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ASSIGNMENT SOLUTIONS

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ASSIGNMENT SOLUTIONS
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M.P.A.-11
State, Society and Public Administration
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This Assignment consists of Section-I and Section-II. There are five questions in each Section. You have
to answer a total of five questions in about 500 words each, selecting at least two questions from each
section. Each question carries 20 marks.
SECTION – I
Q. 1. Examine the Marxist Perspective of State
Ans. One cannot imagine life without the state. It directly and indirectly influences the lives of its people. An
individual’s life revolves around his state and begins and ends with the state. Though, it is a complex institution to
understand but it is the only institution that shoulders the responsibility of people’s welfare and development.
David Field has emphasized the significance of the state through the following points:
1. State is the institution that affects our lives from birth till death. It provides hospitals and burial grounds
for its citizens.
2. A state, through its institutions, influences our lives in several ways. Different political and legal theories
and several other factors have contributed to explain the state and it’s role.
3. Other institutions like society, community, nation, government, authority and sovereign are linked with
the state to explain its basic concept.
A state is the central subject of political science with a close relationship between politics and state. All
political problems are related to state. Politics is an essential and inseparable part of the state. A state is a mix of
different ideas and values.
THE MARXIST PERSPECTIVE
Karl Marx, Friedrik Engels, Vladimir Lenin and Trotsky are the main founders of Marxist perspective for a
state. The perspective is commonly known as ‘class theory of state’.
Marx neither did a theoretical analysis of the state nor focused directly on its complexities. Marx and Engels
have not given any clear unitary theory of the state. Marxism has tried to explain a state on the basis of the
economy, as an economic unit. State is taken as a universal but temporary phenomenon that has to wither away.
Marxists favour communism, a stateless condition as an end of history and class struggle.

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According to Marx, state never originated for the purpose of common good and has never made any effort to
achieve common good. It has always been a class organisation. A modern representative state is just a weapon in
the hands of powerful class people to torture the weaker class. As a class organisation, state aims to protect the
interests of the ruling class.
For Marx and Engel, state is an instrument of class exploitation and class oppression. It expresses human
alienation. They supported the communist society to eliminate all forms of alienation for individuals-from nature,
from society and from humanity. It will establish true democracy to work for the development of all. The
transitional state-the ‘Dictatorship of the Proletariat’–lies between the destruction of capitalism and the attainment
of communism.
Initially, Marx was in favour of democratic state, rule of majority for the welfare and development of all.
Marx changed his views on the state during 1840-52. He accepted Engel’s notion of state that dictatorship was
necessary to fill the vacuum that would come up as a result of destruction of the old order till the creation of the
new order. But he also explained that it did not mean a permanent rule of one person or group; rather it was to be
an extraordinary power during an emergency for a limited period.
Marx continued to criticize the existing bureaucratic military state and that it should be replaced with the
‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ that is absolutely democratic and majoritarian. He believed that state and its
bureaucratic institutions are class instruments and they work for the interests of the ruling class. A state is a means
through which economically dominant classes overcome their problems, fulfil their interests and suppress the
subordinate classes. A critical analysis of the Marxist perspective revealed that Marx sketched but never
developed a systematic theory of the state. Hence, the idea of a political economy remained over-determined and
not described politically. In this process, he just ignored the details that were necessary for managing a society
based on equity, reward and
freedom.
Q. 2. Write a note on Neo-liberal Perspective of State.
Ans. As mentioned earlier, during mid 1970s to 1980s, in liberal capitalist democracies, dissatis-faction of a
welfare state and its citizens with each other led to the birth of new thought with respect to a state-called Neo-
liberalism. It was also known as neo-right paradigm.
Trio of Friedrich von Hayek, Robert Nozik and Milton Friedman–Neo-right philosophy as a version of
Neo-liberalism emerged in the late 1970s in the UK, under the prime ministership of Mrs. Margaret Thatcher. The
1970s were characterized by economic crisis calling for bold measures of administrative rebuilding and reform in
advanced as well as developing economies. The term Neo-right was first coined by a group of monetarists from
Chicago University who were inspired by the writings of three eminent economic and political thinkers -Friedrich
von Hayek, Robert Nozik and Milton Friedman.
Friedrich von Hayek–Hayek was an anti-modernist who criticized planning and collectivism in his famous
work-The Road to Serfdom (1944). His work is based on the following four core ideas:
1. Wrongness of planning: Hayek argued that centralised planning by the government lessens individual and
group liberty, upsets the balance between political institutions by making the executive too strong, undermining
the rule of law. He criticized planning on the basis that it was both politically dangerous and economically
inefficient.
2. Society’s complexity: He strongly opposed the state’s intervention in various measures of social
development. He supported that it would upset the ‘spontaneous natural order’ that existed in the society which
was the result of human behaviour.
3. Primacy of the market: Hayek gave importance to the markets and prices for the allocation of resources.
He believed that the spontaneous interaction of buyers and sellers was more efficient than the activities of the
planners.

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4. A framework for socio-economic activity and upholding the rule of law-Hayek emphasized that
government had an important but limited role to play. He favoured the rule of law as it develops such conditions
necessary for the growth and prosperity of the market.
Robert Nozik–Robert Nozik was a leading American intellectual and one of the late 20th century’s most
influential thinkers. He advocated the concepts of minimal state and low tax threshold that appeared to directly
attack on issues like social democracy, welfarism, collectivism, social justice and ‘big government’.
He felt that the rights of the individuals were primary and there should be a minimal state, just enough to
ensure protection against violence and theft and ensure enforcement of contracts. This also implied that an
exchange of goods was just as long as it was carried out by free, consenting individuals, even if these activities
led to inequalities.
Nozik’s political and economic philosophy comprised of the following elements:
 Entitlement theory: It concentrated on regulation of free market exchange as it respected people as
equals. Nozik supported that even if a free market did not produce the most overall well-being, it would be
justified.
 The self-ownership argument: This emphasized that every human being is unique and an end in himself
i.e. he or she cannot be treated as a means to some other end. He has the complete capacity to choose
rationally what he does. This also implies that people are different from commodities or animals.
 The absolute property rights and self-ownership: He believed that if people own themselves absolutely,
then they own what they produce absolutely.
 The Lockean Proviso: This is an intellectual device by Nozik that supported the legitimacy of initial
acquisition made by a person. The Proviso means that natural resources such as land, came to be rightfully
owned by first person to appropriate it, as long as it was left ‘enough and as good’ for others.
 Beyond self ownership: This meant that ‘what further sorts of arguments are there for unrestricted
property rights that go beyond mere self-ownership’.
Milton Friedman–Milton Friedman has been a great advocator of economic freedom and free enterprise. He
is popular for his contribution in the free market economy. He stressed on the benefits of low taxes, privatization
and deregulation of industry and services. He also advocated abolition of rent controls, minimum wages, regional
and industrial subsidies and employment legislation. All these were seen as obstacles in the efficient working of a
market economy.
He also suggested that government should play a limited role as a provider of law and order, defence and
other essential services.
There is a need for voluntary interaction between buyers and sellers of goods and services i.e. capitalism. It
creates economic freedom that is further essential for political freedom.
Friedman was in favour of limited government. He, like Thomas Jefferson, also believed that government that
governs the least is the best.
Each government should ideally perform three main functions, as follows:
1. Country’s defence
2. Enforcing contracts between individuals
3. Protecting citizens against crimes against themselves or their property.
According to Friedman, When a government intentionally tries to do some good for the citizens like–to
rearrange the economy, legislate morality or to help weaker sections–it brings inefficiency, lack of innovation and
loss of freedom. The government should act as a referee and not as an active player.
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Thus, the trio of Friedrich von Hayek, Robert Nozik and Milton Friedman are regarded as providing the basis
for the intellectual growth of new right ideas.
Thatcherism–Neo-liberalism that emerged in the UK under its conservative P.M. Margaret Thatcher came to
be known as ‘Thatcherism’. It advocated state’s withdrawal from both the economy and the society. It also
attacked big and heavy welfare, uneconomic and over bureaucratized state. It stressed on the privatization of the
enterprise and reformed the public sector through managerialism.
The promoters of Thatcherism tried to create an ‘enabling state’ which could help in the prosperity of the
business and simultaneously protect the rights of the consumer against the demand of the producer. It attacked the
then prevailing socio-economic structures and the state apparatus. It favoured the regulation of free market
economy that is now popular as liberalization and globalization.
Before Margaret Thatcher’s ‘Thatcherism’, it was P.M. Edward Heath of the Conservative Party who
promised less government interference in the economy, less taxation, cutting down on public expenditure and
reducing subsidies. However, unfortunately, there was a collapse in economic growth which resulted in the
increase of unemployment. The Heath adopted some ideas of New Right’s policy. In 1975, Thatcher became the
leader of the opposition, monetarist, and New Right thinking, had a much more impact in party policy. It was also
read as a response to the failure of the Heath era.
Besides focusing on the free market economy, Thatcherism also emphasized on state reforms, especially Civil
Service reforms. For this, they initiated more privatization to increase the role and impact of markets, to de-layer
management and increase the role of target selling and auditing.
A particular belief about civil service reforms was that officials spent longer time on policy-making, much to
the detriment of efficient management. Pay reforms were also initiated for them namely:
(a) Raynerism.
(b) The financial management initiative.
(c) The next step reforms of 1988.
Thus, Thatcherism of the Conservative Party, first under Margaret Thatcher and then under John Major, gives a
good insight into the Neo-liberal view of the state.
NEO-LIBERAL VIEW OF THE STATE
Neo-liberalism is based on the following four basic postulates:
Market driven economy: Neo-liberalism believes in the primacy of the market and private sector
management. The market model is the dominant model of governance in neo-liberalism and stresses on the
Laissez-faire policy.
Premium on individual liberty and freedom: It believes in the maximization of individual liberty and
freedom by rolling back the state from its economy.
Monetarism: According to this perspective, inflation (hike in prices) was the major problem in context of the
UK and that could be corrected by regulating the money supply.
Relegation of the Welfare state: Neo-liberalism is against the concept of welfare state because it de-
promotes free market and encourages a culture of dependency. Neo-liberals are the supporters of the ‘minimalist
role for the state’. They regard state activity and functions as interfering in the natural order of life i.e. in the
functioning of the market and in different social relations formed within the society.
Some of the main tenets of the Neo-liberal state are as follows:
(a) Focus on individual liberty: As no individual should have the right to force one another.
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(b) Greater innovation: As neo-liberalism provides for reducing state’s interference and control on the
means of production, it in turn promotes greater freedom of innovation on behalf of the producers.
(c) Importance of incentive: Offer of incentive is a great motivating and morale boosting factor
(d) Significance of free markets: Free markets freely allow social coordination without any external
pressures or forces.
(e) More freedom: There is less freedom in planned societies whereas neo-liberalism regulates free market
that promotes more freedom.
(f) Social justice: State is absolved of the responsibility to dispense social justice.
(g) Pro-consumer stance: The state does not interfere in the market’s functioning and thus, does not upset
market’s natural operations and consumer interest.
Q. 4. Bring out the changing norms of participation.
Ans. The norms of ‘citizens’ participation in governance have changed over time. Traditional concepts of
democracy involved direct participation by citizens in policy-making. In the current modern context, citizen’s
participation has become more ‘indirect’ and is through representation. However, research by behavioural
specialists has discovered levels of participation to be faulty and half-hearted. The actual participation in
representative democracies usually rests with the influential and the powerful.
Thus, new norms of participation must ensure that all classes of people are adequately represented in the
political process in a participatory democracy.
The concept of participation takes the form of ‘empowerment’ when it is understood in context of
opportunities available to the unprivileged and disadvantaged sections to engage in the political process. This
would allow them a better and decent control over the various resources available in the society. The Indian
Constitution’s 73rd and 74th amendments have allowed new ways for the political parties and citizens to
participate in the democratic process.
A positive step in this direction has been the recent trend of ‘Panchayati Raj’ in India. Since they began, they
have provided a platform for the rural poor to actively participate in governance at the rural levels.
It is important to note that the voices in favour of increasing citizen’s participation from various sections of
the society have been due to the perceived failure of bureaucracy in fulfilling policy needs, especially in the rural
areas. Participation is essential for effective governance. Since 1950s or so, the need to increase the involvement
of citizens in administrative decision-making has been growing steadily. Several factors contributed to this trend.
First, people were becoming indifferent towards their administration. Second, traditional modes available to the
people
for putting their views in response to administrative decisions were not adequate.
The overall trend of increasing citizen’s participation has been a part of the bigger process of making the state
more representative, responsive and accountable.
Some important benefits of citizen’s participation in administration are as follows:
(a) Better understanding between the people and their governments that further results in a more integrated
society.
(b) It promotes a feeling amongst the citizens that they, in unison, control the government. This also makes
the government more moral in its thinking.
(c) Lends legitimacy to the government, which in turn, promotes a general feeling of obedience in the
citizens, making them more law abiding.
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(d) Inadequate citizen’s participation makes the government less representative, responsive and more
authoritarian. There are several factors that make it imperative for people’s participation in public administration.
Many practical issues faced by the administration now-a-days seldom have ready-made solutions. Besides, while
addressing one particular problem by way of a solution, another new issue comes up that needs to be tackled
further. It is interesting to note that even though administration officials feel the need to involve the citizens to
help in their
decision-making process, they are unable to find the right way to involve them.
From another perspective, citizen’s participation in administration is not without obstacles. One of the main
obstacles in this process is that most of the society usually possesses very little power to initiate the participation
on its own. This further leads to its passiveness. Another obstacle is the situation called ‘co-option’ that was
articulated by the thinker named Selznick. People’s participation does not always lead to leaders representing their
constituencies. Instead, they get into an illegal alliance with the local administration that further silences them.
Representatives begin representing their own selfish interests rather then the interest of their constituency when
interacting with the administration.
It has also been observed that citizen’s participation may actually be counter-productive and result in
unnecessary delays and red-tapism if it is not executed in the right direction in the first place.
Thus, it becomes imperative not only to select the right citizen’s representatives but also to educate the
society at large about the attitude about participation, in order for the participation process to be effective and
fruitful.
One needs to ensure that under the cover of people’s participation, the actual developmental programmes etc.
are not undermined and harmed. Local vested interested should be firmly kept out. Thus, participation of citizens
in administration becomes a fundamental political process in making the public administration more
representative, responsive and accountable to the people/society at large.
SECTION –I I
Q. 9. Describe the good governance initiatives in the Indian context.
Ans. Some major administrative reforms were initiated during 1950s and 1960s to improve the administrative
machinery. In 1990s, a drastic change was made in the nature of administration. There was a shift from traditional
bureaucracy to responsive and citizen-oriented bureaucracy. It focuses on vital issues like transparency, right to
information, redressal of public grievances, code of ethics and citizen charters. 73rd and 74th Constitutional
amendments in 1992 and 1993 are important reforms to empower people and their participation in the governance
process at grass roots levels.
After independence, India adopted the concept of welfare state. Earlier, state performed basic functions like
revenue collection and maintenance of law and order. However, a welfare state ensured multi-dimensional
development, social welfare and citizen satisfaction. Several committees were made to review the organisational
structure and functioning of the government of India.
To strengthen the administrative machinery and to make it more accountable and transparent, several
institutions have been created such as CVC, CBI, Lokpal and Lokayaukta. Some important measures have been
adopted by the government to make it good governance. They are as follows:
 Citizen’s charters: This implies what a citizen may expect from an organisation. It marks a commitment
in quantitative terms for delivery of goods and services. It represents the commitment of the organisation
towards standard, quality and timeframe of service delivery, grievances redressal mechanism, transparency
and accountability.
 Redressal of citizens grievances: There is a Directorate of public grievances which was setup in the
Cabinet Secretariat in 1988 to check complaints related to various ministries and departments which
have direct
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public dealing. Government organisations have set up information and facilitation counters and ‘May I
help you’ counters through which citizens can get the necessary information about their work.
 Use of Information Technology (IT): It provides efficient and effective delivery of services. Most of the
basic services are computerized like Railway, Airline and Bus Reservations. At village level, services of
land records, registration of births and deaths etc. are computerized. Government. has adopted a single-
window approach to provide various basic services at one window. This also includes e-governance.
 Right to Information (RTI): The RTI Act, 2005, got the President’s assent on 15th June, 2005. It came
into force on 12th October, 2005. It ensures transparency, accountability and openness of administration
towards the citizens. It enables people to have easy access to information except related national security
and defence.
 People’s participation and decentra-lization: The 73rd Constitutional Amend-ment Act, 1992 and 74th
Constitutional Amendment Act, 1993 have given Constitutional status to rural and urban local bodies.
Adequate power and authority have been to these local bodies to function independently at their local level.
There is decentralization and devolution of power at the local level that ensures people’s participation.
Q. 10. Examine the challenges before civil society.
Ans. Although, civil society has been gradually gaining importance, it is not without its own set of challenges
and has to tackle various constraints and pressures. For instance, in India, several civil society associations and
groups end up being based on caste, kinships and of specific religious leanings. The problem with such type of
groupings is that it fails to distinguish between counter-civil society movements. As a result, civil society
becomes a residual category, including things like households, religious denominations and other groups not part
of the state. Community identities in India have never been rigid. This flexibility gives political entrepreneurs a
significant opportunity to reshape the scope and concerns of community’s identity. Recently, modernization,
participatory politics and access to media etc. have actually increased the potential to mobilize a group or
community, thereby increasing it self-image and sharpening its identity. Splinter ethnic groups and sub-national
identities have actually risen, contrary
to the efforts of modern elite to homogenize.
According to Andre Beteilli, the well-being and development of modern institutions can only be guaranteed
if civil societies actually comprise of truly autonomous bodies. However, when civil society is seen as a tradition,
inter-community and intra-community conflicts are usually overlooked. Many thinkers believe that this trend is
actually counter productive to modern institutions.
Civil society has the ability to prevent the state from using absolute control and it is essential but it not a
sufficient condition for democracy. The existence of civil society as an area of participation, deliberation, debate
and contestation does not indicate the capacities of individuals to participate in all these activities.
Critics have highlighted various limitations of Robert Putnam’s idea of ‘social capital’ in explaining state-
society interactions, in context of developing countries. They felt that were potential problems related to the
development of civil society institutions that would bring up social capital. Observing state-civil society
institutions develop in an authoritarian environment and what the state can do in enabling the growth and
expansion of these institutions, the focus comes on the ‘recursive cycles’ of interaction between the state and civil
society participants. As we have read above, civil society organisations are usually compared to NGOs. This
can limit one’s understanding of a broad process of interaction among different types of organisations. Civil
society is closely
connected with the role of local community associations or groups within indigenous NGOs.
According to He Baogong, states have adopted a new strategy to use NGOs for their own purpose. Some
critics see the recent state-initiated managerial reforms for community institutions as no more than the state’s
desire to take

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over institutions. While others believe that it is an attempt to redress the crises now faced by capitalist classes.
Thus, both state-centred and society-centred approaches are now proving inadequate. It is also believed that the
civil society approach is itself not adequate if it does not include the global civil society.
The concept of global civil society combines elements of both anti-state and anti-nation positions. The
expansion, sophistication and influence of Global Civil Society Organisations (GCSOs) have been facilitated and
actively motivated by Neo-liberal consensus that emerges from power centres in the west. Neo-liberal consensus
includes (a) the state, mainly in third world countries, should withdraw from the social sector. (b) The market
should be free from constraints and (c) communities in civil society should organise their own social and
economic reproduction and well-being.
The state has been freed form its traditional responsibilities of providing conditions for human development
and welfare. However, this concept is not applicable in the context of ‘governance’ as the state has to play the role
of facilitator and work on the basis of equality.
A strong civil society and GSCOs can only grow under a well defined state.
Now-a-days, media also plays an important role in the formation of civil society but sometimes media tries to
conceal or manipulate the real issues facing the society. Then, its role does come under a cloud.
The emergence and development of new concepts such as Public Choice approach and New Public
Management is an effort to provide an option to bureaucratic domination.
Public choice perspective has focused on individual interest rather than general interests. It treats individuals
as utility maximisers. On the other hand, New Public Management treats citizens as mere clients and consumers.
Other perspectives like Pluralistic, Communitarian, New Public Administration and Network agency have
given importance to community, non-bureaucratic institutions and values. However, these perspectives do not
make an effort to develop the idea of autonomous, self-reflective, humane and conscientious civil society, with a
focus on genuine public interest.
To overcome socio-economic and political problems, there should be democratic decentra-lization,
participative decision-making and community management of resources through different civil society
organisations. Thus, increasing number of community organisations, voluntary agencies, self-help groups and
non-public associations is a right step to achieve the objectives of governance.

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