Kudsieh 2016

Beyond Colonial Binaries: Amicable Ties among Egyptian and European Scholars, 1820-1850
/ ‫ةيلاينولوكلا‫ ‬تايئانثلل‫ ‬ًﺎﻴﻄﺨﺗ‫‬:‬ ‫ ‬نييبوروألاو‫ ‬نييرصملا‫ ‬ءاملعلا‫ ‬نيب‫ ‬ةدوملا‫ ‬طباور‫‬١٨٢٠ - ١٨٥٠
Author(s): Suha Kudsieh and ‫ةيسدق ىهس‬
Source: Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics, No. 36, Friendship: Representations and
Cultural Variations / ‫ةقادصلا‫‬:‬ ‫&ةيفاقث ‬تاعيونتو‫ ‬تالثمت‫‬lrm; (2016), pp. 44-68
Published by: Department of English and Comparative Literature, American University in
Cairo and American University in Cairo Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/26494273
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Beyond Colonial Binaries:
Amicable Ties among Egyptian and European
Scholars, 1820-1850
Suha Kudsieh
The French campaign in Egypt (1798-1801), led by Napo

Bonaparte, was a watershed moment in the history of Egypt that thru
region into the path of European colonialism. Edward Said, the
known postcolonial theorist, argues in Orientalism that the way Euro
scholars represented the Middle East changed dramatically towards th
of the eighteenth century as a result of that campaign because it
Europeans "to know the Orient more scientifically, to live in it with g
authority and discipline than ever before" (22). He observes that the
tionship between Europe and the Orient (i.e., the Middle East) is artic
ed in the West as a set of hierarchal binaries that privilege traits ascri
European culture and civilization (i.e., the European as colonizer, civil
clever, active, white, and masculine), while Egyptians and Orient
depicted negatively (as colonized, primitive, stupid, lazy, dark, an
nine). In this article, I argue that those fixed binaries did not comple
eliminate the chance of developing collegial relationships
Europeans and Egyptians, particularly during the first half of the nine
century, when European colonial meddling in Egypt's affairs became
pronounced. To this end, I examine two instances of cross-cultural in
tions among Europeans and Egyptians. My analysis demonstrate
those binaries did not preclude the possibility of striking amicable r
ships, and that the extent of those ties was suppressed in published t
accounts written by the authors who came into close contact with the
because of their anxiety about the way their readers would misinterp
those relationships. Although one of the main advantages of travel is t
transforms individuals who travel far and wide, when they return h
they are sometimes haunted by the suspicion that they have "gone n
after having mixed too closely with the locals.1
The first example I look at is the travel account of Rifa'a
al-Tahtawi (1801-1873), who studied in France as part of the
Egyptian educational mission sent to France; my analysis focus
the relationships he developed with his French teachers. In the s
44 _/36 (2016)
instance, I examine the scholarly collaboration between Edward Lane
(1801-1876) and Sheikh Ibrahim al-Disuqi (1811-1883) who collabo
rated on verifying, annotating, and then publishing The Arabic-English
Lexicon. In both examples, the full extent of the contact is better
understood by examining personal correspondence and accounts writ
ten by their close contemporaries than by focusing solely on the pub
lished travel accounts they wrote.
Before I discuss these examples, I want to clarify what the terms
"amicable" and "collegia!" mean. These terms do not refer to friendships
that develop among individuals who spend leisure time together and con
fide their innermost thoughts as bosom friends usually do; rather, they
refer to relationships that grew as a result of pursuing similar scholarly
interests. Instructors and students, or employers and employees, come
into close contact, and, given the right circumstances, collegial bonds are
likely to develop between them. The respect that connects a hardworking
student to his caring mentor or the interdependency that exists between
individuals working diligently to complete a project should not be hasti
ly dismissed because of cultural or rank differences. Although these ami
cable ties thrived within liminal circumstances, the fact that they existed
at all, at a time when European scientists and experts were preoccupied
with ananging the taxonomy of locals who resided elsewhere and who
were considered inferior, makes the individuals who took part in those
relationships all the more remarkable.
The Rigid Binaries between East and West
As prelude to my analysis, I would like to clarify what the con

cept of fixed binaries means, especially when it is applied to the
Middle East. In Orientalism, Said observes that Europe had a prob
lematic attitude towards Islam since the medieval period (59, 74).
Medieval thinkers pitted Christian rationalism against Oriental irra
tionalism. Naturally, medieval romances, epics, and poems reflected
those differences (59-73). By the eighteenth century (the Age of
Enlightenment), cultural beliefs, including religion, were expected to
withstand the test of scientific inquiry. Said argues that since Islam
was considered irrational, it was discredited by the enlightened seien
tific discourse of Europe. By the nineteenth century, racial and ethnic
superiority was solidified when images of "Oriental backwardness,
degeneracy and inequality" were combined with the biological dis
course of racial inequality (206).
36 (2016) 45
Johannes Fabian, who builds on Said's work, points out that
according to the "medieval, Christian (or Judeo-Christian) vision of
Time," the salvation of pagans and infidels was possible, provided
they embraced Christianity (26). However, European Enlightenment
broke away from medieval tradition when it replaced that sense of
time with "Typological Time," a time that marches (progresses)
towards rationalism in an evolutionary manner. To differentiate
between the present moment and the past, terms such as "archaic,"
"savage," and "primitive" were applied to that past. Fabian observes
that these devices led to a "denial of coevalness"; that is to say, the
Other was systematically assigned to a time other than the present (30
31). As a result, terms associated with evolutionary time (e.g., "civi
lization," "development," and "modernization") were considered
،'within" current time, whereas Oriental societies were deemed to be
primitive and archaic (17-18). In other words, they were placed "out
side" evolutionary time. When the denial of coevalness transformed
from "an explicit concern into an implicit theoretical assumption"
(39), cultural differences became inherent racial qualities that could
not be remedied by simply being exposed to European culture.2
To demonstrate the points that Said and Fabian discuss, I will
briefly mention the attitude of two French travelers. Claude-Etienne
Savary (1750-1788), a French Orientalist who traveled to Egypt in
1776, attributes the difference between French and Oriental tempera
ments to climatology. While invoking the study of climate as a "sei
ence" that demarcates racial and cultural differences, Savary points
out that the French live in a climate that continuously changes. Those
changes sharpen their intellect, making them active and mobile, unlike
the Egyptians who live in a hot climate that rarely varies (135). He also
laments the monotonous life that Egyptians and Turks lead. They
"spend their days doing the same thing, following established habits
without ever desiring what is beyond, without carrying their thought
further" (142).‫ ق‬Vivant Denon (1747-1825), the artist and archaeolo
gist who accompanied Napoleon to Egypt, depicts the Egyptian locals
as primitive and their lifestyle as devoid of basic comforts. Invited to
a meal prepared by the locals, he complains about the lack of seats,
plates, spoons, forks, goblets, and napkins, as well as about people
kneeling on their heels, taking rice with their fingers, and tearing off
the meat with their nails (82).4 His description of the bland meal and
the hours wasted on it casts the locals as primitives who lack the tech
nology to design basic objects like chairs and utensils. Neither Savary
46 Alif 36 (2016)
nor Denon declares outright that Egyptians are inherently inferior or
that they cannot be "saved" if they are trained according to French
standards, but the tone of the authors' voices and the invocation of sei
ence leave little room for French readers to doubt that those locals are
"out of time" as a result of their race and the kind of climate that pre
vails in the geographical region they inhabit.
Although Said and Fabian focus on Europeans' attitudes towards
other cultures, they neglect to take into consideration the locals' perspec
tive. Middle Easterners also had great misgivings about the Europeans
who visited their country. 'Abd al-Rahman alJabarti (1754-1822), the
well-known Egyptian historian, witnessed the events that took place after
Napoleon and his army conquered Egypt. In Tarikh muddat al-Faransis
bi-Misr (AlJabarti's Chronicle), he describes how the French soldiers
breached cultural rules of decorum and good manners by entering peo
pie's houses with their shoes on, spitting, and blowing their noses with
any cloth or drapery (29), consuming alcohol, and enjoying women in
public (31).5 These transgressions aggravated Egyptians' mistrust, and
eventually drove them to rebel against the soldiers. Al-Jabarti adds that
the French give free reign to their desires ("bi-hasab shahawatihim"), and
behave contrary to logic in accordance with their judgement ("tahkim
'uqulihim"). Since the French do not hesitate to urinate in public, he
deduces that they do not mind exposing their private parts ("la yubaluna
bi-kashf al'awrat"). Moreover, their women do not cover up or behave
decently (12). AlJabarti's misgivings about the Other echoes the attitude
of French Orientalists.6 The only difference between them is that he does
not back up his observations with scientific data or comment on cultural
differences through a racial lens.
Such misconceptions limited the possibility of developing close
transcultural friendships. In addition, the anxiety that travelers might
regress in time or forsake their culture was too grave for many Europeans
and locals. Nevertheless, this anxiety was overcome by a handful of peo
pie who were keen to pursue similar scholarly interests.
Educational Missions to France and the Reaction

of the French and Egyptians
After ruling Egypt for three years, the French were defeated at
the hands of the Mamluks and the Ottomans in 1801. Muhammad 'Ali
(1769-1849), the newly appointed Ottoman viceroy, began to cultivate
ambitious designs for the country. Despite Egyptians' strong opposi
Alif 36 (2016) 47
tion to those plans (Fahmy 99-103, 110-11), the viceroy embarked on
long-term plans to reform the army and state institutions in accordance
with European standards. Realizing that he needed a strong and well
trained army to expand his domain and secure it for his progeny,
Muhammad 'Ali decided to send educational delegations to Europe,
which was an unprecedented and costly undertaking at the time. The
viceroy sponsored the students, paying for their tuition in France,
upkeep, and travel expenses.
EdmeFran‫؟‬ois Jomard (1777-1862) and the savants1 who
accompanied Napoleon to Egypt were naturally thrilled by the
viceroy's decision. Nevertheless, the French press was highly critical
of Jomard and the experts' efforts to make the students feel welcome
in Paris because of the former's close ties to Charles X (ruled 1824
1830), the unpopular monarch of France. The king was a descendent
of the House of Bourbon, the dynasty that had ruled France before the
French Revolution took place in 1789. Most of the French were wary
of Charles X and his court because they were suspected of scheming
to revive Vancien regime, that is to say, the government system that
the revolution had overturned. Another factor that turned the press
against the students was Muhammad 'Ali's involvement in the war in
Morea. The Ottomans had issued an imperial order in 1824 appointing
their viceroy to deal with the Greek uprising. Muhammad 'Ali reluc
tantly agreed to support the Porte, hoping that the sultan would appoint
him over Syria in addition to Egypt. Complications arose when the
European powers decided to lend their support to the Greeks (Fahmy
55-60). In 1827, the southern part of Morea became independent, but
the war did not end until 1832.
The Reaction of the Savants and French Media
French media incited philhellene feelings, with the radical news

papers attacking Prime Minister Villele for his pro-Turkish stance
(Silvera 9; Louca 37-38; Newman 69). As a result, the students and their
teachers were caught in the triad of the Egyptian-Turkish-Greek politics.
To calm public opinion, the scholarly journal Revue encyclopedique,
published in Paris, highlighted the role of Muhammad 'Ali as a "reluc
tant" suzerain of the Ottomans, who had no option but to concede and
aid the Ottomans. The journal also pointed out the sagacity of
Muhammad 'Ali by choosing France to educate his men (Silvera 9).
Jomard began to issue a steady stream of communiques to highlight the
48 Alif 36 (2016)
students' academic progress. Despite those efforts, the Parisian press
could not resist portraying the "farcical aspects of the students' first
encounter with the West" (Silvera 13) by depicting them as disoriented
noble savages who were bewildered by Paris. The students' attire and
their walking two by two from one museum to the next certainly ampli
fled the farcical accounts about them. Those incidents provided satirical
journals, such as Lapandore and Lefrondeur, with abundant material to
amuse their readers. Moreover, Parisian theatre and opera availed them
selves of the amusing news (Newman 73; Louca 39-40).8
The position of the French experts was precarious. On the one hand,
they had to appeal to their fellow Parisians by invoking Oriental stereotypes
and by highlighting France's civilizing mission. On the other hand, they
wanted the students to feel welcomed and accepted by the French so that
Muhammad 'Ali would send future missions to France. It was under those
circumstances that Jomard published his Relation de Vexpedition seien

tifique des Frangais en Egypte 7795 »‫ء‬circa 1836 (cf. Tageldin 111). In that
letter, he declares that the mission of rinstitute d'Egypte, and l'Ecole
Egyptienne was far from being futile, noting that it educated one hundred
andtwenty Egyptians who were sent to study in the heart of France.
Jomard's other public letters conveyed a similar message (Louca 45,50).
In his letters and communiques, Jomard employs a bifurcated lan
guage, using one mode of writing to address his compatriots and another
mode to address the viceroy. His aim is to reaffirm the civilizing mission
of the savants to the Parisians, and to persuade Muhammad 'Ali that
France is the best country in Europe to educate his subjects. The two goals
are interlinked: The mission will not succeed without having the students
feel welcome; if it fails because of the negative coverage of the press, the
experts alone will bear the consequences. For this reason, Jomard went to
considerable effort to project a positive image about the students. He even
arranged the students' exam in public and invited a number of foreign
ambassadors to put an end to the circulated lampoons in the press. At the
same time, he went to great lengths to edit (i.e., censor) the newspapers
that were made available to the students. Jomard composed for the stu
dents "a lively digest of current affairs" entitled L'almanach pour Van
1244 de Vhegire to shield the students from the attacks of the press and
any mention of the Greek war of independence (Silvera 12). Other
instances of editing and censoring the news, in particular news that could
upset the students and be passed on to the viceroy, must have occurred.
Moreover, Muhammad 'Ali's desire to control the students' behavior
while they were in Paris also helped Jomard to shield the students.
٨/(/36 (2016) 49
Egyptians and the Anxiety of Mingling with the French
The viceroy gave strict orders for the students and their French
teachers to limit the former's outings and social interaction. The stu
dents were not allowed to leave their lodgings except in groups and
only if they were accompanied by their teachers (Heyworth-Dunne
166). Muhammad 'Ali's orders were in keeping with the military tra
ditions in Egypt. The viceroy was a military man by training, and
Egyptian military schools were run like boarding schools. Students
stayed on the premises, rarely venturing outside lest they should be
distracted from their studies.
The viceroy faced fierce opposition when he began to reform

the army and hired French experts to train the conscripted soldiers
(Qasim 61). He also faced strong opposition when he decided to send
educational missions to France (Heyworth-Dunne 169). When the
students of the first mission returned to Egypt in 1831, Rifa'a al
Tahtawi, one of the three imams (religious advisers) appointed to the
mission, had begun writing a travel account about his life in Paris.
The account, entitled Takhlis aiibrizfi talkhis Bariz [The Extraction
of Gold in the Summation of Paris], was published by the govern
ment-owned press in 1835.9 Muhammad 'Ali distributed printed
copies of the account for free among students and military conscripts
studying in Egypt. The account was also translated into Turkish in
1839 (Delanoue 2:387-88). Needless to say, the account was widely
circulated, and it played a significant role in shaping the discourse
about alNahda (Arab awakening) and the Middle East's dialogue
with the West. Notwithstanding these facts, the account was heavily
edited before it went to press. In the introduction to the 1958 edition,
the three editors Luqa, Badawi, and 'Allam explain that the draft that
al-Tahtawi shared with his French teachers was very short,10 com
prising just four articles. After his return to Egypt, al-Tahtawi added
more material. He originally used the words "Christians" and "infi
dels" interchangeably, but the hand (or hands) that edited the stylistic
and grammatical mistakes also took care of this problem; as a result,
the word "infidels" appears less frequently in the printed account.
Moreover, the account was padded with a number of poems, an addi
tion that was in keeping with the popular style of writing at the time
(Luqa et al. 32-42). The copy that went to press must have been a sue
cessful compromise on the part of al-Tahtawi and those who helped
him produce a positive and clean printed version.
50 ٨٨/36 (2016)
Despite the precautions taken by the viceroy and his bureau
crats, Egyptians began making fun of the dignified imam. Edward
Lane, a British Orientalist, who was in Egypt when the account was
printed and circulated, narrates his conversation with an Egyptian
bookseller, when they were joined by
... a man of a very respectable and intelligent appear

ance, applying for a copy of the sheikh Rifä،ah's visit to
France, lately printed at Boolak. Asking what were the
general contents of this book, a person present answered
him, that the author relates his voyage from Alexandria to
Marseilles; how he got drunk on board the ship and was
tied to the mast and flogged; that he ate pork in the lands
of infidelity and obstinacy, and that it was a most excel
lent meat; how he was delighted with the French girls,
and how superior they were in charms to the women of
Egypt; and, having qualified himself in every accom
plishment, for an eminent place in Hell, returned to his
native country. (Lane-Poole 70)
For Lane, the incident was an "ironical quizz on the sheykh Rifa'ah for his
strict conscientious adherence to the precepts of El-Islam during his voy
age and his residence in France" (70-71), but it also reflected the opinion
of the commoners regarding the educational missions.
The Dialogue between alTahtawi and the French
The account drew the attention of a large number of scholars who

either stressed the polemics of al-Tahtawi's encounter with the West or
his resistance to its allure. Sandra Naddaf considers al-Tahtawi an anx
ious moderator shuttling between two civilizations that represented two
"mutually exclusive semiotic codes," while precariously trying to main
tain his selfhood before an overpowering West (75-76). Nazik Yarid
observes that al-Tahtawi oscillates between curiosity and hostility
regarding the West (62-64), whereas Roxanna Euben argues that he
expresses "a qualified 'openness' to France enacted through complex
and eclectic mediations between local and translocal knowledge" (184),
at a time when, according to Hisham Sharabi, Europe appears less as a
threat than a promise to alTahtawi (46). Another group of scholars
examined al-Tahtawi's disorientation and confusion (el-Ariss 34), or
(2016) 36/‫ء‬/‫حم‬ 51
highlighted the author's unreserved acceptance of French culture as
proof that he received it "with equal parts [that reflect] fascination and
repulsion, openness and ambivalence" (Tageldin 116). More recently,
Ian Coller has highlighted the role of French Arabs, namely, the
Egyptians and Levantines who sailed to France along with the French
army when the latter evacuated Egypt in 1801 (167-94).
Taking into consideration the strict orders that al-Tahtawi had to
observe and the limitations imposed on his interactions with the French,
it is little wonder that his overall depiction of the French was positive.
Although he was unable to have any French friends (elEnany 18), the
printed account gives the impression that he developed strong bonds
with his teachers, who lent him their support. The student sought his
instructors' feedback regarding the first (thin) draft of his account, and
in return Jomard and the savants obtained his permission before quot
ing it in their letters. In light of the rigid binary paradigms mentioned
earlier, those simple gestures suggest reciprocated collegiality.
In Takhlis, the printed account, al-Tahtawi quotes three differ
ent letters he received from Monsieur Silvestre de Sacy (1758-1838),
a French linguist and Orientalist. Sacy praises al-Tahtawi's "precious
book" ("kitabuka alnafis") in the first letter, adding that he made a
note ("hashiya") about al-Tahtawi's conjugation of verbs in French.
He asks al-Tahtawi to verify the usage of the verbs inflected in the past
tense in French (qtd. in al-Tahtawi 234), and suggests that
It is incumbent upon you to prepare a book that includes

French grammar as used in all the nations fumam] and
kingdoms of Europe so that it guides the people of Egypt
[ahl Misr] to our sources in classifying the sciences,
industries, and their methods. This would bring you the
greatest honor in your country, and immortalize your
memory in the centuries to come. (qtd. in al-Tahtawi 234)
While the letter demonstrates al-Tahtawi's mastery of French, it also puts

into relief Sacy's desire to shape his student's future endeavors, a tenden
cy all teachers share. In the second letter, Sacy provides al-Tahtawi with his
testimony ("shahada"), in which he confirms that he read the thin draft:
Everything you examined—including the morals, customs,

politics, religious practices, sciences, and the literature of
the French—we found [wajadnahu] pleasing and benefi
52 ٨/،/36 (2016)
cial. It will please those who will look at it and those who
will read it. It does not hurt to show our letter to Monsieur
Jomard. God willing, this license will grant you His

Excellency the Pasha's favor, who will reward you and
your family with the best. (qtd. in al-Tahtawi 234-35)
Sacy's third letter was written in French, unlike the first two. In
that letter, he praises al-Tahtawi's ability to explain French customs,
manners, and political system to his fellow Egyptians, but he also
remarks that the student sometimes generalizes what he has learned con
cerning Paris and the customs of its people. Al-Tahtawi thinks that his
observations of Parisians apply to the French who live elsewhere. Sacy
adds that although al-Tahtawi's ideas are clear and his style is smooth,
he sometimes ens when he does not adhere to the rules of Arabic gram
mar. Sacy thinks those mistakes occurred because al-Tahtawi must have
been writing hastily or because the draft he received was a rough copy.
The last point he raises is al-Tahtawi's claim that the French prefer cir
cular shapes over all other shapes (qtd. in al-Tahtawi 235).
Al-Tahtawi also showed the thin draft to Caussin de Perceval
(1795-1871), a well-known French Arabist. He informed Perceval

about Sacy's criticism (al-Tahtawi's generalizations about Parisian
habits, his Islamic prejudice, and the French's preference for circular
shapes). He adds that "[Caussin] replied that he did not see this harm
ful because I was writing in accordance with my convictions" (al
Tahtawi 238). The exchange of ideas between al-Tahtawi and his
teachers is also demonstrated by the summary that Perceval shared
with the members of the Asiatic Institute, published in 1833. Perceval
wrote the summary after he had received a letter from al-Tahtawi,
which included a draft of Takhlis. Perceval informs his peers at the
institute that the "author of this work sent me the manuscript and
allowed me to take extracts [from it]. He will be able to enlighten his
compatriots, destroy many of their prejudices, and encourage them to
come to Europe to look for the enlightenment they lack. (222)"11
Notwithstanding the Eurocentric statement regarding French
Enlightenment, the fact that Perceval asked and acquired al-Tahtawi's per
mission to cite extracts from the thin draft of the account is extraordinary.
The gesture demonstrates that the French mentor respected al-Tahtawi in
the sense that he treated him in the same manner he would treat his French
students. Perceval also wrote a letter commending al-Tahtawi's efforts,

stating that he found the book to be a short story about the arrival of the
Alif 36 (2016) 53
educational mission to Paris and the architecture of the city with a synop
sis of the different educational subjects taught in Paris (237).
According to Daniel Newman, Takhlis contained those letters
because the inclusion of eulogies was common in Arabic literature,
usually written by 'ulama and other leading figures of society (85;
Louca 64, n. 3). Another explanation is that al-Tahtawi regarded them
as proof of his excellence as a student and evidence that he deserved
to earn his ijaza (academic license). According to Islamic educational
practices, a mentor takes a student (or an apprentice) under his wing
and begins to teach him the tools of the trade. When the student fin
ishes learning everything he can possibly learn from his mentor, the
student receives an ijaza, a license to teach what the mentor taught
him. More importantly, the letters demonstrate that al-Tahtawi did not
alter his opinion to please his foreign teachers. His confidence and
steadfastness must have pleased his Egyptian readers.
Scholarly Collaboration: Edward Lane and Sheikh al-Disuqi
Scholarly collaborations are another example of amicable rela

tionships. The scholarly collaboration that took place between Edward
Lane (1801-1876), the British Orientalist and lexicographer mentioned
earlier, and Ibrahim al-Disuqi (1811-1883), an Azharite sheikh,
demonstrates the possibilities and limitations of cross-cultural collab
oration on a scholarly project. The combined efforts of both men
resulted in the publication of the first Arabic-English dictionary,
known as The Lexicon, and initiated a complex relationship.
Lane's work was hailed by contemporary Egyptian and Arab
writers like 'Ali Mubarak (1823-1893), who was another student who
traveled to France, and by Ahmad Faris al-Shidyaq (1804-1887), who
lived for a period of time in France and England (Roper 249). Up until
the beginning of the twentieth century, the collaboration was lauded by
Arab scholars and critics (al'Aqiqi 88; Roper 251; Thompson 692), but
this changed when Said criticized Lane's work, in particular The
Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. According to Said,
Lane stood as a European observer (158) in a multitude of unsuspecting
Muslims, in a one-way exchange (160). Timothy Mitchell concurs with
Said, adding that Lane objectified Egyptians while providing an "imag
inary structure" for his panoramic view of Egypt (21). Said's analysis
prompted another group of scholars to evaluate Lane's work and his
scholarly contribution. Among those scholars was Leila Ahmed, whose
54 Alif 36 (2016)
research shed new light on Lane's personal life and work (see Edward
w. Lane). More recently, Jason Thompson published a comprehensive
analysis of Lane's correspondences, his interaction with the locals while
in Egypt, and his collaboration with al-Disuqi.
In the preface to The Lexicon, Lane explains that he began to
work on preparing an Arabic-English dictionary in 1842, when Lord
Prudhoe, who became the Duke of Northumberland, asked Lane to take
on the project and provided him with sufficient funding to enable him to
travel to Egypt for that purpose.12 Lane needed the assistance of a qual
ified Egyptian scholar, so he turned to Fulgence Fresnel (1795-1855), a
French Orientalist who lived in Egypt, for help. He also invited Fresnel
to participate in the project "with a salary of £200 per year" (Thompson
473).13 Lane explains, "[Fresnel] led me to believe that a person better
qualified for the services I required of him, than the sheykh Ed
Dusookee, could not have been found by me in Cairo; and I had no occa
sion to employ any other assistant, except, occasionally, transcribers,
under his supervision" {Arabic-English Lexicon v). Lane does not clari
fy the nature of the sheikh's assistance, but in the words of Stanley
Lane-Poole, Lane needed someone who had superior command of
Arabic and understood the original text "as a scholar" (117). In fact, the
sheikh was not simply a scribe; he assisted Lane in navigating the maze
of Islamic lexicology and supervised the scribes who were hired to copy
and collate the entries. Lane, with the sheikh's assistance, drew on a
number of Arabic manuscripts, such as aiSihah [The Complete], The
Qamus [The Dictionary], Taj al'arus, [The Tiara of the Bride], al
Muzhir [The Revealer] by al-Suyuti, as well as the annotations of Ibn
Barri and alBusti. Sheikh al-Disuqi helped Lane sift through those man
uscripts, compared the meaning of each entry, and corrected grammati
cal and stylistic mistakes committed by the scribes who originally
copied the manuscripts. He also arranged for Lane to borrow the manu
scripts out of the mosques where they were kept. In those days, public
libraries in Egypt were attached to mosques, and Lane knew that the
sheikhs and the 'ulama of the mosques were unlikely to agree to lend
these works to a foreigner, let alone a non-Muslim (Arabic-English
Lexicon vvi).14 Although alDisuqi's help was invaluable, Lane does
not share the details of their collaboration with his readers, undoubtedly
because they would have expected him to play the role of the all-know
ing European master, just like European travelers before him did.
Al-Disuqi was not the first sheikh with whom Lane collaborat
ed: He had worked before with Sheikh Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi
Alif 36 (2016) 55
(1810-1861). AlTantawi assisted Lane with verifying and annotating
the Arabic copy of The Arabian Nights, which Lane translated and
published in serial format in Britain in 1838-1840. When Lane had to
depart from Cairo to England in 1835, at the end of his second visit,
Fresnel was worried that alTantawi would not be able to complete the
task on account of being busy with teaching. Nevertheless, he did
complete it and received 1,000 piasters from Lane (Thompson 407;
"Muhammad 'Ayyad alTantawi to Lane."). Most likely, Lane had al
Tantawi in mind when he was getting ready to work on The Lexicon,
but the sheikh was dispatched to St. Petersburg at the behest of
Muhammad 'Ali in 1840 to teach Arabic at the Department of Oriental
Studies (Ohrnberg 225-28). When Lane arrived in Egypt in 1842, al
Disuqi was the best alternative Fresnel could find to alTantawi.15
Although the collaboration on The Lexicon progressed slowly due to
the abundance of the manuscripts that needed to be checked, it moved at a
steady pace nonetheless. The two men met daily in the late afternoon and
worked together, side by side, while sharing food and drinking tea. The reg
ular salary that aLDisuqi received seemed to help as well, but the slow pace
was interrupted when Lane had to return to England in 1849, leaving al
Disuqi in charge of finishing the remaining entries. Lane's departure coin
cided with the death of Muhammad 'Ali in 1849. Although the viceroy del
egated the responsibility of running Egypt's affairs to his eldest son Ibrahim
Pasha in 1848, and was succeeded by 'Abbas Hilmi I, little to no change
occurred during that period. But the situation changed dramatically when
the viceroy passed away in 1849, leaving 'Abbas Pasha alone at the helm.
The viceroy's death proved to be a major turning point for the sponsored
educational missions to Europe, the educational institutes, and the schools
that were running in Egypt. 'Abbas closed down many schools, consolidat
ed the remaining ones, and streamlined their curricula (Moosa 7). Those
changes accelerated when Said Pasha succeeded 'Abbas I in 1854. The clo
sure of the schools led a number of teachers to lose their posts, a change that
coincided with a decrease in the value of Egypt's currency. ALDisuqi, who
was one of the teachers employed by the government, used to supplement
his meager salary by giving lessons in Arabic to Europeans (Thompson 634;
Ohrnberg 228). As a result, he had less time to work on The Lexicon than
before, and Lane's absence must have dampened his enthusiasm. The fne
quent delays exasperated Lane.
Another factor that affected alDisuqi's progress was the change of
hands at the Ministry of Education. 'Abbas I reassigned aLTahtawi, who
was in charge of curricula and the educational system in Egypt, to the
56 36 (2016)
Sudan. The decree was considered a demotion, and it almost put an end to
alTahtawi's career (Euben 94). Lane was friends with al-Tahtawi, and the
friendship must have protected al-Disuqi, permitting him to devote his time
to work on The Lexicon. Under 'Ali Mubarak (1823-1893), the newly
appointed bureaucrat who succeeded al-Tahtawi, al-Disuqi lost this privi
lege. In a long letter sent to Lane in 1849, the sheikh complains about those
changes. He informs Lane that 'Ali Mubarak, the new manager (mudir),
was favored (lahu huzwa) by 'Abbas Pasha. Mubarak imposed a new sys
tern that forced al-Disuqi, and all other appointed teachers, "not to pay
attention except to the assigned textbooks and to correcting them" ("ann la
altafit ilia ila kutubi almiri wa-tashihiha") ("Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane," 15
Sha'ban 1266). Mubarak also decreased the teachers' hourly pay rate and
forced them to teach more hours daily. As a result, they had less free time
to tutor other students on the side. According to al-Disuqi, Mubarak tricked
him: Although he promised to pay him seven hundred, the amount was
reduced afterwards to five hundred. Mubarak claimed that the change was
in accordance with 'Abbas Pasha's order. In his letter, the sheikh confides
to Lane that he does not dare to complain to the pasha for fear that he might
be sent off to the Sudan. Hinting at what happened to al-Tahtawi, he adds,
"I think you have heard about the insult and harm that befell some people
[as a result]" ("wa-adhunn annahu balaghakum ma waqa'a liba'd alnas
min alihanat wa-l-dhull") ("Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane," 15 Sha'ban 1266;
Thompson 629). Al-Disuqi mentions additional reasons for his slow
progress: The original document was difficult to decipher ("su'ubat al
asl"), the handwriting was ineligible ("rada'at khattih"), and the manuscript
was full of inaccuracies ("kathrat tahrifih"). The long poems posed anoth
er challenge. The scribe whom the sheikh had hired copied a poem of sev
enty lines in a manner that revealed his utter ignorance of how poetry is
composed ("Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane," 15 Sha'ban 1266).
Although aLDisuqi's frequent delays and disappearance after col
lecting his salary from Reverend John Lieder16 frustrated Lane
(Thompson 633), the difficulties he complained about seem reasonable
considering that he alone bore the tedious task of copying and verifying
illegible manuscripts. To alleviate al-Disuqi's burdens, Lane suggests
that he could contact the British consul in Cairo to intervene and to ask
the pasha to grant the sheikh permission to continue working on The

Lexicon ("Lane to Sheikh al-Disuqi," 17 Ramadan 1266). But al-Disuqi's
warns Lane against that suggestion, lest the pasha decide to discharge
him from his post. He adds that requesting the permit would create prob
lems for him at work, which could leave him with no other option but to
(2016) 736‫حماء‬ 57
quit his job ("tark al-dars"). He also chides his friend for doubting the
change in his circumstances at work. Later, he begs Lane to verify what
he told him by checking with their friends, adding, "Didn't you know that
the Office of Schools [diwan almadaris] took into consideration my
work with you and they didn't give me a salary increase because they
knew that what ‫ آ‬earn from those who are like you [Europeans] would be
enough to keep me from asking for an increase?" He ends the letter by
asking Lane whether he would compensate his lost income if he stopped
giving private lessons and dedicated his time to finishing The Lexicon
("Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane," 15 Shawwal 1267).
By 1854, al-Disuqi's situation worsens, and he complains about
additional problems: He lost the eye glasses and the two pen knives
that Lane had given him as a farewell gift. He searched Cairo in the
hope of replacing them, but his attempts were in vain. In his letter, he
wonders if Lane could send him similar items from England. Although
the letter is polite and is written in an ornate style, focusing on the
project at hand, it uses formulaic Arabic phrases and sayings profuse
ly, most likely because the sheikh is asking Lane for a huge favor. Al
Disuqi concludes his letter with a personal note: He congratulates
Lane on the birth of his son ("Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane," 7 Jamadi
1271). Although these details imply that al-Disuqi is an opportunist,
this was not the first time he lost his belongings. When Lane was in
Cairo, the sheikh was robbed of his savings (Thompson 575; Mubarak,
ALKhitatXI:13). If the items were indeed unique and irreplaceable in
Egypt, it is likely that someone snatched them while the sheikh was
distracted, or that one of his supervisors coveted them and al-Disuqi
was obliged to give them away as a gift.
Thompson traces the careful negotiations that Lane had to conduct
from afar to make sure that al-Disuqi continued to work on The Lexicon
(627-34). Lane contacted Lieder and Fresnel, and enlisted the help of other
Europeans to keep the sheikh on track and to remind him of his commit
ment to the project. Lane continued to pay al-Disuqi, but the distance and
the political changes in Egypt meant that the sheikh was not always at
hand as he was before. According to Lieder, al-Disuqi had to look for
other means to supplement his salary on account of Egypt's worsening
economy (Thompson 633). Furthermore, the money that Lane sent him
was no longer sufficient, but Lane, whose budget was tight, could not
afford to send the sheikh more money. It is also likely that al-Disuqi
desired to prolong his agreement with Lane because completing the proj
ect on time would have meant losing the salary that Lane paid him.
58 ٨٨/36 (2016)
Although those details reflect negatively on al-Disuqi, he clearly was
aware of his worth and knew he could get away with many delays and ali
bis, which he did. Qualified sheikhs who were competent in Arabic, and
who could borrow any manuscript they wanted, were few and far in
between at the time. ALDisuqi was confident he was irreplaceable.
Jealousy among the sheikhs teaching at the diwan must have
been another factor in distracting al-Disuqi from work. Although Lane
states in the preface to the Arabic-English Lexicon that he kept his
project under wraps lest he invoke the wrath of the 'lilama (v-vi), his
close friendships with a number of Egyptians and his correspondence
with them suggest otherwise (Poole-Lane 118). ALDisuqi's col
leagues at the diwan apparently were informed, as well as 'Ali
Mubarak, the newly appointed manager. Ironically, Mubarak immor
talized the collaboration between Lane and al-Disuqi in two lengthy
works. The first work was a travel account entitled 'Alam alDin, pub
lished in 1882. The travelogue recounts the fictional travels of the
eponymous protagonist and his son in Europe in the company of an
Englishman. The character of the affable Englishman presumably mir
rored that of Edward Lane, especially since both of them adopted the
name of aLMansur (the Victorious) as their Arabic forename. A more
detailed account of the aLDisuqi-Lane collaboration appears in an
essay that 'Ali Mubarak attributes to Sheikh al-Disuqi. The essay
appears in a voluminous work entitled alKhitat alTawfiqiyya aljadi
da [The New Plans of Khedive Tawfiq], published in 1886.
The essay repeats almost verbatim the sheikh's dealings with Lane. Al
Disuqi commends Lane's intelligence, linguistic talents,and general demeanor:
Amongst those who came to us during the fifties, arriving

from distant lands that have extensive knowledge, skilful
workmanship, and excellent masterpieces, to receive
some language books and to translate them into English,
is proficient Mansur Effendi, who has skilful intelligence.
He is a man of refined manners joined with the jewels of
virtue, distinguished from his own people by his brilliant
acumen, and amicable manners. He is known in his coun
try London as Mister Lane, as indicated by his elegant
compositions and rising literary works. This skillful
English writer stood unparalleled amongst Parisians with
regard to his knowledge of Arabic grammar, morphology,
and language. He used to show me many passages writ
Alif 36 (2016) 59
ten by Sacy, the editor of Maqamat, who is as famous in
Paris as the judge of Tabriz, proving a mistake in Sacy's
grammatical compositions and the extensive omissions in
his literary works. (Mubarak, A/-__ XI: 10)
In this passage, Lane's mastery of Arabic dwarfs the linguistic

achievements of well-known Sacy,17 whom alTahtawi praised. Al
Disuqi did not meet Sacy, but 'Ali Mubarak did when he studied in
Paris. In this instance, Mubarak does not only report what the sheikh
had told him, but he also uses him as his mouthpiece.
According to Mubarak, the sheikh was immediately impressed
with Lane's eloquence, knowledge of Arabic, and good manners:
His language [tongue] did not have an accent or a defect.

He was tall in stature with a huge head on which the signs
of intelligence were visible, as if he was 'Adnani [a descen
dent from northern Arabia] or Qahtani [a descendent from
southern Arabia], except that he wore Ottoman attire. He
did not talk except eloquently, and he was knowledgeable
of the arts of literature. I was attracted to him by generous
delight and I was surprised by his eloquence despite his
foreignness. ... I saw that he had the habits of Egyptians
in eating and drinking and the manners of Turks in his dec
oration and politeness. (Mubarak,‫س‬/‫ممأ‬-‫ مم‬XI: 10)
The meeting ends by Sheikh al-Disuqi agreeing to help Lane with The
Lexicon, and in return Lane will provide him with a monthly salary.
The relationship between the sheikh and Lane went beyond the lim
its of employer-employee. The women folks exchanged visits (Mubarak,
ALKhitat XI:12), and the two men witnessed many ordeals together. As
Mubarak relates, al-Disuqi continued to help Lane with his project when
the bank that Lane dealt with in Egypt declared its bankruptcy. During that
time, al-Disuqi's payments were delayed for several months (Mubarak,
ALKhitat XI: 11). Similarly, when al-Disuqi's savings were stolen, Lane
was so moved by his friend's sorrow that his eyes watered, and he swore
upon his honor that if he had extra money, he would have given it to the
sheikh (Mubarak, ALKhitat XI:12). When Lane decided to leave Cairo
and return to England, he gave the sheikh a magnificent carpet, a watch,
and reading glasses. In addition,Lane's two nephews gave him an embroi
dered saddlebag (Mubarak, ALKhitatXI: 12).
60 Alif 36 (2016)
These details point to dose bonds that grew as a result of both
men spending long hours poring over Arabic manuscripts and dis
cussing their contents. Nevertheless, it was a complex relationship
because money played a key role in the way it was set up. The cone
spondence between Lane and al-Disuqi and the information that
Mubarak received demonstrate that the sheikh was not a docile, acqui
escent partner; rather, he negotiated his pay whenever he could. He
knew the worth of his skills and demanded more salary accordingly.
Although his tactics may paint him in a negative light, as avaricious
(Lane-Poole 118), he was an ambitious person, who took advantage of
every opportunity that came his way to improve his lot in life.
The sheikh was in many ways a self-made man. He was born in
Disuq, a town on the Nile Delta, well-known for the shrine of a thir
teenthcentury saint. His father died when he was a child, an event that
must have reduced the family's prospects. He memorized the Qur'an
and then attended al-Azhar. When he graduated,he started teaching at
one of the schools in Cairo. It is unclear whether he had to provide for
his mother and siblings in addition to his own family, but according to
Mubarak, his salary did not cover his needs. He therefore had to work
as an assistant verifier (musahhih) of medical books at AbuZa'bal, a
well-known school of medicine. He was then assigned to another
school, where he became the Head of Verification (ra'is tashih). His
last promotion took place during the reign of Isma'il Pasha (ruled
1863-1879), when he was appointed as Chief of Verification for books
on science (Mubarak, ALKhitatXL9-10). All those details paint a pic
ture of a hardworking man who juggled more than one job to make
ends meet and to improve his condition in life.
Thompson mentions that the relationship between Lane and al
Disuqi soured at the end because of the sheikh's frequent delays and
because he found out that Lane had tricked him into making him divulge
information about the jinn, magic, and the supernatural (635).‫ لة‬But the
letters must have ceased because The Lexicon was completed, and al
Disuqi's attention turned to more pressing matters, to tutoring his new
students and verifying the full Arabic edition of Taj al- 'arus at the Bulaq
Press (677). According to Mubarak, al-Disuqi remarks that Lane was
fond of ("mutawali'an") the jinn and astrology, and he used to visit
Sheikh al-'Arusi, the Sheikh of al-Islam. When he received letters from
Britain, he used to compare the dates with the information al-'Arusi had
shared with him (Mubarak, AlKhitat XI: 12). Professional rivalry and
jealousy must have also played a role. Lane was "shocked" when he
Alif 36 (2016) 61
heard that the sheikh was in charge of editing the Arabic edition of Taj
aWarus and was concerned that the publication would undermine the
justification of printing The Arabic-English Lexicon (Thompson 677). In
many ways, Lane and al-Disuqi were alike: Both were orphans; both
were hard working; and both earned their living through Arabic.
Although their relationship ceased, their story has a happy ending of a
sort. Their collaboration advanced their careers: Lane became a well
recognized Orientalist after publishing The Lexicon and al-Disuqi was
promoted to the position of chief editor of the Arabic edition.
Conclusion: Transformed by Exotopy
Traveling and spending an extended time in contact with the locals

are experiences that transform travelers and locals, but the problem with cul
tural encounters is that people on both sides are apprehensive about "in
betweenness," and instances of "textual ambiguity" are misunderstood as
"obfuscation" (cf. Colla 1050). However, the acceptance of the Other
should not be equated with forsaking one's culture. Mikhail Bakhtin calls
the acceptance of difference ex،»‫؛‬opy (vnenakhodimost, Le.Z'outsidedness"),
which he defines as an aesthetic principle that Dostoyevsky observed when
he created his fictional heroes. According to Bakhtin, Dostoyevsky's artis
tic process can be divided into two levels. The first level necessitates that the
author identify with his or her characters, putting one's self in their shoes.
At this stage, the author moves beyond self-identification and identifies with
another person or character. In the second level, the author must return to
him-/herself, an act that triggers the aesthetic activity. In Bakhtin's words,
the act "begins at the point when we return into ourselves, when we return
to our own place outside the suffering person, and start to form and con
summate the material we derived from projecting ourselves into the other
and experiencing him from within himself' (200). Tzvetan Todorov adds
that exotopy is "an affirmation of the other's exteriority which goes hand in
hand with the recognition of the other as subject" (250). Both Bakhtin and
Todorov argue that the self can only be known in conjunction with other
ness, that is to say, when it encounters difference. The relationships dis
cussed here are a testimony 0f exotopy.
Although al-Tahtawi was not swept away by French culture, he
approved much of what he observed (Hourani 71). The encounter trans
formed his views about the role of the state (government). He accepted
that a ruler should have authority, but that it should be limited to the con
fines of the law and moral codes. His opinions must have been influenced
62 Alif 36 (2016)
by his exposure to French politics and the popular revolution of 1830, in
which Charles X was deposed (Hourani 73). As for al-Disuqi, it is diffi
cult to ascertain to what extent his relationship with Lane and other
Orientalists transformed his views, but his encounters gave him the
chance to improve his status and climb the social ladder in Cairo. Lane's
hard work and dedication to Arabic and the "living culture of the Near
East" (Ahmed 199) were not exactly well rewarded in England. He was
not knighted, but he received a measly annual government grant of £100,
which was passed on to his wife after he died (Thompson 684). Lane was
beset with the loss of one of his nephews, and his contacts in Egypt died
one by one. First it was Fresnel, then Lieder, and finally his wife Alice
(Thompson 671-73). As he persevered preparing the next volume of The
Lexicon for print, Lane rarely went out or had time to socialize, a far cry
from his active and happy life in Egypt.
Notwithstanding the fact that these relationships thrived within
liminal spaces, their existence challenges the rigid binary prism through
which the contact between diverse cultures has been viewed. The corre
spondence of those who participated in the encounters and the testimo
ny of their contemporaries paint a different picture of the relationships
that developed than the ones depicted in published accounts. The image
that emerges in private records is complex and more nuanced, asserting
that establishing a meaningful and enriching cross-cultural dialogue
without obliterating cultural differences is possible after all.
Notes
‫ ل‬All translations from Arabic and French into English are mine. I would like
to thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback and sugges
tions, and Lisa LaFramboise for her editorial suggestions. Also, ‫ آ‬would
like to thank the staff and research team at The Griffith Institute for facil
itating my research on Edward Lane and for taking me under their wing
when I was in Oxford UK.
2 Elliott Colla discusses in detail how the binary model influenced postcolo
nial studies (1049-52).
3 In French, the text reads: "lis passent leurs jours ä faire la meme chose, ä
suivre les coutumes etablies sans jamais desirer audela, sans porter plus
loin leur pensee" (142).
4 The French text reads: "Point de siege, point d'assiettes, point de cuillers ni
‫ ظ‬fourchettes, point de gobelets ni de serviettes; ä genoux sur ses talons, on
prend le riz avec les doigts, on arrache la viande avec ses ongles" (82).
63 (2016) 36/‫حماي‬
5 AlJabarti recorded what he witnessed in three different accounts. Tarikh
muddat al-Faransis bi-Misr was the first account in which he records the
incidents that took place during the first seven months after the French
army had occupied Egypt.
6 Another example is the poem written by Hassan al-'Attar (1766-1835), a
well-known sheikh who witnessed the French campaign. In the poem, al
'Attar feminizes the handsome French soldier he comes across. Although
he is sediced by the soldier's beauty, he decides against talking to him
(Colla 1062-64; Tageldin 72-76).
7 In this article, I use the terms "Orientalists," "experts," and "savants" inter
changeably.
8 In one example—a fictionalized letter published by La pandore—an
Egyptian student describes le Palais Royal, where Charles X resides, as a
"vast bazaar where all the world's riches are displayed." He notices a group
of unveiled young, beautiful women, and is mesmerized by their beauty.
He thinks they "must have fled from some neaiby Harem." He immedi
ately falls in love with one of those unnamed girls, and dreams of her after
he returns to his room. In his prayers, he hopes that when he becomes
learned and wise, he will buy her if she is for sale (qtd. in Louca 39).
‫ و‬Bulaq Press was the same press that Napoleon brought from Italy to print
his communiques in French and Arabic. After the evacuation of the French
army, the press remained in Egypt. Muhammad 'Ali sent two students to
Italy to learn the techniques of ink mixing and printing. In 1821-1822, the
press began printing the first government bulletin al Waqa'i' al-Misriyya
[Egyptian Events or News], Privately owned presses andjoumals were not
allowed until much later, in the last decades of the nineteenth century
(Ayalon 11-18). Strict laws were in effect throughout the nineteenth cen
tury to control the private ownership of printing presses and the publica
tion of books, journals, periodicals, advertisements, and announcements;
see the decree passed in 1857 in Watha'iq tarikh Misr (Najm 70203).
‫ ا*ا‬Henceforth, this rough draft is referred to as the thin draft.
‫ ا‬١ The original text in French reads: "Cet ouvrage, dont l'auteur m'a commu
nique le manuscrit et m'a permis de prendre des extraits, pourra contribuer ä
eclairer ses compatriots, detraire beaucoup de leurs prejuges, les engager ä
venir chercher en Europe les lumieres qui leur manquent" (222).
12 Edward Lane traveled three times to Egypt, each time staying for more than a
year. His first visit was in 1825-1828; the second was in 1833-1835; and the
last visit was in 1842-1849 for the purpose of woiking on The Lexicon.
13 It is not quite clear how much money Lord Prudhoe offered to pay Lane,
but the amount must have been more than what Lane offered to Fresnel.
(2016) 36‫حماءم‬ 64
Since Lane estimated that the Lexicon project would take eight years, it is
reasonable to assume that Lord Prudhoe's patronage lasted that long.
14 According to Lane-Poole, Muhammad 'Ali Pasha supported Lane's plans
for The Lexicon and was "anxious" to help him. The Prime Minister,
Arteen Bey, called upon Lane to facilitate the government's assistance, but
loaning manuscripts from mosques proved to be a request beyond the
viceroy's powers (118).
15 A number of Europeans attested to al-Tantawi's unparalleled command of
Arabic. One of them was Georg August Wallin (1811-1852), a Finnish
Orientalist. Wallin went to St. Petersburg to study Arabic with al-Tantawi in
1839. In 1843, he traveled to Egypt where he met Lane and al-Disucp, whom
he liked Although Wallin was impressed by alDisuqi, he admitted that he did
not meet any sheikh who surpassed al-Tantawi (Ohrnberg 227).
'‫ ة‬According to Paul Sedra, Reverend John Lieder (also written as Johann
Lieder) was dispatched by the English Church Missionary Society with his
wife Alice to Egypt in 1825 for the purpose of converting the Copts of
Egypt (222 and 232-34).
17 In 'Alam ‫اء<أ‬£-‫حم‬, Mubarak gives several reasons for disliking the French.
Among them are their recklessness, foolishness, and fondness of pursuing
novelties (3:961). He also disliked them for their tyranny when they were
in Egypt and the sacrilegious acts they did to alAzhar (3:1086-91). He
criticizes the French savants for their secularism and negation of God, the
prophets, and the holy books (3:1099). He also renounces them for attack
ing Islam (3:1106).
18 Thompson draws those details from Ahmad Amin (18861954), a well
known Egyptian author and historian (635, n. 75), but Amin was not al
Disuqi's contemporary. The sheikh died three years before Amin was bom;
therefore, 'Ali Mubarak is a more reliable source.
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Beyond Colonial Binaries: Amicable Ties among Egyptian and European Scholars, 1820-1850

Department of English and Comparative Literature, American University in Cairo and

The French campaign in Egypt (1798-1801), led by Napo

The Rigid Binaries between East and West

As prelude to my analysis, I would like to clarify what the con

Educational Missions to France and the Reaction

The Reaction of the Savants and French Media

French media incited philhellene feelings, with the radical news

circumstances that Jomard published his Relation de Vexpedition seien

The viceroy faced fierce opposition when he began to reform

... a man of a very respectable and intelligent appear

The Dialogue between alTahtawi and the French

The account drew the attention of a large number of scholars who

It is incumbent upon you to prepare a book that includes

While the letter demonstrates al-Tahtawi's mastery of French, it also puts

Everything you examined—including the morals, customs,

Jomard. God willing, this license will grant you His

(1795-1871), a well-known French Arabist. He informed Perceval

students. Perceval also wrote a letter commending al-Tahtawi's efforts,

Scholarly Collaboration: Edward Lane and Sheikh al-Disuqi

Scholarly collaborations are another example of amicable rela

the pasha to grant the sheikh permission to continue working on The

Amongst those who came to us during the fifties, arriving

In this passage, Lane's mastery of Arabic dwarfs the linguistic

His language [tongue] did not have an accent or a defect.

Conclusion: Transformed by Exotopy

Traveling and spending an extended time in contact with the locals

Shmuel Moreh. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975.

Correspondence Cited (Courtesy of Griffith Institute, UK)

"Ibrahim al-Disuqi to Lane." 15 Sha'ban 1266 [1849], Lane MSS 5.1.36.

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