral. This view
is supported by the fact that his first two benefices after the one in St Géry were a chaplaincy at the
altar of St Fiacre in Laon (1429) and another at the altar of St John the Baptist in the parish church of
Nouvion-le-Vineux (1430). The collation of this last benefice belonged to the community of chaplains in
Laon. Early in 1426 Du Fay was recruited by Robert Auclou, secretary of Cardinal Louis Aleman, to join
the cardinal’s familia in Bologna, where Aleman was papal legate. If Du Fay travelled to Bologna with
Auclou he was in that city by late February 1426. Two litterae de fructibus from Aleman to St Géry,
recorded in the chapter acts, attest Du Fay’s presence in Bologna. He is mentioned in the first, dated
12 April 1427, as a deacon, and in the second, dated 24 March 1428, as a priest.

Du Fay was in Bologna from February or March 1426 until August 1428, when the Canedoli faction in
the city revolted and expelled Aleman and his court. A number of works can be placed in the Bologna
years, notably the isorhythmic motets Rite maiorem Jacobum, written for Robert Auclou, and Apostolo
glorioso, written for the rededication of a church of St Andrew in Patras, the last Latin diocese of
Greece, whose bishop was Pandolfo Malatesta da Pesaro, as well as the song Mon chier amy, which, it
has been suggested (in Fallows, 1982), was written as a song of condolence to Carlo Malatesta da
Rimini on the death of his brother Pandolfo (d 3 October 1427). The Missa S Jacobi, which includes
Propers as well as the Ordinary, has been placed in that period since it makes use of a rhymed alleluia,
and there is evidence that the St James liturgy in the church of S Giacomo, Bologna, used one of the
very rare versified Offices for that saint.

After leaving Bologna Du Fay went to Rome. He is listed as a member of the papal chapel in a payment
of 4 December 1428, but a littera de fructibus dated 14 April 1429 states that he had been a papal
chaplain for about six months, placing his arrival at the curia sometime in October 1428. He remained
in the papal chapel until July 1433. During his years in Rome he, like other members of the chapel,
sought to advance his clerical career by petitioning the pope for a number of benefices. Although he
still only held the locally collated benefices of St Géry and Laon by 30 April 1430, by 18 September of
that year he had obtained the parish church of St Pierre in Tournai.

Pope Martin V died on 20 February 1431 and Gabriele Condulmer was crowned Pope Eugenius IV on
11 March. Traditionally a new pope, in the weeks after his coronation, granted two expectatives to
virtually every member of the curia as well as to thousands of petitioners in rolls submitted to him by

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the rulers and the universities. Very few of the original rolls survive and even the registers where such
petitions were copied were apparently destroyed at the end of every papacy. Exceptionally, the roll
containing the petitions of the chapel of Eugenius (I-Rvat C.S.703), dated 24 March 1431, has been
preserved, which gave rise to the idea that Eugenius had taken a special interest in his singers. Du
Fay’s two expectatives were to unnamed benefices; later documents identify them as canonicates at
Tournai and at St Donatian, Bruges, although it was a long time before he took up either position.

In August 1431 he received a canonicate at Lausanne with the proviso that he resign the benefice at St
Pierre, Tournai. On his resignation that post was requested by one Jacobus de Werp, whose letter is the
sole source of the information that Du Fay was the son of a priest and a single woman. In the end the
benefice was awarded instead to another papal singer, Gilles Laury. In 1433 Du Fay obtained for a
short time the Benedictine priory of Cossonay, near Lausanne, which he resigned in exchange for
another (unnamed) benefice. That same year he sought a renewal of his right to the two expectatives
originally granted him by Eugenius IV in 1431.

Among the works written by Du Fay during his Roman years are the motets Ecclesie militantis,
Balsamus et munda cera and Supremum est mortalibus. The first of these has been thought to be for
the coronation of Eugenius IV, but neither text nor transmission support that assumption; the second
was intended for the distribution of the wax Agnus Dei on 7 April 1431; and the third for the meeting of
King Sigismund and the pope on 31 May 1433. The song Quel fronte signorille carries in its only source
the annotation that it was written in Rome. Planchart (1998) indicated that the Kyrie settings and the
earliest hymns belong to the Roman years as well.

The pope’s finances were severely depleted as a result of the Council of Basle, which had opened
during the year of Eugenius’s election, and it is clear that by 1433 the papal chapel was in crisis.
Furthermore, Du Fay’s own ecclesiastical career seemed also to be stalled. Thus, when Duke Amédée
VIII of Savoy sought to recruit him, the composer obtained a leave of absence from the pope. By
August 1433 he had left Rome and on 1 February 1434 he is mentioned as maistre de chapelle in Savoy.

He probably arrived at the court sometime before that date, since a week after his arrival the
festivities celebrating the wedding of the duke’s son, Louis, to Anne de Lusignan, princess of Cyprus,
took place. Among the guests were the Duke of Burgundy with his entire retinue, including the
Burgundian chapel, and it is likely that the Duke of Savoy had sought Du Fay in order to have in his
own chapel a musician of the same calibre as those of the Duke of Burgundy. These festivities are the
only documented time that Du Fay, Binchois, Martin le Franc and the blind vielle players of the
Duchess of Burgundy were together (Wright, 1975), and therefore the famous reference to their
meeting in Martin le Franc’s celebrated poem Le champion des dames can be traced to this occasion.
By July 1435 Du Fay had returned to the papal chapel, which was then in Florence.

Du Fay developed close ties to the Savoy family. Their musical establishment was not large, but it had a
number of competent musicians among its chaplains and minstrels. The duke sought to provide Du Fay
with some benefices and may have had a hand in his receiving those in Lausanne and Cossonay. By 29
July 1434 he had obtained the parish church of St Loup, Versoix, and the duke nominated him to a
canonicate in Geneva. The collation of this benefice posed a problem in that the holder had to be a
nobleman or a university graduate. Du Fay was a commoner and as late as November 1435 did not
have a university degree, which rules out the possibility, discussed in earlier scholarship, that he
obtained a law degree from Bologna or Rome. He had not collated the Geneva benefice by February

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1436, and there is no evidence that he ever held it. In the meantime a semiprebend at Tournai was
granted to him by the pope in early 1436 on the basis of the expectative of 1431, and on 9 September
1436 a new benefice, a canonicate at Cambrai, was granted to him by a motu proprio of Eugenius IV.

Du Fay was received as a canon of Cambrai, with Grenon acting as his representative, on 12 November
1436. The quick collation of the benefice could be due to his having been a local cleric and also to his
having paved the way with the Cambrai authorities not long before his nomination. In August 1434 he
had been granted leave from the court of Savoy to visit his mother in Cambrai, and in October of that
year was among the distinguished visitors presented with gifts of bread and wine by the cathedral
chapter. Shortly after his collation of the Cambrai canonicate he resigned his other benefice at
Cambrai, that in St Géry, which he had held since the beginning of his career. Like the Geneva
benefice, the canonicate at Cambrai was for a man with a law degree, and for the first time in a papal
letter of 5 May 1437 Du Fay is mentioned as having a Bachelor of Law degree, which he must have
obtained by papal fiat.

No works by Du Fay can be placed with certainty during his first sojourn at Savoy, although it has been
suggested that the ballade Se la face ay pale comes from that period (Fallows, 1982). A number of
important works date from his final stay in the papal chapel: these include Nuper rosarum flores, for
the dedication of S Maria del Fiore, Florence, on 25 May 1436, the plainchant prose Nuper almos rose
flores, for the same occasion (Wright, 1994), and the two other Florentine works, Mirandas parit and
Salve flos Tusce. The song C’est bien raison, written for the Duke of Ferrara, may date from this
period, but it may otherwise be an earlier work, from 1433 (Fallows, 1982; Lockwood).

Du Fay left the papal chapel at the end of May 1437 and returned to Savoy. In August of that year he
was present at a meeting of the chapter in Lausanne, and in April 1438 the Cambrai chapter named
him and Robert Auclou as delegates to the Council of Basle. Du Fay had also maintained good relations
with the house of Burgundy, and in May 1438, probably under pressure from the new provost, Bishop
Jean of Burgundy, the chapter of St Donatian in Bruges granted Du Fay the canonicate that Eugenius
IV had requested for him in 1431.

Relations between Eugenius IV and the Council of Basle, which had been tense since the pope’s
election, deteriorated rapidly between 1436 and 1439. On 18 September 1437 Eugenius attempted to
dissolve the Council and open a new one in Bologna, and finally on 8 January 1438 a council sponsored
by the pope opened in Ferrara. On 14 February the council fathers who remained in Basle elected Du
Fay’s former patron, Cardinal Louis Aleman, president of the Council of Basle, and the following day
Eugenius anathematized any decision by the Council. The impasse lasted over a year, but on 25 June
1439 the Council declared Eugenius deposed, and in November elected in his place Duke Amédée VIII
of Savoy as Pope Felix V, thus creating a new schism. Du Fay, probably realizing that this conflict
between his two principal patrons threatened his most important benefices in Cambrai and Bruges, left
the court of Savoy even before the deposition of Eugenius IV. By 6 July 1439 Du Fay had entered the
service of the Duke of Burgundy, which most likely means that he had reached northern France by
then; the earliest record of his presence at Cambrai is his attendance at the general chapter of the
cathedral on 9 December 1439.

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Only one work can be securely dated to his second stay in Savoy, the motet Magnanime gentis,
composed to celebrate the peace between Louis, Prince of Piedmont, and his brother Robert, Count of
Geneva, signed at Berne on 3 May 1438. It has been proposed that the sequence Isti sunt due olive
dates from this period, because it is based on a plainchant melody used only in the dioceses of
Lausanne and Geneva (Planchart, EMH, 1988).

Du Fay remained at Cambrai from December 1439 to March 1450, constituting the longest period of
residence in one place to this point in his life. A number of former members of the papal chapel were
residents of Cambrai at this time, connected not only with the cathedral but also with the churches of
St Géry and Ste Croix. Du Fay’s life in the 1440s is extensively documented in the cathedral records
(see Wright, 1975, and Planchart, EMH, 1988, for the most important aspects of his work during this
decade). He took an active part in the administration of the cathedral and, together with Nicolas
Grenon and Symon Mellet, began an ambitious project to revise the liturgical books of the cathedral
and to compose and assemble a large repertory of polyphonic music for use in the services. For a
number of years, beginning in 1442, he was maître des petits vicaires. As the schism worsened he
resigned his benefices in Versoix and Lausanne (1442). On 23 April 1444 his mother died and was
buried in the cathedral, and on 14 August 1445 he moved to the house of the late canon Paul Beye,
which he would retain until his death.

From the beginning of his reception as a canon of St Donatian he had trouble with the chapter over the
collection of his revenues. The relationship worsened steadily despite the support of the Duke of
Burgundy, and in October 1447 Du Fay resigned the canonicate at St Donatian and was installed as a
canon of Ste Waudru in Mons, which he had visited, for the purpose of attending chapter meetings,
during his time at Cambrai.

Much of what Du Fay wrote between 1439 and 1450 is lost, and what survives presents problems in
terms of dating and transmission. Works from this period include two isorhythmic motets, Moribus et
genere and Fulgens iubar, the first probably written in 1442 for the visit of Bishop Jean of Burgundy to
Cambrai, and the second dated either 1442 (Fallows, 1982) or 1447 (Planchart, 1995). The song
Seigneur Leon was probably written as a homage to Leonello d’Este on his accession as Marquis of
Ferrara in 1442, and the Missa S Antonii de Padua, probably composed for the dedication of
Donatello’s altar in the basilica of S Antonio in Padua on 13 June 1450 (Fallows, 1982), thus dates from
the end of this period. Planchart (EMH, 1988; 1995) proposed that five Proper cycles, which he now
accepts as authentic works, were composed as part of a set of six masses (one largely lost) for the
weekly series of votive masses of the Order of the Golden Fleece established by the Duke of Burgundy
at the Ste Chapelle in Dijon.

Planchart (EMH, 1988) also presented evidence that, in conjunction with the revision of the Cambrai
liturgical books, Du Fay undertook the compilation and composition of an extensive set of polyphonic
Ordinaries and Propers for the cathedral, copied into four volumes by Symon Mellet in 1449 (Wright,
1975), and which may have prompted a large payment from the chapter to Du Fay in 1452.

With the death of Pope Eugenius IV on 23 February 1447 and the election of Nicholas V the tension
between Basle and Rome began to subside. On 7 April 1449 Felix V abdicated the schismatic papacy;
the Council of Basle elected Nicholas V on 19 April and dissolved itself on 25 April. By May 1450 Du
Fay had left Cambrai. He is known to have been in Turin from 26 May to 1 June 1450, and Fallows
(1982) has proposed that he and his companions were on their way to Padua to sing his Missa S Antonii

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de Padua. By 15 December he was back in Cambrai, and on 4 March 1451 he attended the chapter
meeting at Ste Waudru in Mons, at which time the Order of the Golden Fleece was having its annual
meeting in that city. A letter from Louis of Savoy to the composer, dated 22 October (?1451), thanking
him for a gift of cloth and referring to him as conseiller et maistre de chapelle, indicates that Du Fay
had restored his connection with the court of Savoy. On 21 April 1452 the Cambrai chapter voted to
pay him the equivalent of an entire year’s income from his prebend in recognition of his musical
services. Shortly after that he left Cambrai and travelled to Savoy, where he was to spend the next six
years.

In contrast with the earlier period in Cambrai, documentary information for Du Fay during his last
sojourn in Savoy between 1452 and 1458 is very limited. The accounts of the chapel itself, which
survive complete from 1449 to the end of the century (Bouquet), pass over him in total silence, but in
an autograph quittance of 8 November 1455 Du Fay referred to himself as magister capellae of the
duke. The accounts of the tesoreria generale note a gift of livery to him in January 1455 without
mentioning his status, and a letter from Pope Nicholas V to Duke Louis of Savoy also refers to Du Fay
as magister capellae, but it is clear that his position in the Savoy chapel was largely ceremonial and
that he was viewed as private counsellor and a friend of the ducal family. A letter (dated by Fallows at
22 January 1456) from Du Fay to Lorenzo de’ Medici refers to a recent meeting with the court of
France (including most likely Jean de Ockeghem), probably at the signing of the treaty of St Pourçain
in 1455, and mentions his recent composition of some songs and four lamentations on the fall of
Constantinople. Both Du Fay’s letter and that of Nicholas V indicate that the composer was apparently
trying to find patronage or a benefice that would allow him to remain in Savoy or in Italy in his old age.
In the event no substantial benefice was available and in September of 1458 he was in Besançon, on
his journey back to Cambrai. By October 1458 he had arrived in Cambrai where, apart from a few short
journeys largely connected with his canonicate at Ste Waudru, he was to spend the rest of his life.

Two works can be securely placed in this period in Savoy. The first is the lamentation for the fall of
Constantinople, O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius, and the other is the set of plainchants for a new feast,
the ‘Recollection omnium festorum Beate Marie Virginis’, established by a foundation of Michel de
Beringhen at Cambrai, and for which some of the texts were written by Gilles Carlier (Egidius
Carlerius). However, a number of other works surely date from these years as well, most likely among
them the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’, and a number of chansons composed on texts by poets of the circle
of Charles d’Orléans, who were present at St Pourçain in 1455. These songs include Malheureulx cueur
and Les douleurs. His only late Italian song, Dona gentile, must also date from this period.

On his return to Cambrai Du Fay resumed his activities as a canon of the cathedral, becoming master
of the petits vicaires in 1459, and was master of the petit coffre for a number of years. The cathedral
accounts also indicate that he arranged for Symon Mellet to copy a considerable amount of polyphonic
music for the cathedral. Furthermore, he renewed contact with Guillaume Modiator, called Malbecque,
a colleague from the papal chapel, who was his receiver for a small benefice he had in Watiebraine
(near Soignies), and perhaps through him came to know Johannes Regis, who succeeded Malbecque as
Du Fay’s receiver when Malbecque died in 1465. In 1460 Du Fay took part in negotiations, ultimately
unsuccessful, to appoint Regis magister puerorum at Cambrai.

The composer renewed his ties with the court of Burgundy. In 1457 Duke Philip ‘the Good’ requested
permission from King Charles VII to recruit in France for a crusade; this may have been the occasion
for the writing of the combinative chanson Il sera pour vous/L’homme armé, which mentions Simon le

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Breton, a Burgundian chaplain, who was listed as one of the chaplains to accompany the crusade. The
work is preserved anonymously in the Mellon Chansonnier (US-NHu 91), and Planchart considers that
the only composer close enough to Simon and whose style the chanson resembles is Du Fay (although
see Morton [Mourton, Moriton], Robert for a different opinion). It may also be that the L’homme armé
masses by both Du Fay and Ockeghem date from about this period.

During this last period in Cambrai Du Fay developed a close friendship with a fellow canon, Pierre de
Ranchicourt, and when the latter was made Bishop of Arras in 1463 he retained rooms in Du Fay’s
house and visited him often. Other visitors included Tinctoris (in 1460) and Ockeghem (in 1463). One
of Du Fay’s motets was sung on the occasion of a visit by Charles the Bold to Cambrai in 1460; on a
later visit, a tense meeting between the courts of Burgundy and France in 1468, Du Fay may have met
with both Ockeghem and Busnoys. The dedication of Cambrai Cathedral in 1472 also brought a number
of visitors to the city, probably including Compère, whose motet Omnium bonorum plena, which
mentions Du Fay, was most likely composed for this occasion (Montagna). Planchart (1972, 1993) has
argued that Du Fay’s Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’ was used for the dedication, even though it was
probably originally intended as a mass for his own obit. In addition to the visitors, he kept in contact
with Rome and Florence, as is shown by correspondence between him and Antonio Squarcialupi, and
by documentary evidence that he sent music to Rome.

At the end of his career Du Fay had a relatively small number of benefices. He retained his canonicates
at Cambrai and at Ste Waudru, as well as the parish church in Wattebraine. A canonicate at Condé was
exchanged for a chaplaincy at Ohain (Belgium). In 1470 he bought some land in Beersel to provide an
income for the establishment of his obit on 5 August, and in 1472 he supplemented the fund by the
purchase of a smaller piece of land in Wodecq. He drew up his will in July 1474 and died on 24
November of that year. He had requested that as he lay dying the cathedral singers should sing his Ave
regina celorum, but owing to the shortness of time this could not be carried out and the antiphon was
sung at his obsequies instead. The will and its execution reveal that Du Fay died a wealthy man but
with no close relatives. The year after his death Mellet copied a number of lamentations by Busnoys,
Hemart and Ockeghem; these are lost, but were possibly composed in memory of Du Fay.

A number of works can be dated to this last period in Cambrai. There is strong evidence that the Missa
‘L’homme armé’ was written between 1459 and 1461. The Missa ‘Ecce ancilla’ was copied into the
Cambrai choirbook in 1463 or 1464, the troped antiphon Ave regina celorum in 1464 or 1465, and the
Missa ‘Ave regina celorum’, probably begun after Du Fay established his obit in 1470, was copied at
Cambrai in 1473 or 1474. Fallows (1982) suggested that the rondeau En triumphant might be Du Fay’s
response to the death of Binchois in 1460. Payments to Symon Mellet point to the existence of a
number of late works that are now lost, including a Missa pro defunctis. Furthermore, there are
references as late as 1507 to the existence of an Officium defunctorum that the Order of the Golden
Fleece sang as a work of Du Fay (Prizer).

Two representations of Du Fay have survived: one is the well-known illumination in a copy of Martin le
Franc’s Le champion des dames (F-Pn fr.12476), and the other is an image of the composer kneeling,
carved on his funeral monument. The anonymous illuminator of Le champion des dames probably knew
the composer, as his work has been identified by art historians in manuscripts copied for Cambrai,
notably the breviary of Paul Beye. The right side of the composer’s face in the funeral monument has
suffered some damage and abrasions, since the stone was used as a well cover after the destruction of
the cathedral, but the images, although simplified likenesses, clearly depict the same person.

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2. Posthumous reputation.

Throughout his life Du Fay was regarded as the leading composer of his age. Most of his career
spanned a period of relative stylistic stability, and he was largely successful in incorporating new
stylistic traits that came to the fore during his life, including the contenance angloise of the 1430s, the
scoring and contrapuntal techniques found in the music of the master of the Missa ‘Caput’, and some
of the elements of the music of Ockeghem and the young Busnoys. In doing so he achieved an
extraordinary synthesis of the musical language of the mid-15th century while retaining a number of
older traits, particularly in his use of chromaticism. The period immediately following his death,
however, was one of relatively fast stylistic change and Du Fay’s music seems not to have made a large
impact on that of composers of Josquin’s generation. Few works from that generation use Du Fay’s
music as a source, a notable exception being Guillaume Faugues’s Missa ‘Le serviteur’, based on one of
Du Fay’s late rondeaux. Equally telling is the virtual absence of Du Fay’s music from most sources
produced around 1500, particularly the early printed anthologies of secular and sacred music. And yet
there are documented performances of his work in Brussels as late as 1507 (Prizer), Cambrai in 1515
(Wright, 1978) and until 1535 (Planchart, 1995). In addition, theorists continued to cite several of his
works until close to the middle of the 16th century. His name continued to be mentioned as one of the
important composers of his age by theorists and historians until the beginning of the scholarly
recovery of medieval music in the 19th century, although it is unlikely that most 17th- and 18th-century
writers, with the possible exception of Padre G.B. Martini, knew a note of his music. In the same
manner, works dealing with the history of the church in France continued to mention him as a
churchman, with no awareness of his importance as a composer.

3. Works: general.

Du Fay cultivated virtually all genres of polyphonic music known in his day and his approach to
composition varied slightly depending on the genre. His works include songs in the formes fixes,
plainchant settings where the chant is paraphrased in the cantus or another of the upper voices, freely-
composed settings (cantilenas) of liturgical, non-liturgical or ceremonial texts and cantus-firmus
compositions including motets and settings of the Ordinary of the Mass. An important subcategory of
plainchant settings is formed by pieces composed in fauxbourdon, where the cantus and tenor are
written out but a third voice replicates the cantus line a 4th below.

In terms of compositional approach there are not always marked differences between the first three of
the four categories mentioned above. In virtually all cases Du Fay’s point of departure was a cantus-
tenor contrapuntal framework expanded by one or two voices. In the case of the plainchant settings
the voice that elaborates the chant is the cantus of such a framework. In the cantus-firmus works Du
Fay began early on to utilize a double tenor as part of the framework with the cantus, sometimes
conflating both tenors into a solus tenor. This is the texture prevalent in virtually all the four-voice
isorhythmic motets and the cantus-firmus masses.

There are works where the categories are blurred. The isorhythmic motet Supremum est mortalibus
has sections in simple fauxbourdon, some of the cantilenas present complex rhythmic surfaces
comparable to those of the isorhythmic motets, and some of the songs make use of cantus-firmus
procedures in contexts so simple and compressed as to appear ironic. O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius

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is a hybrid of cantilena and motet, and in the late works such as Ave regina celorum (tentatively dated
1463) and the masses ‘Ave regina celorum’ and ‘Ecce ancilla’ the techniques of cantus firmus,
plainchant paraphrase and free composition are fused in a remarkable synthesis.

The hallmarks of Du Fay’s style are a balanced and carefully wrought melodic writing style that early
on consisted of a well-articulated succession of small motivic cells and became considerably more spun
out in the 1440s; a clear and transparent contrapuntal structure with well-defined cadences, closely
tied to the rhetorical structure of the text (prompting a number of scholars, beginning with Besseler,
1950, to consider his music as an important step towards the emergence of tonal harmony); and a rich
rhythmic surface that retained some of the layering of fast and slow motion characteristics of much
late medieval music, even though it became more and more homogeneous and flowing in the later
works. In early works the rhythmic activity and the small motifs articulating the melodies call attention
to themselves, while in the later music both are subsumed into the smooth flow of sonorities. Finally,
an important aspect of Du Fay’s writing that links it with the music of his predecessors and early
contemporaries but separates it from later music is the discursive use of chromatic alteration (for
discussion of this see Boone, 1987 and 1996, and Brothers, 1997).

4. Chant settings.

Ex.1. Christe, redemptor omnium/Ex Patre (a) Version with fauxbourdon (showing paraphrased plainchant
melody) (b) Version with composed contratenor

More than half of Du Fay’s surviving works consist of chant settings, where one of the voices, usually
the cantus, follows the contour, text and phrasing of a plainchant melody with a small amount of
elaboration. This melody is supported by a tenor and the texture is expanded by a contratenor, or, in
the simplest cases, by fauxbourdon. A few works survive both with fauxbourdon and with a composed
contratenor (ex.1).

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This kind of polyphony was probably heard not as an independent composition but as an elaboration of
the plainchant. It is found in the work of other composers of the late 14th century and the early 15th,
and is related to English discant and the practice of improvised polyphony on a chant. Still, an
examination of the tenor in ex.1 or a comparison of the two elaborations shows the skill and subtlety
with which Du Fay handled the simplest material. His works in this manner cover most of the liturgical
categories: they include all the surviving hymns, sequences and Magnificat settings, most of the Office
antiphon and responsory settings, some Glorias and the possible Kyrie cycle (Planchart, EMH, 1988).
Until recently it was thought that all of Du Fay’s chant settings came from the early part of his career,
but the identification of the Missa S Antonii de Padua and the masses for the Order of the Golden
Fleece show that he continued writing such works well into the 1450s: the Propers in these pieces are
all chant settings, albeit with considerably more elaboration both in the chant-derived voice and in the
newly composed parts, which are occasionally expanded to include a second contratenor. From the
description of the lost Missa pro defunctis it seems that this work was a series of chant settings as well.

5. Cantilena settings.

Du Fay’s cantilenas have comparatively few antecedents: they go back no further than the music of
English and northern Italian composers working at the end of the 14th century. His works cover a
relatively wide stylistic field: at one extreme they closely resemble simple chant elaborations (except
that here none of the voices is derived from plainchant), as in the earliest of the surviving Ave regina
settings (v, 120), and at the other they match the complexity of the isorhythmic motets, as is the case
with Inclita stella maris. Within these wide boundaries they present a considerable variety of textures
and some, such as Flos florum, are stylistically close to Du Fay’s more florid secular works. Formally
the cantilenas are his freest and least predictable works and a number are unique not only in his
output but in the entire 15th-century repertory. In a sense, more than a specific genre, these works
represent a group of closely related compositional procedures and strategies that Du Fay employed
also in the songs and in isolated settings of the Ordinary of the Mass. Texts set in this way may be
liturgical, devotional or ceremonial, but virtually all are in Latin. The exceptions are the well-known
Vergene bella and O tres piteulx/Omnes amici eius. Closely related to the cantilenas is the famous
troped Ave regina celorum (v, 124), but this is a hybrid work incorporating cantus-firmus procedure,
his only work that can be classified as a fully fledged example of the new kind of motet cultivated by
composers such as Ockeghem, Busnoys and Regis. It represents a summation of all Du Fay’s
compositional strategies, including paraphrase, cantus firmus and extended passages of free
composition that are reminiscent of his cantilenas.

6. Motets.

Under this heading are considered only those works that Du Fay would have termed a motet, that is,
what is now termed an isorhythmic motet. In them Du Fay was working within a tradition that went
back over a century before his first efforts in the genre. It is clear that he was aware of the work of
Vitry and Machaut, but that his immediate models were largely works from northern Italy and England,
particularly those of Ciconia and Dunstaple (Cumming, 1987, 1994; Allsen; Lütteken). Du Fay’s motets
have been studied in considerable detail because, beyond their intrinsic musical interest, the majority
of them can be associated with specific places and thus provide valuable biographical information. The
earliest, Vasilissa ergo gaude, dates from 1420, and the last, Fulgens iubar, possibly from 1447. The

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earlier motets show Du Fay as an imaginative and able follower of Ciconia, emulating the brilliant
sound of the older composer’s works but adapting his techniques to produce denser contrapuntal
textures that derive from northern French music of the late 14th century. Most of the motets employ
isorhythm in all voices, and several use multiple tenors, some derived from plainchant (Ecclesie
militantis; Nuper rosarum flores), and some with a newly composed second tenor (Moribus et genere;
Fulgens iubar ecclesie). In the motets where there is more than one talea to a given color the
isorhythm is extended to all voices within each section, and in the late motets extensive use is made of
isomelic returns (melodic and textual recurrences) to articulate the structure of the work. Several of
the early motets have an extended introitus before the entrance of the tenor voice and the start of the
isorhythmic structure, and in Supremum est mortalibus the introitus and several interludes are in
fauxbourdon. In the latest motets the introitus is incorporated into the isorhythm itself by the inclusion
of a series of rests at the beginning of the tenor that are then taken into the talea pattern. A few also
conclude with a short coda outside the isorhythmic structure. Du Fay cited the impressive coda of
Nuper rosarum flores at the end of his last motet, Fulgens iubar. In all the motets the plainchant tenors
are chosen for their emblematic symbolism, and in Supremum est mortalibus a second chant, the
antiphon Isti sunt due olive, is cited for the same reason. All the motets subject the tenor to mensural
transformations that result in proportional relationships between the sections; in a number of cases
these relationships also carry a symbolic meaning, as is the case with Nuper rosarum flores, where the
proportions between the sections, 6:4:2:3, replicate the reported measurements of the Temple of
Solomon (Wright, 1994). Just as the earlier motets appear to be Du Fay’s response to the music of
Ciconia, the later ones, particularly those after Nuper rosarum flores, appear to be his response to
English music, not only the motets of Dunstaple but the four-part writing of the ‘Caput’ master.

7. Music for the Mass.

Du Fay’s earliest settings of the Mass show that early on he was acquainted with the music of
Loqueville and the French traditions of the late 14th century, but also with the music of Ciconia, Zacar
da Teramo and the Lantins. His earliest work in this genre is a Kyrie-Sanctus-Agnus cycle, related to a
work of Loqueville and probably composed for the Council of Konstanz (Planchart, 1993). Most of his
mass music from before the 1440s consists of isolated movements or pairs composed as plainchant
settings or in free settings related to the cantilenas or the secular works. Only a few of these
movements use a cantus firmus, and the organization of the Sanctus-Agnus pairs is based on
alternations between duos and full-texture sections.

Two complete mass cycles survive from before 1440: these are the Missa sine nomine [‘Resvelliés
vous’] and the Missa S Jacobi. The former shares musical material and gestures with the ballade
Resvelliés vous, and the Kyrie, Gloria, Sanctus and Agnus are interrelated by opening gestures
(including ‘plainchant’ intonations written by Du Fay) and extended hocket sections at the end. The
Credo shows less of a connection to the other movements and its place in the cycle has been
questioned (Hamm, 1960), but it too echoes aspects of the ballade. The Missa S Jacobi is a plenary
mass, where an Ordinary interrelated by textural alternations and mensural shifts is complemented by
motet-like settings of the Propers, ending with a simple fauxbourdon for the communion, which may be
the earliest surviving example of the genre.

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In 1439 or early 1440 Du Fay undertook to write the extended cycle of Propers for the Order of the
Golden Fleece (identified as his work by Feininger, 1947, and Planchart, EMH, 1988). During the
following decade he was concerned with the revision of the liturgy at Cambrai, as discussed above.
Most of the music from this period is lost, but its character may be surmised from the one surviving
cycle written (according to Fallows, 1982), towards the end of the 1440s. It was published as the Missa
S Antonii Viennensis (ii, 47), but it has been shown to be the Missa S Antonii de Padua that is cited in
letters and in treatises by Spataro, Tinctoris and Gaffurius (Fallows, 1982). Furthermore, Planchart
(EMH, 1988) has suggested that it is in fact a double plenary cycle with two sets of Propers, one for St
Anthony of Padua and a second for St Francis. The Propers are plainchant paraphrases; the Ordinary
begins with a plainchant paraphrase Kyrie but continues with four free movements in cantilena style
that makes conspicuous use of rhythmic complexities, traits also found in the cycles for the Order of
the Golden Fleece.

In the 1450s Du Fay turned his attention to the English tradition of mass cycles based on a cantus
firmus, and the last four masses securely attributed to him belong in this category. The first of these,
the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’, based on the tenor of his own ballade, is built along the lines of his late
isorhythmic motets and shows his awareness of works such as the Missa ‘Caput’. Head motifs and
carefully placed returns of musical material from one movement to another are all present in these
works. In the Missa ‘Se la face ay pale’ some of these traits clearly recall the isomelic returns in the
motets, while in later masses the returning material is presented in a more varied and flexible form.
Similarly the later masses move further away from the layered textures of the motet and towards the
more homogeneous musical texture found in the music of Ockeghem and Busnoys. Greater use of
imitation in the later masses means that melodic elements of the tenor appear in the other voices as
well. The Missa ‘L’homme armé’, Du Fay’s most extended work, shows surprising returns to the
rhythmic intricacy found in some of the works of the 1440s, and in the masses ‘Ecce ancilla’ and ‘Ave
regina’ the tenor (and sometimes the bass in the latter) is presented with its antiphon text instead of
the text of the Ordinary. The Missa ‘Ave regina’ also borders on parody since it uses not only a cantus
firmus but contains extended citations of the entire polyphonic fabric of his motet of 1463. This mass
appears to be a deliberate summation of virtually all Du Fay’s approaches to mass composition.

8. Plainchant melodies.

In 1457 Egidius Carlerius and Du Fay were commissioned to produce the texts and plainchants for a
Marian feast that Michel de Beringhen was instituting in his will, the ‘Recollectio omnium festorum
Beate Marie Virginis’. They adapted some Marian chants for the feast, but by and large wrote entirely
new pieces for the day and night Office as well as for parts of the Mass. Du Fay’s plainchants were
identified and studied by Haggh (1988). The antiphons and responsories of the Office are ordered
numerically by mode and each melody is composed with careful attention to modal structure in terms
of division into tetrachords and pentachords (a trait also found in the songs). Planchart (EMH, 1988)
noted that Du Fay may be the composer of a plainchant setting of the introit for St Anthony Abbot,
Scitote quoniam, found only in the Cambrai books, and Wright (1994) attributed to Du Fay the prose of
the Mass for the dedication of Florence Cathedral, Nuper almos rose flores.

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9. Songs.

Du Fay left a large corpus of songs covering all the formes fixes, plus one or two combinative chansons.
The majority of the songs are rondeaux, which he composed throughout his career. The ballades are all
early works and the few virelais or bergerettes are relatively late. Both of the combinative chansons
are also late. A small number of works to Italian texts, which do not follow any of the known poetic
forms, are also early apart from the exceptional rondeau Dona gentile, which must date from the
1450s. Most of the songs have a three-part texture using cantus, tenor and contratenor, but a number
of four-voice works are more or less evenly distributed throughout his career. In a few cases, such as in
Pour l’amour de ma doulce amye, the fourth voice is not by Du Fay. Imitation is present in both early
and late works, but becomes slightly more prevalent in the later pieces, particularly between the
cantus and the tenor. Straightforward canons and mensuration canons also appear, although
infrequently, in early and late works. In most sources text is set only to the cantus, although a
considerable number of pieces have text also in the tenor and some in the contratenor. In the late
songs the imitation between cantus and tenor invites text underlay of the latter; however, it is clear
that underlay in the sources was frequently a matter of scribal preference. The early songs show an
extraordinary range of textures, particularly in terms of rhythmic and motivic organization, and some
of them are quite idiosyncratic (for example Resvelliés vous, Ma belle dame souveraine, Hé
compaignons). The subject matter of the texts also ranges from courtly love to scenes of bourgeois
conviviality. Textures in the late songs are smoother and the rhythmic and melodic differentiation
between the voices is less pronounced. The texts of the later works are in general closer to the stylistic
canons of courtly love poetry. A few of the very late songs, such as Dieu gard la bone, show that Du Fay
was aware of the style of the secular works of Ockeghem and particularly Busnoys. Du Fay’s text
settings throughout his career pay exquisite attention to the detail in the poetry and to rhetorical and
poetic structure, and show an acute concern for the tonal and melodic balance of his lines.

10. Lost works.

A number of works by Du Fay that are mentioned in 15th- and 16th-century records are no longer
extant; others probably survive anonymously and are unidentifiable. The lost works include three
lamentations on the fall of Constantinople, mentioned by Du Fay in his letter to the Medici, and a
number of works copied by Symon Mellet in the 1460s, namely a Magnificat in the 7th mode (1462–3),
the hymn O quam glorifica (1463–4), a prose for St Mary Magdalene (Laus tibi Christe, 1463–4) and the
Missa pro defunctis (1470); this latter was associated in later performances with a lost Office for the
Dead, as discussed above.

The identification of the cycle of weekly Propers for the Order of the Golden Fleece also points to a lost
cycle for the Lady Mass, of which only fragments survive. The possibility that Du Fay wrote a Proper
cycle for Cambrai in the 1440s would also imply a number of lost works. Evidence for the existence of
these Propers is found not only in the anonymous fragments that have been attributed to Du Fay by
Feininger and Planchart, but also in the decision by the Cambrai chapter in 1515 that an Epiphany
motet being sung at that time should be replaced by another ‘drawn from the works of the late Du
Fay’ (Wright, 1975). A Mass for St Anthony Abbot mentioned in the execution of Du Fay’s will has been
I-
identified with an anonymous work surviving in Trent 89 (TRmp ), but the work lacks some
movements.

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Finally, one or possibly two works of music theory are now lost: these are a Musica, cited in the notes
of another music treatise, and a Tractatus de musica mensurata et de proportionibus, which Fétis
reported seeing with an ascription to Du Fay, and which was sold to an English bookseller in 1824 and
has never been traced.

11. Problems of attribution.

Even in the 15th century a number of works circulated with incorrect or conflicting attributions to Du
Fay. This created a particular problem because one of the works incorrectly ascribed to him, the
English Missa ‘Caput’, was available early on in a modern edition and assumed a central position in the
evaluation of his style. Further problems were created by the often unexplained rejection in Besseler’s
edition of a number of works with ascriptions in the sources, particularly hymns and songs. A number
of these rejections have been shown to be the result of stylistic analysis based on faulty transcriptions
of the music, or of historical assumptions not supported by any evidence (Planchart, EMH, 1988;
Fallows, 1995).

A number of anonymous works have been attributed to Du Fay by modern scholars. Hamm’s
attributions (1960) of a number of sequences, the motet Elizabeth Zacharie, and a Mass Ordinary in
I-Rvat S Pietro B80, have been tentatively accepted by most scholars, and Allsen provided further
evidence for the case of Elizabeth Zacharie. Feininger’s attributions of the masses ‘Veterem hominem’,
‘Christus surrexit’ and ‘Puisque je vis’ have been rejected. The first of these is a twin of the Missa
‘Caput’ and was known to Thomas Morley as an English work; the second is based on a German Leise
and is part of a little-understood repertory of German masses; the third has remained largely
undiscussed in later scholarship. The Missa ‘La mort de St Gothard’, ascribed to Du Fay briefly by
Feininger and accepted without explanation by Besseler (ii, 105), is probably a work of Johannes
Martini (Nitschke).

I-
In addition Feininger (1947) attributed to Du Fay a number of Proper cycles in Trent 88 (TRmp ).
These attributions were initially treated with considerable scepticism but a considerable amount of
new evidence has been uncovered confirming most of Feininger’s attributions (Planchart, 1972; EMH,
1988; 1995; Fallows, 1982). Later attempts to question them (Gerber, 1994) appear to be based on
faulty analysis.

The difficulty of attributing any work on the basis of purely stylistic criteria is illustrated by the case of
the Mass for St Anthony Abbot, whose attribution to Du Fay is still debated: Fallows rejected it on
stylistic grounds, whereas Planchart (EMH, 1988) believes that its liturgical connection with Cambrai
means that it can be counted as part of Du Fay’s oeuvre.

12. Sources.

Du Fay’s reputation in the 15th century is attested by the large number of surviving works and by the
geographical spread of manuscripts containing his music. His works survive in nearly 100 manuscripts
originating in Austria, Bohemia, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Scotland and Spain,
dating from the second quarter of the 15th century to the first quarter of the 16th. Particularly
important sources for his music are the early Italian anthologies, GB-Ob Can.misc.213, I-Bc Q15 and
I-Bu 2216, which transmit virtually all his surviving music up to about 1435. Much of his ceremonial

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music appears also in a carefully copied source, I-MOe α.X.1.11, copied in Ferrara in about 1445, and
some of the very late works appear in a source relatively close to the composer, B-Br 5557. For much
of the music that he wrote in the 1440s and 50s, however, we have only copies very distantly related to
the composer, such as the Trent codices, although in the case of the songs, manuscripts copied in the
Loire valley and in Savoy transmit sound versions of his works.

13. Editions.

Du Fay’s music first became available in modern transcriptions as examples in studies by Kiesewetter,
Rochlitz and Ambros. Important works were edited by Haberl, in several of the volumes of music from
the Trent codices in the DTÖ series, and in Stainer’s influential edition of music from GB-Ob Can.misc.
213. Important editions of sacred and secular works were published by Besseler (1932) and Gerber
(1937). A systematic publication of the complete works was begun by Guillaume De Van, with the
cantilena motets (1947), the isorhythmic motets (1947) and two masses (1949). On De Van’s death
Besseler took over the editorship in 1951 and completed the edition in 1966, reissuing the works edited
by De Van. Besseler’s edition, however, is marred by typographical errors, incomplete transcriptions,
unreported changes in mensural reduction and lacunae in the critical reports. A number of those
occurring in the second and fourth volumes of the edition were corrected by Bockholdt (1960); the
sixth volume was revised and corrected by Fallows in 1995.

Works

Editions

Guillelmi Dufay opera omnia, ed. H. Besseler, CMM, i/1–6 (1951–66) [with important
introduction to each vol.]; CMM, i/6 rev. D. Fallows (1995) with commentary in MSD,
xlvii (1995) [vol., p.]

Die frühen Messenkompositionen von Guillaume Dufay, ed. R. Bockholdt (Tutzing,


1960), ii [B]

Masses and mass ordinary movements

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Missa [sine 3 ii, 1 Shares musical material with ballade


nomine] Resvelliés vous; complex transmission
pattern

Missa ‘Ave regina 4 iii, 91 c.f.: Marian ant in T


celorum’

Missa ‘Ecce ancilla 4 iii, 66 c.f.: ‘Ecce ancilla Domini’ (ant,


Domini’ Annunciation), ‘Beata es Maria’ (ant,
Visitation) in T

Missa ‘L’homme 4 iii, 33 c.f.: Fr. monophonic song in T


armé’

Missa ‘Resvelliés
vous’ [see Missa
sine nomine]

Missa ‘Se la face 4 iii, 1 c.f.: Du Fay’s ballade in T


ay pale’

Missa S Jacobi 3, 4 ii, 17 Feast of St James; int (Mihi autem), Ky,


Gl, all (Alleluia, Hispanorum clarens
stella), Cr, off (In omnem terram), San,
Ag, comm (Vos qui secuti estis); chants
paraphrased in cantus of Ordinary or as
c.f. in T of Propers.

Kyrie, Gloria, 3 iv, 3 B


Credo 24

Kyrie, Sanctus 3 iv, 8; v, San and Ag c.f. ‘Vineux’; in a ‘cycle’ in


‘Qui ianuas 155 B 30 I-Bc Q15, see also Vineux.
mortis’, Agnus Dei

Gloria, Credo 4 iv, 31 B


48

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Gloria ‘Resurrexit 4 iv, 20 B Gl: c.f. ‘Tu m’as monté’ in cantus I; Cr:
dominus’, Credo 38 c.f. ‘La vilanella’ in cantus I; some MSS
‘Dic Maria’ have different trope.

Sanctus, Agnus 3 iv, 41 B


Dei 64

Sanctus, Agnus 3 iv, 45 B


Dei 21

Sanctus ‘Ave 4 iv, 53 Scribal pairing; San marked ‘papale’, Ag


verum corpus’, trope has papal connections; Ag anon. in
Agnus ‘Custos et source
pastor’

Kyrie ‘Cum jubilo’ 3 iv, 67 B cantus paraphrases Kyrie IX


9

Kyrie 3 iv, 62 B fauxbourdon setting; cantus paraphrases


‘Cunctipotens 13 Kyrie IV; fauxbourdon replaced by
genitor’ composed contratenor in final Kyrie

Kyrie ‘Fons 3 iv, 69 B cantus paraphrases Kyrie II


bonitatis’ 1

Kyrie ‘Fons 3 iv, 70 B cantus II paraphrases Kyrie II


bonitatis’ 3

Kyrie ‘Jesu 3 iv, 65 fauxbourdon setting; cantus paraphrases


redemptor’ Kyrie XIV

Kyrie ‘Lux et origo’ 4 iv, 68 B cantus paraphrases Kyrie I


8

Kyrie ‘Orbis factor’ 3 iv, 63 B cantus paraphrases Kyrie XI


5

Kyrie ‘Orbis factor’ 3 iv, 64 B cantus II paraphrases Kyrie XI


7

Kyrie ‘Pater 3 iv, 61 B cantus paraphrases Kyrie XII


cuncta’ 12

Kyrie ‘Rex genitor’ 3 iv, 71 B rubric ‘In semiduplicis maioris’


11

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Gloria 3 iv, 77 B
35

Gloria [in 3 iv, 85 B cantus paraphrases Gloria XI; alternatim


dominicis] 16 setting

Gloria 3 iv, 90 B I-
paired in TRmp 92 with Kyrie (iv, 72;
59
see ‘Doubtful works’), but ascription of
Gloria is unchallenged

Gloria ad modum 4 iv, 79 cantus II canonically derived


tube

Gloria de 3 iv, 81 B facs. in B, facing p.31


quaremiaux 31

Gloria dominicale 3 iv, 88 B cantus paraphrases Gloria XV; alternatim


minus 14 setting

Gloria in galli 3 iv, 86 B cantus paraphrases Gloria XIV;


cantu 18 alternatim setting; possibly intended for
1st Mass of Christmas

Gloria ‘Spiritus et 3 iv, 83 cantus paraphrases Gloria IX with trope;


alme’ alternatim setting

Credo 3 iv, 17 paired in Bc Q15 with Gl by Hugo de


Lantins (see ‘Doubtful works’)

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Mass proper settings

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Alleluia, 4 ii, 27 all, part of Missa S Jacobi; plainchant (?by Du


Hispanorum Fay) in T
clarens stella

Alleluia, Veni 3 ii, 71 all, part of Mass for the Holy Ghost (see
Sancte spiritus ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus

Confirma hoc 3 off, part of Mass for the Holy Ghost (see
Deus ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus;
anon. in MS but Spataro quoted a passage
from it in a letter (1532) as being by Du Fay;
ed. in Feininger (1947), 10

Epiphaniam 3 v, 8 seq, Epiphany; plainchant paraphrased in


domino cantus
canamus

In omnem 4 ii, 37 off, part of Missa S Jacobi; c.f. in T


terram

Isti sunt due 3 v, 27 seq, St Peter and St Paul; chant paraphrased


olive in a different voice in each verse

Lauda Sion 3 v, 21 seq, Corpus Christi; chant paraphrased in


cantus and T in different verses

Letabundus 3 v, 5 seq, Christmas; chant paraphrased in cantus


exsultet and T in different verses

Mihi autem 4 ii, 17 int, part of Missa S Jacobi; plainchant in T


nimis

Os justi 3 int, confessors, part of Mass for St Francis


(see ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus;
anon. in MS but Spataro quoted a passage
from it in a letter (1532) as being by Du Fay;
ed. in Feininger, 1947, p.151

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Os justi 3 grad, part of Mass for St Anthony of Padua
(see ‘Works attributed to Du Fay by modern
scholars’); chant paraphrased in cantus;
anon. in MS but attributed to Du Fay in
Spataro’s Tractato (1531); ed. in Feininger, p.
135

Rex 3 v, 13 seq, Ascension; chant paraphrased in cantus


omnipotens and Ct

Veni Sancte 3 v, 18 seq, Whitsunday; chant paraphrased in


Spiritus cantus II

Victime 3 v, 11 seq, Easter; chant paraphrased in cantus


paschali laudes

Vos qui secuti 3 ii, 44 comm, part of Missa S Jacobi; chant


estis paraphrased in cantus

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Magnificat and benedicamus domino

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Magnificat tertii 4, 3, 2 v, 91 also ed. I. Pope and M. Kanazawa: The


et quarti toni Musical Manuscript Montecassino 871
(Oxford, 1978), no.74

Magnificat quinti 3 v, 87 alternatim; sets even-numbered verses


toni after the first

Magnificat sexti 3 v, 75 also ascribed to Binchois (erased) and


toni Dunstaple, but by Du Fay

Magnificat octavi 2, 3 v, 81
toni

Benedicamus 3 v, 35 chant in T
Domino

Benedicamus 3 v, 36
Domino

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Antiphons

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Alma redemptoris 3 v, 115 BVM; plainchant in T


mater [i]

Alma redemptoris 3 v, 117 BVM; chant paraphrased in cantus


mater [ii]

Anima mea lique 3 v, 113 BVM; chant paraphrased in all voices


facta est

Ave regina 3 v, 120 BVM


celorum [i]

Ave regina 3 v, 121 BVM; chant paraphrased in cantus


celorum [ii]

Ave regina 4 v, 124 BVM; troped ‘Miserere tui’; chant in T,


celorum [iii] also paraphrased in cantus and Ct

Hic vir despiciens 3 v, 101 chant paraphrased in cantus;


fauxbourdon setting

Magi videntes 3 v, 98 chant paraphrased in cantus

O gemma 3 v, 103 chant paraphrased in cantus


martyrum

Petrus apostolus 3 v, 103 St Peter and St Paul; chant paraphrased


et Paulus in cantus

Propter nimiam 3 v, 97 chant paraphrased in cantus;


caritatem fauxbourdon setting

Salva nos, Domine 3 v, 39 chant paraphrased in cantus

Salve regina 4 BVM; ascription to Du Fay questioned in


earlier scholarship, more recently
reconsidered; ed. in DTÖ, xiv–xv, Jg.vii
(1900/R), p.178

Salve sancte pater 3 v, 104 chant paraphrased in cantus

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Sapiente filio 3 v, 105 chant paraphrased in cantus;
fauxbourdon setting

Si queris miracula 3 v, 106 chant paraphrased in cantus; text and


chant by Julian of Speyer

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Hymns

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Ad cenam agni 3 v, 47 Easter; odd numbered stanzas; a second


providi version exists with slightly different cantus
and T, and with fauxbourdon instead of
contratenor. 3 further anon. arrangements of
this latter setting, in D-MERa, I-CFm CII,
Trent 89 (TRmp)

A solis ortus
cardine [=
Hostis Herodes
impie]

Audi, benigne 3 v, 44 Lent; chant in Ct


conditor

Aurea luce et 3 v, 62 Feast of St Peter and S Paul


decore roseo [=
Doctor egregie,
Paule]

Aures ad 3 v, 45 Sundays in Lent


nostras deitas
[i]

Ave maris stella 3 v, 55 2 versions: one with fauxbourdon, one with


composed Ct (separate T and Ct parts in
TRmp 92, ed. v, 143, are not by Du Fay)

Christe 3 v, 57, All Saints; 2 versions: one with fauxbourdon,


redemptor 58 one with composed Ct
omnium,
conserva

Christe 3 v, 40 Christmas; 2 versions: one with


redemptor fauxbourdon, one with composed Ct
omnium, ex
Patre

Conditor alme 3 v, 39 Advent; fauxbourdon setting


siderum

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Deus tuorum 3 v, 66 feasts of one martyr; fauxbourdon setting; 2
militum further anon. versions with new T and Ct (v,
59, 60) may not be by Du Fay

Exultet celum 3 v, 63 apostolic feasts; 2 versions: one with


laudibus fauxbourdon, one with composed Ct

Festum nunc 3 v, 139 Ascension; considered inauthentic by some


celebre scholars

Hostis Herodes 3 v, 42 Epiphany; music also to Christmas text A


impie solis ortus cardine

Iste confessor 3 v, 69 martyrs; fauxbourdon setting; further anon.


version with composed Ct stylistically
probably by Du Fay (v, 61)

Jesu corona 3 v, 70 feasts of one virgin; fauxbourdon setting; 2


virginum further anon. versions: one with new T and
Ct, stylistically probably by Du Fay (v, 62),
one with new Ct and B, late 15th century (v,
63)

Jesu nostra 3 v, 50 Ascension


redemptio

O lux beata 3 v, 52 Trinity; sets odd-numbered stanzas in all


Trinitas sources but one.

Pange lingua 3 v, 53 Corpus Christi; chant paraphrased in cantus


gloriosi [i]

Pange lingua 3 v, 140 separate setting from Pange lingua [i];


gloriosi [ii] considered inauthentic by some scholars

Proles de celo 3 v, 71 St Francis


prodiit

Sanctorum 3 v, 67 several martyrs


meritis inclita

Tibi Christe 3 v, 60 St Michael (angels); fauxbourdon setting


splendor Patris

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Urbs beata 3 v, 54 Dedication of a church; 2 further anon.
Jerusalem versions: one a fauxbourdon reworking of
cantus, probably by Du Fay (v, 141), one with
new Ct, late 15th century (v, 142)

Ut queant laxis 3 v, 61 St John Baptist

Veni Creator 3 v, 51 Pentecost


Spiritus

Vexilla regis 3 v, 46 Passiontide; a further anon. fauxbourdon


prodeunt setting (with new T), probably by Du Fay (v,
54)

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Isorhythmic motets

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Apostolo glorioso/ 5, 4 i, 33 for rededication of church of St Andrew,


Cum tua doctrina/ Patras (1426) or the appointment of
Andreas Christi Pandolfo Malatesta as archbishop
(1424); version for 4vv with solus tenor

Balsamus et munda 4 i, 54 Distribution of the Agnus Dei by Pope


cera/Isti sunt agni Eugenius IV, 7 April 1431
novelli

Ecclesie militantis/ 5 i, 46 Perhaps for coronation of Pope Eugenius


Sanctorum arbitrio/ IV (1431), although the texts give no
Bella canunt gentes/ clear indication
Gabriel/Ecce nomen
Domini

Fulgens iubar 4 i, 80 Purification of the BVM; perhaps written


ecclesie/Puerpera for the installation of Pierre de
pura parens/Virgo Ranchicourt as canon of Cambrai (1447).
post partum Acrostic in motetus: PETRUS DE
CASTELLO CANTA; refers to Pierre du
Castel, a witness at Pierre’s installation.

Magnanime gentis/ 3 i, 76 Peace treaty between Louis of Savoy and


Nexus amictie/Hec Philippe, Count of Geneva (1438)
est vera fraternitas

Moribus et genere/ 4 i, 88 St John the Evangelist; possibly for John


Virgo virga virens/ of Burgundy’s visit to Cambrai, June–Aug
Virgo est electus 1442

Nuper rosarum 4 i, 70 Dedication of S Maria del Fiore,


flores/Terribilis est Florence, by Eugenius IV, 24 March
1436

O gemma, lux et 4 i, 29 St Nicholas of Bari


speculum/Sacer
pastor Barensium/
[Beatus Nicolaus
adhuc]

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O sancte 4 i, 24 St Sebastian
Sebastiane/O martyr
Sebastiane/O quam
mira refulsit gratia/
Gloria et honore

Rite maiorem 4, 3 i, 38 St James the Great; acrostic in triplum


Jacobum/Artibus and motetus: ROBERTUS ACLOU
summis miseri/Ora CURATUS SANCTI IACOBI; probably
pro nobis Dominum 1426–7; version for 3vv with solus tenor

Salve flos Tusce/Vos 4 i, 64 In praise of Florence and the women of


nunc Etruscorum Florence, probably 1436
iubar/Viri mendaces

Supremum est 3 i, 59 Commemorates the meeting between


mortalibus Eugenius IV and King Sigismund
(Emperor-elect), 31 May 1433

Vasilissa ergo 4 i, 21 On the departure of Cleofe Malatesta, 20


gaude/Concupivit Aug 1420, for her marriage
rex

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Cantilena motets

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Ave virgo que de 3 i, 8 seq, BVM


celis

Flos florum 3 i, 6 rhymed prayer; BVM

Gaude virgo mater 3, 4 v, 1 seq, Feast of the Joys of the BVM;


Christi contratenor probably not by Du Fay
(3vv in I-Bc Q15)

Imperatrix
angelorum [see
Mirandas parit hec
urbs]

Inclita stella maris 4, 3, 2 i, 1 BVM; a canon indicates possibility of


performance in several different
combinations of voices; cantus II is a
mensuration canon

Juvenis qui puellam 3 vi, 15 text is a legal dispute; inc., after 1438

Mirandas parit hec 3 i, 12 In praise of Florence and its ladies;


urbs probably 1436; text in TRmp 87
‘Imperatrix angelorum’

O beate Sebastiane 3 i, 10 St Sebastian

O proles Hispanie/O 4 i, 15 St Anthony of Padua


sidus Hispanie

O tres piteulx/ 4 vi, 19 lament on the fall of Constantinople;


Omnes amici eius between 1454 and 1457; motet-like
texture with cantus firmus

Vergene bella 3 vi, 7 BVM; vernacular devotional work; text


by Petrarch

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Plainchant melodies

Mass Propers

Alleluia, Beati omnes (all); Luce splendida fulgebis (grad); Nuper almos rose flores
(seq); Scitote quoniam (int)

Antiphons

Angelus mittitur; Anna parit Joachim; Anna stellam matutinam; Antiquum consilium;
Ave virgo speciosa; Beata es, Dei genetrix; Femina vetus; Festinat ad cognatam;
Gabriel archangelus; Gloriam virginis; Mittitur ad Mariam; Non concava vallium;
Salve vellus; Solem justitie; Tenebrae diffugiunt; Tota pulchra es; Vidi speciosam;
Virga florens paritura; Virgo mater filium; Virgo puerum sistit

Hymns

Gaude redempta; Nuntiat angelus

Responsories

Ibo ad montem; O felix virgo; Omnipotens dominus; Scandit ad ethra; Surge propera;
Ut audivit precursoris

Invitatories

Festa genetricis Dei recolentes

Secular

Italian

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Dona gentile, bella 3 vi, 12 music in rondeau form to text


come l’oro apparently adapted from a ballata

Dona, i ardenti ray 3 vi, 10 ?ballata; musico-poetic form unclear

La dolce vista 3 vi, 6 ballata

L’alta belleza tua 3 vi, 1 ballata; text of volta missing and


virtute valore irregular rhyme in piedi

Invidia nimica 4 vi, 2 Suggestion that only Ct II is by Du Fay,


but accepted as genuine by Fallows
(1995)

Passato è il tempo 3 vi, 4 ballata


omai di quei
pensieri

Quel fronte 3 vi, 11 musico-poetic form unclear;


signorille in authenticity questioned by Bent but
paradiso affirmed by Fallows (1982; 1995)

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Ballades

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Bien doy servir de 3 vi, 37


volenté entiere

Ce jour le doibt, aussi 3 vi, 34


fait la saison

C’est bien raison de 3 vi, 31 to Niccolò d’Este, mentioning a peace


devoir essaucier treaty, probably 26 April 1433

J’ay mis mon cuer et 3 vi, 28 acrostic: ISABETE; perhaps for the
ma pensee wedding of Elisabetta Malatesta da
Rimini to Piergentile Varano, 1425

Je me complains 3 vi, 29 dated 12 July 1425 in only source


piteusement

Mon chier amy, 3 vi, 30 possibly to Carlo Malatesta da Rimini


qu’aves vous on the death of his brother Pandolfo,
empensé 3 Oct 1427 (Fallows, 1982)

Resvelliés vous et 3 vi, 25 for wedding of Carlo Malatesta da


faites chiere lye Pesaro and Vittoria di Lorenzo
Colonna, 23 July 1423

Se la face ay pale [i] 3 vi, 36

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Rondeaux

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Adieu ces bons vins de 3 vi, 50 dated 1426 in only source


Lannoys

Adieu m’amour, adieu 3 vi, 91


ma joye

Adyeu, quitte le 3 vi, 90 1½ lines of text only


demeurant

Belle plaisant et 3 vi, 60


gracieuse

Belle, que vous ay je 3 vi, 65 one stanza of text only


meffait

Belle, veulliés moy 3 vi, 52


retenir

Belle, vuelliés moy 3 vi, 92


vengier

Belle, vuelliés vostre 3 vi, 66


mercy donner

Bien veignés vous, 3 vi, 69 one stanza of text only; T derived


amoureuse liesse canonically from cantus; Fallows
(1995) expressed doubts about
authenticity

Bon jour, bon mois, bon 3 vi, 77


an et bonne estraine

Ce jour de l’an 3 vi, 58

Ce moys de may 3 vi, 59

Craindre vous vueil, 3 vi, 79 acrostic: CATELINE DUFAI;


doulce dame de pris expanded reworking of Quel fronte
signorille

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Dieu gard la bone sans 3 vi, 93
reprise

Donnés l’assault a la 3, 4 vi, 86 versions for 3 and 4 voices


fortresse

Du tout m’estoie 3 vi, 96 one stanza of text only


abandonné

Entre les plus plaines 3 vi, 83 one stanza of text only


d’anoy

Entre vous, gentils 3 vi, 49 T derived canonically


amoureux

En triumphant de 3 vi, 88 perhaps on death of Binchois,


Cruel Dueil 1460/61 (see Fallows, 1975); in first
edn of vol.vi with corrupt text ‘Je
triomphe’

Estrinés moy, je vous 3 vi, 76


estrineray

Franc cuer gentil, sur 3 vi, 89 Acrostic: FRANCHOISE


toutes gracieuse

Hé, compaignons, 4 vi, 68 Text mentions musicians in the


resvelons nous employ of the Malatesta family, 1423
(Planchart, EMH, 1988)

Helas, et quant vous 3 vi, 56 refrain only


veray

Helas, ma dame, par 3 vi, 64 one stanza of text only


amours

J’atendray tant qu’il 3 vi, 61


vous playra

J’ay grant (dolour) 3 vi, 82 no more text; known from


Coussemaker’s transcription of the
lost MS F-Sm 222

Je donne a tous les 3 vi, 71


amoureux

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Je n’ay doubté fors que 3 vi, 70 refrain only
des envieux

Je ne puis plus ce que 3 vi, 51 T follows ant for Terce on 4th day
j’ay peu/Unde veniet after Epiphany
auxilium mihi?

Je ne suy plus tel que 3 vi, 57


soloye

Je prens congié de 3 vi, 75


vous, Amours

Je requier a tous 3 vi, 54


amoureux

Je triomphe [see En
triumphant]

Je veuil chanter de 3 vi, 57 acrostic: JEHAN DE DINANT


cuer joyeux

La plus mignonne de 3 vi, 94 in first edn of vol.vi with corrupt text


mon cuer ‘Ma plus mignonne’

Las, que feray? Ne que 3 vi, 85


je devenray

Les douleurs dont me 4 vi, 97 T derived canonically from cantus


sont tel somme

Le serviteur hault 3 vi, 110 Du Fay’s authorship disputed by


guerdonné Besseler, reaffirmed by Fallows
(1982, 1995)

Ma belle dame, je vous 3 vi, 53


pri

Ma belle dame 4 vi, 63


souveraine

Ma plus mignonne [see


La plus mignonne]

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Mille bonjours je vous 3 vi, 81 one stanza of text only
presente

Mon bien, m’amour 3 vi, 87

Mon cuer me fait tous 4 vi, 72 acrostic: MARIA ANDREASQ


dis penser

Navré je sui d’un dart 3 vi, 55


penetratif

Ne je dors, ne je veille 3 vi, 92

Or pleust a Dieu qu’a 3 vi, 78


son plaisir

Par droit je puis bien 3, 4 vi, 62 cantus II is canonically derived and


complaindre et gemir functions as a contrapuntal tenor

Par le regard de vos 3 vi, 88


beaux yeux

Pouray je avoir vostre 3 vi, 54


mercy

Pour ce que veoir je ne 3 vi, 60


puis

Pour l’amour de ma 3, 4 vi, 67 triplum is alternative voice to Ct and


doulce amye is probably not by Du Fay

Puisque celle qui me 3 vi, 82 first line of text only


tient en prison

Puisque vous estez 3 vi, 95 cantus derived canonically from T


campieur

Qu’est devenue 3 vi, 84 two lines of text only


leaulté?

Resvelons nous, 3 vi, 51 Ct and T canonic, but written out


resvelons, amoureux/
Alons en bien tost en
may

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Se ma dame je puis 3 vi, 72
veir

Trop long temps ai este 3 vi, 80 ascription to Du Fay very faint (not
en deplaisir erased); one stanza of text only

Va t’en, mon cuer, jour 3 vi, 84


et nuitie

Vo regard et doulce 3 vi, 74


maniere

Vostre bruit et vostre 3 vi, 96


grant fame

[No surviving Fr text] 3 vi, 75 in MS with contrafactum text ‘Hic


iocundus sumit mundus’; lost
rondeau text with five-line stanza

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Virelais

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

De ma haulte et 3 vi, 41
bonne aventure

Helas mon dueil, a ce 3 vi, 42 ? a section of text missing (Arlt and


cop sui je mort Gossen suggest that the text is
complete)

Malheureulx cuer, 3 vi, 43


que vieulx tu faire?

S’il est plaisir que je 4 vi, 93 cantus I and T probably by Du Fay,


vous puisse faire cantus II and Ct perhaps added by
another; Ct incomplete; one MS has
Latin texts in cantus parts

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Other secular

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Hic iocundus sumit mundus 3 vi, 56 contrafactum of lost Fr


rondeau

Je vous pri, mon tres doulx ami/ 4 vi, 45 combinative chanson


Ma tres douce amie/Tant que
mon argent dura

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Isolated voice-parts

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Gloria 4 iv, 101 Ct by Du Fay

J’aime bien 2, 3 vi, 86 rondeau (by Fontaine); alternative Ct


celui qui s’en ‘Trompette’ attrib. Du Fay (Besseler;
va supported by Fallows, 1995)

La belle se 3 vi, 12 cantus II only by Du Fay (Hamm, 1964)


siet au pied
de la tour

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Works with conflicting attributions

Sacred

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Gloria 3 iv, 15 also ascribed to Hugo de Lantins, who is


probably the composer; paired with Du Fay’s
Credo (iv, 17) in I-Bc Q15

Magnificat 3 also ascribed to Binchois, but dual ascription to


primi toni Binchois and Du Fay in MOe may indicate
collaboration; ed. J. Marix: Les musiciens à la
cour de Bourgogne au XVe siècle (Paris, 1937/R)

Veni dilecti 3 i, 102 cantilena; BMV; ascribed also to Johannes de


mi Lymburgia, probably by him

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Secular

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Departes vous, 3 vi, 111 rondeau; also ascribed to Ockeghem;


Malebouche et possibly by Du Fay
Envie

Je languis en 3 vi, 33 ballade; ascription to Du Fay over an


piteux martire erased ascription to ‘Dumstabl’ (Bent,
1980); considered to be by Dunstaple;
three lines of text only

Je ne vis onques 3 vi, 109 rondeau; also ascribed to Binchois;


la pareille performed at the ‘Banquet du voeu’, Lille,
1454

Mon seul plaisir, 3 vi, 108 rondeau; also ascribed to Bedyngham and
ma doulce joye probably by him

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Doubtful works

Sacred

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Missa 4 ii, 75 ascribed to Du Fay in TRmp 88 and 89 but


‘Caput’ ascription in MS 89 subsequently erased; the
mass is now considered an anonymous English
work of the 1440s

Kyrie 4 iv, 72 no plainchant; paired with Gloria (iv, 90) in


TRmp 92; ascription challenged by Monson
(1975) and accepted by most scholars

Gloria 3 iv, 75 ascription to Du Fay challenged (although not


entirely rejected) by Bockholdt (1960)

Gloria 4 iv, 97 possibly contrafactum; ascription to Du Fay


challenged by Besseler, followed by most
scholars

O gloriose 4 i, 103 isorhythmic motet; St Theodore; ascription


tiro/Divine questioned by De Van, Besseler and Fallows,
pastus affirmed by Allsen and Lütteken
demum/Iste
sanctus

Qui latuit in
virgine [see
Je suis
povere de
leesse,
below]

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Secular

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Il sera pour 3, 4 combinative chanson; anon. in US-Nhu 91


vous/L’homme (3vv), ascr. ‘Borton’ in rev. version (4vv), I-Rc
armé 2856; Fallows considers it to be by Robert
Morton; ed. L.L. Perkins and H. Garey: The
Mellon Chansonnier (New Haven, CT, 1979)

Je suis povere 3 i, 101 basse danse; in one source Ct has text ‘Du pist
de leesse mein hort’, in another the work is texted ‘Qui
latuit in virgine’; Du Fay’s authorship doubted
by most authors

O flos florum 3 vi, 107 rondeau; no known French text; probably not
virginum by Du Fay

Or me veult 3 vi, 106 ballade; Du Fay may be the composer of Ct


bien only (see Fallows, 1995); title ‘Portugaler’
Esperance remains unexplained
mentir

Portugaler
[see Or me
veult]

Resistera 3 vi, 111 ascription to Du Fay in later hand; no more


text

Se la face ay 3, 4 vi, 105 ballade; arrangement of Du Fay’s setting


pale [ii]

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Works attributed to Du Fay by modern scholars

Mass Ordinary cycles and mass sections

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Missa sine 3 – Rvat S Pietro B 80, 113v–121v, anon.; attrib.


nomine Du Fay by Hamm (1964)

Missa ‘Christus 4 TRmp 89; attrib. Du Fay by Feininger but


surrexit’ rejected by all other scholars; c.f. is a Leise,
Christ ist erstanden; ed. L. Feininger,
Monumenta polyphoniae liturgicae, 1st ser.,
ii/1 (Rome, 1951), no.3

Missa ‘La mort 4 ii, 105 attrib. Du Fay by Besseler but rejected by all
de St Gothard’ other scholars; Feininger and Nitschke
suggested that Johannes Martini was the
composer

Missa ‘Puisque 4 Rvat C.S.14; attrib. Du Fay by Feininger;


je vis’ based on T of an anon. rondeau; ed. L.
Feininger, Monumenta polyphoniae
liturgicae, 1st ser., ii/4 (Rome, 1952), no.2

Missa S Antonii
Viennensis [see
Mass for St
Anthony of
Padua]

Missa ‘Veterem 4 TRmp 88; attrib. Du Fay by Feininger on the


hominem’ basis of its similarity with Missa ‘Caput’;
now regarded as an English work; ed. L.
Feininger, Monumenta polyphoniae
liturgicae, 1st ser., ii/1 (Rome, 1951), no.2;
also ed. M. Bent, EECM, xxii (1979), 110

Kyrie ‘Lux et 3 B, 9 cantus paraphrases Kyrie I; attributed Du


origo’ Fay by Dèzes (1926), attribution questioned
by Bockholdt (1960) and generally not now
accepted

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Gloria 3 ascribed to Hugo de Lantins; Schoop
convincingly argued for Du Fay’s authorship;
ed. C. van den Borren: Polyphonia sacra: a
Continental Miscellany of the Fifteenth
Century (Burnham, Bucks., 1932, 2/1963),
no.16

Gloria 3 Gastoué proposed that the ascription to


Susay was a scribal error for Du Fay; this
now firmly rejected by scholars; ed. in CMM,
xxix (1962), no.35

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Plenary masses

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Mass for St 3, 4 ii, 47 B int (In medio ecclesiae), Ky, Gl, grad (Os justi
Anthony of 68 meditabitur), all (Alleluia, Antoni compar
Padua (Missa inclite), Cr, off (Veritas mea), San, Ag, comm
S Antonii (Domine quinque talenta); complex
Viennensis) transmission pattern; Du Fay’s authorship
confirmed by Fallows (1982) with new
information indicating that the mass is not for
St Anthony Abbot, as was previously thought,
but is for St Anthony of Padua, possibly for the
dedication of Donatello’s altar in the basilica in
Padua (June, 1450); Propers ed. in Feininger
(1947), p.122

Mass for St 3, 4 int (Gaudeamus in Domino), int (octave: Os


Francis justi meditabitur); Ky, Gl, grad (Os justi
meditabitur), all (Alleluia, O patriarcha
pauperum), Cr, off (Veritas mea), San, comm
(Fidelis servus); Planchart (EMH, 1988)
proposed association of Ordinary and Proper
movements (Ordinary and some Propers same
as those from St Anthony Mass); Propers ed. in
Feininger (1947), p.148

Mass for St 3 – int (Scitote quoniam), Gl, grad (Thronus eius),


Anthony all (Vox de caelo), Cr, off (Inclito Antonio), San,
Abbot Ag (Ky and comm missing); transmitted
I-
anonymously in TRmp 89; Du Fay’s will
mentions the mass; Planchart suggests that Du
Fay was the composer on the basis of its use of
chants found only in Cambrai

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Proper cycles

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I-
The works listed below are all transmitted in Trent 88 (TRmp ) and are all ed. in
Feininger (1947) [F]. Feininger proposed that they could be attributed to Du Fay; six
of them, common masses to be celebrated throughout the year, have been associated
with the Order of the Golden Fleece (Prizer; Planchart, EMH, 1988; 1993), a further
four are for specific feasts.

Title No. of Edition Remarks


voices

Mass de 2–3 F, 69 common mass, Tuesday; int (Benedicite


Angelis Dominum omnes), grad (Benedicite Dominum
omnes), all (Alleluia, In conspectu angelorum),
all, Easter (Laudate deum), off (Stetit
angelus); comm (Benedicte omnes angeli)

Mass for the 2–3 F, 12, common mass [Saturday]; fragmentary; int
Blessed 17, (Gaudeamus omnes), all (Alleluia, Dulcis
Virgin appx. mater), all (Alleluia, Ora pro nobis), tr (Audi
filia), off (Felix namque), comm (Beata viscera)

Mass for the 2–3 F, 46 common mass, Friday; int (Nos autem
Holy Cross gloriam), grad (Christus factus est), all
(Alleluia, Dicite in gentibus), all, Easter
(Alleluia, Dulce lignum), off (Protege Domine),
comm (Per signum crucem)

Mass for the 2–4 F, 1 common mass, Thursday; int (Spiritus Domini),
Holy Spirit int, Lent (Dum sanctificatus fuero), grad
(Beata gens), all (Alleluia, Emitte spiritum),
all, Easter (Alleluia, Veni Sancte Spiritus), off
(Confirma hoc Deus), comm (Factus est
repente)

Mass for the 3–4 F, 16 common mass, Sunday; int (Benedicta sit),
Holy Trinity grad (Benedictus es Domine), all (Alleluia,
Benedicta es Domine), all, Easter (Alleluia,
Verbo Domini), off (Benedictus sit Deus),
comm (Benedicte deum celi)

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Mass for St 2–3 F, 31 common mass, Wednesday; int (Mihi autem
Andrew nimis), grad (Constitues eos), all (Alleluia,
Dilexit Andream), all, Easter (Alleluia, Ego vos
elegi), off (Mihi autem), comm (Venite post
me)

Mass for St 2–4 F, 84 common of martyrs (see Planchart, EMH,


George 1988; 1993); int (In virtute tua), int, Easter
(Protexisti me, Deus), all (Alleluia, Posuisti
Domine), tr (Desiderium anime), off (In virtute
tua), off, Easter (Confitebuntur celi), comm
[Posuisti Domine], comm, Easter (Letabitur
justus)

Mass for St 2–3 F, 58 int (De ventre matris meae), grad (Priusquam
John the te formarem), all (Tu puer propheta), off
Baptist (Justus ut palma), comm (Tu puer propheta)

Mass for St 2–4 F, 108 int (Venite benedicti), int, octave (Sapientia
Maurice and sanctorum), grad (Gloriosus Deus), all
his (Alleluia, Judicabunt sancti), off (Mirabilis
companions Deus), comm (Gaudete justi)

Mass for St 2–4 F, 166 int (Letabitur justus), grad (Posuisti Domine),
Sebastian all (Alleluia, Sebastiani gratia), off (Gloria et
honore), comm (Magna est gloria)

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Other sacred

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Letabundus 3 – seq, Christmas; TRmp 92, ff.68v–69v; chant


exultet paraphrased in cantus; attrib. by Hamm
(1964)

Mittit ad 3 – seq, Annunciation; Bc Q15, ff.309v–310v;


virginem TRmp 92, ff.67v–68v; chant paraphrased in
cantus; attrib. by Hamm (1962; 1964)

Sancti Spiritus 3 – seq, Pentecost; TRmp 92, ff.36v–37r; attrib.


adsit by Hamm (1962; 1964)

Veni Sancte 3 – seq, Pentecost; D-Mbs Clm 14274; I-AO 15,


Spiritus ff.185v–186v; Bc Q15, ff.300–01; accepted as
authentic by Hamm (1964)

Elizabeth 4 Isorhythmic motet; St John Baptist; TRmp 87;


Zacharie/ attributed by Hamm (1964), and Allsen; ed. in
Lingua pectus DTÖ, lxxvi, Jg. xl (1933/R), 16; also ed. J.M.
concordes/ Allsen: Four Late Isorhythmic Motets
Elizabeth (Moretonhampstead, Devon, 1997), no.2

O sidus 3 cantilena; St Anthony of Padua; TRmp 88;


Yspanie Ficker surmised that this was the motet O
sidus Hispanie mentioned in Du Fay’s will;
attribution rejected by most scholars; ed. in
DTÖ, lxxvi, Jg. xl (1933/R), 75

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Secular

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Seigneur Leon, vous soyes 4 vi, 101 rondeau; attributed to Du


bienvenus/Benedictus qui Fay by Plamenac, 1954
venit

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Lost works

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Missa pro 3 copied as a newly composed work at Cambrai


defunctis in 1470; mentioned in Du Fay’s will and in use
at the ceremonies of the Order of the Golden
Fleece in 1507

Magnificat copied at Cambrai 1462–3


(7th mode)

?Laus tibi seq, St Mary Magdalene, copied at Cambrai


Christe 1463–4; assumed to have been this text

Officium 4 reported to have been sung by the Order of


defunctorum the Golden Fleece, 1507 (Prizer)

O quam hymn, copied at Cambrai 1463–4


glorifica

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Theoretical works

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Title No. of Edition Remarks
voices

Musica lost; cited in marginal annotations in


I-PAp 1158 (see Gallo)

Tractatus de lost; reported by Fétis to have been in a


musica mensurata 16th-century manuscript sold at auction
et de in 1824 to an English bookseller
proportionibus

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Bibliography
A comprehensive bibliography to 1985 is given in D. Fallows, Dufay (London, 1982, 2/1987); the following
bibliography contains only the most important studies up to that date

LockwoodMRF

SpataroC

StrohmR

J. Houdoy : Histoire artistique de la cathédrale de Cambrai (Paris and Lille, 1880/R)

F.X. Haberl : Bausteine für Musikgeschichte (Leipzig, 1885–8/R)

J., J.F.R. and C. Stainer : Dufay and his Contemporaries (London, 1898/R)

C. van den Borren : Guillaume Dufay: son importance dans l’évolution de la musique au XVe
siècle (Brussels, 1925)

F. Baix : ‘La carrière “bénéficiale” de Guillaume Dufay (vers 1398–1474): notes et documents’,
Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome, 8 (1928), 265–72

H. Besseler, ed.: Guillaume Dufay: zwölf geistliche und weltliche Lieder, Cw, 19 (1932)

R. Gerber, ed.: Guillaume Dufay: sämtliche Hymnen, Cw, 49 (1937/R)

L. Feininger, ed.: Auctorum anonymorum missarum propria XVI quorum XI Gulielmo Dufay
auctori adscribenda sunt, Monumenta polyphoniae liturgicae, 2nd ser., 1 (Rome, 1947)

G. De Van, ed.: Guglielmi Dufay opera omnia (Rome, 1947–9) [4 fascicles published of 20
planned: i: Motetti qui et cantiones vocantur (1947); ii: Motetti isorithmici dicti (1948); iii: Missa
sine nomine (1949); iv: Missa Sancti Jacobi (1949)]

H. Besseler : Bourdon und Fauxbourdon (Leipzig, 1950, rev., enlarged 2/1974 by P. Gülke)

M. Bukofzer : Studies in Medieval & Renaissance Music (New York, 1950)

H. Besseler : ‘Neue Dokumente zum Leben und Schaffen Dufays’, AMw, 9 (1952), 159–76

D. Plamenac : ‘An Unknown Composition by Dufay?’, MQ, 40 (1954), 190–200 [Fr. trans., RBM,
viii (1954), 75–83]

R. Bockholdt : Die frühen Messenkompositionen von Guillaume Dufay (Tutzing, 1960)

C. Hamm : ‘The Manuscript San Pietro B80’, RBM, 14 (1960), 40–55

C. Hamm : ‘Dating a Group of Dufay Works’, JAMS, 15 (1962), 65–71

C. Hamm : A Chronology of the Works of Guillaume Dufay based on a Study of Mensural Practice
(Princeton, NJ, 1964)

F.A. Gallo : ‘Citazioni da una trattato di Dufay’, CHM, 4 (1966), 149–52

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M.-T. Bouquet : ‘La cappella musicale dei duchi di Savoia dal 1450 al 1500’, RIM, 3 (1968), 233–
85

W. Nitschke : Studien zu den Cantus-firmus-Messen Guillaume Dufays (Berlin, 1968)

H. Schoop : Entstehung und Verwendung der Handschrift Oxford, Bodleian Library, Canonici
misc. 213 (Berne, 1971)

A.E. Planchart : ‘Guillaume Dufay’s Masses: Notes and Revisions’, MQ, 58 (1972), 1–23

Dufay Conference: Brooklyn, NY, 1974

D. Fallows : ‘Two more Dufay Songs Reconstructed’, EMc, 3 (1975), 358–60

C. Monson : ‘Stylistic Inconsistencies in a Kyrie attributed to Dufay’, JAMS, 28 (1975), 245–67

C. Wright : ‘Dufay at Cambrai: Discoveries and Revisions’, JAMS, 28 (1975), 175–229

C. Wright : ‘Performance Practices at the Cathedral of Cambrai, 1475–1550’, MQ, 64 (1978),


295–328

R. Bockholdt : ‘Die Hymnen der Handschrift Cambrai 6: zwei unbekannte Vertonungen von
Dufay?’, TVNM, 29 (1979), 75–91

M. Bent : ‘The Songs of Dufay: some Questions of Authenticity’, EMc, 8 (1980), 454–9

D. Fallows : Dufay (London, 1982, 2/1987)

D. Fallows : ‘Dufay’s Most Important Work: Reflections on the Career of his Mass for St Anthony
of Padua’, MT, 123 (1982), 467–70

D.M. Randel : ‘Dufay the Reader’, Studies in the History of Music, 1 (1983), 38–78

D. Fallows : ‘Dufay and the Mass Proper Cycles of Trent 88’, I codici musicali trentini: Trent
1985, 46–59

W.F. Prizer : ‘Music and Ceremonial in the Low Countries: Philip the Fair and the Order of the
Golden Fleece’, EMH, 5 (1985), 113–54

W. Arlt : ‘Musik und Text’, Mf, 37 (1986), 272–80

M. Perz : ‘The Lvov Fragments: a Source for Works of Dufay, Josquin, Petrus de Domarto, and
Petrus Grudenca in 15th-Century Poland’, TVNM, 36 (1986), 26–51

R.C. Wegman : ‘New Data concerning the Origins and Chronology of Brussels, Koninklijke
Bibliotheek, Manuscript 5557’, TVNM, 36 (1986), 5–25

A.W. Atlas : ‘Gematria, Marriage Numbers, and Golden Sections in Dufay’s “Resveillies vous”’,
AcM, 59 (1987), 111–26

G.M. Boone : Dufay’s Early Chansons: Chronology and Style in the Manuscript Oxford, Bodleian
Library, Canonici misc. 213 (diss., Harvard U., 1987)

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J.E. Cumming : Concord out of Discord: Occasional Motets of the Early Quattrocento (diss., U. of
California, Berkeley, 1987)

D. Fallows : ‘The Contenance angloise: English Influence on Continental Composers of the


Fifteenth Century’, Renaissance Studies, 1 (1987), 189–208

B. Haggh : ‘The Celebration of the “Recollectio Festorum Beatae Mariae Virginis”, 1457–1987’,
IMSCR XIV: Bologna 1987, 3, 559–71

G. Montagna : ‘Caron, Hayne, Compère: a Transmission Reassessment’, EMH, 7 (1987), 107–57

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M.C. Steel (New York, 1988), 81–93

A.E. Planchart : ‘Guillaume Du Fay’s Benefices and his Relationship to the Court of Burgundy’,
EMH, 8 (1988), 117–71

A.E. Planchart : ‘What’s in a Name? Reflections on some Works of Guillaume Du Fay’, EMc, 16
(1988), 165–75

L. Nys : ‘Un relief tournaisien conservé au Musée des Beaux-Arts de Lille: la stèle funeraire de
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E. Schroeder : ‘Dissonance Placement and Stylistic Change in the Fifteenth Century: Tinctoris’s
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R. Strohm : ‘Messzyklen über deutsche Lieder in den Trienter Kodices’, Liedstudien: Wolfgang
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A. Kirkman : ‘Some Early Fifteenth-Century Fauxbourdons by Dufay and his Contemporaries: a


Study in Liturgically-Motivated Musical Style’, TVNM, 40/1 (1990), 3–35

T. Brothers : ‘Vestiges of the Isorhythmic Tradition in Mass and Motet, ca. 1450–1475’, JAMS, 44
(1991), 1–56

R. Nosow : ‘The Equal Discantus Motet Style after Ciconia’, MD, 45 (1991), 221–75

R.C. Wegman : ‘Petrus de Domarto’s Missa Spiritus almus and the Early History of the Four-
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J.M. Allsen : Style and Intertextuality in the Isorhythmic Motet, 1400–1440 (diss., U. of
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C.A. Reynolds : ‘The Counterpoint of Allusion in Fifteenth-Century Masses’, JAMS, 65 (1992),
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L. Lütteken : Guillaume Dufay und die isorhythmische Motette: Gattungstradition und


Werkcharacter an der Schwelle der Neuzeit (Hamburg, 1993)

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J.E. Cumming : ‘The Aesthetics of the Medieval Motet and Cantilena’, Historical Performance, 7
(1994), 71–83

R.L. Gerber : ‘Dufay’s Style and the Question of Cyclic Unity in the Trent 88 Mass Proper
Cycles’, I codici musicali trentini: Trent 1994, 107–19

C. Wright : ‘Dufay’s Nuper rosarum flores, King Solomon’s Temple, and the Veneration of the
Virgin’, JAMS, 47 (1994), 395–441

D. Fallows : The Songs of Guillaume Dufay: Critical Commentary to the Revision of Corpus
mensurabilis musicae, ser. 1, vol. VI, MSD, 47 (1995)

A.E. Planchart : ‘Notes on Guillaume Du Fay’s Last Works’, JM, 13 (1995), 55–72

C.A. Reynolds : Papal Patronage and the Music of St Peter’s, 1380–1513 (Berkeley, 1995)

R.C. Wegman : ‘Miserere-supplicanti-Dufay: the Creation and Transmission of Guillaume Dufay’s


Missa Ave regina celorum ’, JM, 13 (1995), 18–54

G. Boone : ‘Tonal Color in Dufay’, Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts: Studies in Honor of
Lewis Lockwood, ed. J.A. Owens and A. Cummings (Warren, MI, 1996), 57–99

A.E. Planchart : ‘Guillaume Du Fay’s Second Style’, Music in Renaissance Cities and Courts:
Studies in Honor of Lewis Lockwood, ed. J.A. Owens and A. Cummings (Warren, MI, 1996), 307–
40

T. Brothers : Chromatic Beauty in the Late Medieval Chanson: an Interpretation of Manuscript


Accidentals (Cambridge, 1997)

B. Haggh : ‘Guillaume Du Fay’s Birthplace: Some Notes on a Hypothesis’, RBM, 51 (1997), 17–
21

L. Holford-Strevens : ‘Du Fay the Poet? Problems in the Texts of the Motets’, EMH, 16 (1997),
97–165

A.E. Planchart : ‘Music for the Papal Chapel in the Early Fifteenth Century’, Papal Music and
Musicians in Late Medieval and Renaissance Rome, ed. R. Sherr (Oxford, 1998), 93–124

A.E. Planchart : ‘Concerning Du Fay’s Birthplace’, RBM, 54 (2000), 225–9; reply by B. Haggh,
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P. Gülke : Guillaume Du Fay: Musik des 15. Jahrhunderts (Kassel, 2003), 93–124

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See also

Low Countries, §I, 1: Art music: Netherlands to 1600

Alternatim

Ballade (i)

Binchois, Gilles de Bins dit

Bologna, §1: General history to 1500

Borrowing, §6: Other Renaissance sacred music

Burgundy

Cambrai

Canon (i), §1: Terminology

Cantus firmus, §4(i): 15th century: The cyclic mass

Chanson, §1: Origins to about 1430

Fauxbourdon, §5: Technical characteristics and applications

Hymn, §III, 1: Polyphonic Latin: 15th century

Medici, §2: Beginnings to 1537

Mass, §II, 6: The polyphonic mass to 1600: The cyclic mass in the later 15th century

Motet, §II, 1: Renaissance, Du Fay and his contemporaries.

Ockeghem, Jean de, §6: Secular works

Rome, §II, 2: The Christian Era: The Renaissance (1420–1600)

Savoy (i)

Tinctoris, Johannes, §1: Life

Turin, §1: 1400–1700

Virelai

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