NATO Study Guide: Ahmed Kabir Chaion & Mohammad Galib Abrar Akhand

NATO Study Guide
PREPARED BY:
AHMED KABIR CHAION & MOHAMMAD

GALIB ABRAR AKHAND
01. MESSAGE FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD MEMBERS ____________________________________ 2
02. ABOUT THE COMMITTEE _____________________________________________________________ 3
02.1. THE HISTORY OF NATO ___________________________________________________________ 3
02.2. FUNCTIONS AND POWERS __________________________________________________________ 4
02.3. FINANCING OF NATO ____________________________________________________________ 5
02.4. VOTING PROCEDURE _____________________________________________________________ 6
02.5. THE NATURE OF REPORTS, PROOFS/EVIDENCE __________________________________________ 7
03. AGENDA: SITUATION IN SYRIA _______________________________________________________ 9
03.1. INTRODUCTION OF THE TOPIC _______________________________________________________ 9
03.2. HISTORY OF THE CONFLICT ________________________________________________________ 10
03.3. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM _______________________________________________________ 11
03.4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS __________________________________________________________ 13
03.5. UN INVOLVEMENT_______________________________________________________________ 14
03.5.1 UN Documents _____________________________________________________________ 15
03.6. QUESTIONS A COMMUNIQUE COULD ANSWER ________________________________________ 17
04. AGENDA: COLLECTIVE DEFENSE AGAINST CYBERWARFARE ___________________________ 18
04.1. INTRODUCTION TO COLLECTIVE DEFENSE _____________________________________________ 18
04.2. INVOCATION OF ARTICLE 5 ________________________________________________________ 19
04.3. PROBLEMS OF ARTICLE 5__________________________________________________________ 19
04.4. CYBER WARFARE _______________________________________________________________ 19
04.4.1 NATO Cyber Defense Policy _________________________________________________ 20
04.4.1 NATO Cyber Defense Capability ____________________________________________ 20
04.5. COHESION AMONG MEMBER STATES WITHIN NATO ____________________________________ 22
04.6. QUESTIONS A COMMUNIQUE COULD ANSWER ________________________________________ 23
05. BIBLIOGRAPHY ____________________________________________________________________ 24
06. POSITION PAPER GUIDELINES _______________________________________________________ 26
06.1. TECHNICAL SPECIFICATION ________________________________________________________ 26
06.2. HOW TO WRITE THE POSITION PAPER _________________________________________________ 27
06.3. POSITION PAPER TIPS ____________________________________________________________ 27
06.4. EVALUATION CRITERIA FOR POSITION PAPER ___________________________________________ 30
07. DRAFTING RESOLUTIONS ___________________________________________________________ 31
07.1. BACKGROUND _________________________________________________________________ 31
07.2. HEADING _____________________________________________________________________ 32
07.3. PRE-AMBULATORY CLAUSES _______________________________________________________ 32
07.4. OPERATIVE CLAUSES _____________________________________________________________ 33
07.5. AMENDMENTS __________________________________________________________________ 34
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01.Message from the Executive Board Members
Honorable Delegates,
It is an utmost pleasure for us to chair
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) at BUGMUN 2019! We promise
that you will not be bored. In
exchange we hope for a vivid
debate, where you are constantly
keeping your placards up, exceed
the time limits because you have so
much to say and wish to extend POIs
number to ten, as you would like to
debate on so many issues. Forget for
a while that it is a simulation. Feel like
real diplomats, think carefully about
every decision you make and fight
verbally for what’s best for your country. After all you are shaping the future of
our world.
My name is Ahmed Kabir Chaion and I am currently working as a Business
Strategist at WeDevs. I graduated from Central Queensland University studying
IT (Network Security). I have attended over 50 national and international MUNs
in the span of 3 years. I love attending Business Competitions and Corporate
events. I have also worked as a volunteer and youth worker for charities such
World Vision Australia and Save the Children. I enjoy reading poetry and
listening to music during my leisure. It would be my esteemed pleasure to be
serving as one of the Secretary Generals of NATO at BUGMUN 2020.
I am Mohammad Galib Abrar Akhand and I am pursuing my undergraduate
degree in Biochemistry from North South University, Dhaka. I’ve been affiliated
with Model UN since 2014 and have done more than 50 conferences here and
abroad as a delegate, chair and organizer. I have also conducted workshops
in various institutions and contributed to the training of more than 800
delegates through workshops in various institutions. I also served as the
Secretary General of the International Model United Nations Malaysia 2019
held in Kuala Lumpur. Currently I’m serving as the Head of Academics in NSU
Model UN Club. Apart from Model UN, I have also been involved in community
service activities and have also served as an Undergraduate Assistant in North
South University. I am enthusiastic in travelling and sharing experiences
Sincerely,
Ahmed Kabir Chaion & Mohammad Galib Abrar Akhand

02.About the Committee
02.1. The History of NATO

The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was founded in 1949 as a response to the Soviet
aggression during the Cold War by the North Atlantic Treaty which as of today, remains the
main pillar of the cooperation between the members of the Alliance. (Masters, 2019) After the
end of the Cold War the member’s leaders of NATO debated on which direction the alliance
should go. The members of the alliance were split on the expansion of the organization to the
former Soviet Republics and former members of the Soviet Bloc of Eastern Europe as they
supported that it will dilute the alliance. The US President Clinton, in January 1994, announced
that NATO enlargement was “no longer a question of whether but when and how,” since few

days earlier, the Partnership for Peace (PfP) initiative was launched that aimed to strengthen
the ties between NATO and former Soviet Bloc States and former Soviet Republics. (Masters,
2019)
The Yugoslav war was a critical point in NATO’s role in the post-cold war era. What began as
a mission to impose an UN-sanctioned no-fly zone over Bosnia and Herzegovina turned out
into a bombing campaign on Bosnian Serb forces that many military analysts say was essential
to ending the ethnic conflict. The Operation Deny Flight in April 1994 was the first time the
Alliance conducted a combat operation in its forty-year history by shooting down four Bosnian
Serb aircrafts. In 2001, after the bombings of 9/11 by al-Qaeda, the USA invoked for the first
time the Article 5, which mentions that an attack to a NATO country is an attack to all the
Alliance and declared war on the Taliban regime in Afghanistan.
02.2. Functions and Powers

The North Atlantic Council was the only body established by the North Atlantic Treaty (Article
9) in 1949 and is the only one with the authority to set up subsidiary bodies. Furthermore, it is
the principal political decision-making body of NATO and discusses political and military
issues concerning the Alliance. According to NATO “Decisions are agreed upon on the basis
of unanimity and common accord. There is no voting or decision by majority. This means that
policies decided upon by the NAC are supported by and are the expression of the collective
will of all the sovereign states that are members of the Alliance and are accepted by all of them.
All members have an equal right to express their views and share in the consensus on which
decisions are based.” (NATO, 2019)
02.3. Financing of NATO

Indirect, or national contributions are the largest income of the Alliance. Indirect contributions
are the ones when a member voluntarily provides equipment or military troops to a military
operation and covers the costs of the decision by itself (NATO, 2019). Furthermore, direct
contributions are made to finance requirements of NATO that serve the interests of all 29
members, and are not the
responsibility of any single
member, such as NATO-
wide air defense or
command and control
systems. Costs are borne
collectively, often using
the principle of common
funding. Within the
principle of common
funding, all 29 members
contribute according to an
agreed cost-share formula, based on the member’s Gross National Income. (NATO, 2019)
Common funding arrangements are used to finance NATO’s principal budgets: the civil budget
(NATO HQ running costs), the military budget (costs of the integrated Command Structure)
and the NATO Security Investment Programme (military capabilities) (NATO, 2019). In
addition, projects can be jointly funded by the members, meaning that the participating
countries of the project identify the requirements, the priorities and the funding arrangements

whereas NATO supply political and financial oversight. The North Atlantic Council oversees
the funding process, the Resource Policy and Planning Board manages it and the Budget
Committee along with the Investment Committee implement it. (NATO, 2019)
02.4. Voting Procedure

Consensus decision-making is a fundamental principle which has been accepted as the sole
basis for decision-making in NATO since the creation of the Alliance in 1949.
Consensus decision-making means that there is no voting at NATO. Consultations take place
until a decision that is acceptable to all is reached. Sometimes member countries agree to
disagree on an issue. In general, this negotiation process is rapid since members consult each
other on a regular basis and therefore often know and understand each other's positions in
advance.
Facilitating the process of consultation and consensus decision-making is one of the NATO
Secretary General's main tasks.
The principle of consensus decision-making applies throughout NATO.
For the BUGMUN 2020, substantive votes on draft communiqués shall require a consensus
(NATO, 2016) among the Delegates present to pass. If at least one vote is cast against the draft
communiqué, the latter shall be deemed to have failed. The structure of the committee and the
adoption of the communiqué will be based on consensus. The right to Veto should only be used
as a reservation point and only if the representative’s country is strongly against the solutions
of the communiqué. Abstentions shall not be considered as votes against. However, Substantive
amendments do not require consensus.
• A decision reached by consensus is an agreement reached by common consent.

• When a “NATO decision” is announced, it is therefore the expression of the collective
will of all the sovereign states that are members of the Alliance.
• This principle of consensus is applied at every committee level, which implies that all
NATO decisions are collective decisions made by its member countries.

02.5. The Nature of Reports, Proofs/Evidence
Evidence or proof is acceptable from the following sources for reference:
News Sources:
REUTERS – Any Reuters article which clearly makes mention of the fact or is in contradiction
of the fact being stated by a delegate in council. http://www.reuters.com/
State operated News Agencies – These reports can be used in the support of or against the State
that owns the News Agency. These reports, if credible or substantial enough, can be used in
support of or against any Country as such but in that situation, they can be denied by any other
country in the council.
BBC (United Kingdom) - http://www.bbc.co.uk/
Xinhua News Agency and CCTV (China) - http://cctvnews.cntv.cn/
Government Reports:
These reports can be used in a similar way as the State Operated News Agencies reports and
can, in all circumstances, be denied by another country. However, a report that is being denied
by a certain country can still be accepted by the Executive Board as credible information.
Examples are Government Websites like:
State Department of the United States of America: http://www.state.gov/index.htm;
Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation http://www.eng.mil.ru/en/index.htm
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of various nations like India (http://www.mea.gov.in/)
People’s Republic of China (http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/)
France (http://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/)
Russian Federation (http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/main_eng)
Permanent Representatives to the United Nations Reports http://www.un.org/en/members/
(Click on any country to get the website of the Office of its Permanent Representative.)
Multilateral Organizations like the NATO (http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/index.htm)
ASEAN (http://www.aseansec.org/)
7
OPEC (http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/)
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UN Reports:
All UN Reports are considered as credible information or evidence for the Executive Board
Members.
a) UN Bodies: Like the SC (http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/), NATO (https://www.nato.int)

b) GA (http://www.un.org/en/ga/)
c) UNHRC (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/Pages/HRCIndex.aspx)
d) UN Affiliated bodies like the International Atomic Energy Agency
(http://www.iaea.org/)
e) World Bank (http://www.worldbank.org/)
f) International Monetary Fund(http://www.imf.org/external/index.htm)
g) International Committee of the Red Cross (http://www.icrc.org/eng/index.jsp)
h) Treaty Based Bodies like the Antarctic Treaty System (http://www.ats.aq/e/ats.htm)
i) The International Criminal Court (http://www.icc-cpi.int/Menus/ICC)
Under no circumstances will sources like:
Wikipedia (http://www.wikipedia.org/),
Amnesty International (http://www.amnesty.org/),
Or news sources like the Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/), Huffington Post

(http://www.huffingtonpost.com), etc. are accepted in the Council. However, based on their
presentation, content and logical consistency, all reports will be taken into consideration by the
Executive Board.

03. Agenda: Situation in Syria
What began as protests against President Assad’s regime in 2011 quickly escalated into a full-
scale war between the Syrian government backed by Russia and Iran and anti-government rebel
groups backed by the United States, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and others in the region. Three
campaigns drive the conflict: coalition efforts to defeat the Islamic State, violence between the
Syrian government and opposition forces, and military operations against Syrian Kurds by
Turkish forces.
03.1. Introduction of the topic

The Islamic State began seizing control of territory in Syria in 2013. After a series of terrorist
attacks coordinated by the Islamic State across Europe in 2015, the United States, the United
Kingdom, and France—with the support of Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and other Arab partners—
expanded their air campaign in Iraq to include Syria. Together, these nations have conducted
over eleven thousand air strikes against Islamic State targets in Syria, while the U.S.-led
9
coalition has continued its support for ground operations by the SDF. Turkish troops have been

involved in ground operations against the Islamic State since 2016, and have launched attacks
against armed Kurdish groups in Syria. Meanwhile, at the request of the Syrian government in
September 2015, Russia began launching air strikes against what it claimed were Islamic State
targets, while Syrian government forces achieved several notable victories over the Islamic
State, including the reclamation of Palmyra. According to the U.S.-led coalition against the
Islamic State, 98 percent of the territory formerly held by the group in Iraq and Syria, including
Raqqa and Deir al-Zour, has been reclaimed by Iraqi security forces and the SDF. (REUTERS,
2019)
With Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian government has steadily regained control of
territory from opposition forces, including the opposition’s stronghold in Aleppo in 2016. The
regime has been accused of using chemical weapons numerous times over the course of the
conflict, resulting in international condemnation in 2013, 2017, and 2018. Opposition forces
have maintained limited control in Idlib, in northwestern Syria, and on the Iraq-Syria border.
03.2. History of the conflict

Even before the conflict began, many Syrians were complaining about high unemployment,
corruption and a lack of political freedom under President Bashar al-Assad, who succeeded his
father, Hafez, after he died in 2000.
In March 2011, pro-democracy demonstrations erupted in the southern city of Deraa, inspired
by the "Arab Spring" in neighboring countries. When the government used deadly force to
crush the dissent, protests demanding the president's resignation erupted nationwide. The
unrest spread and the crackdown intensified. Opposition supporters took up arms, first to
defend themselves and later to rid their areas of security forces. Mr Assad vowed to crush what
he called "foreign-backed terrorism". The violence rapidly escalated and the country descended
into civil war.
Efforts to reach a diplomatic resolution have been unsuccessful. Geneva peace talks on Syria—
a UN-backed conference for facilitating a political transition led by UN Special Envoy Staffan
de Mistura—have not been successful in reaching a political resolution, as opposition groups
and Syrian regime officials struggle to find mutually acceptable terms for resolving the conflict.
A new round of peace talks began in Geneva in May 2017 with an eighteen-person delegation
from Syria but has since stalled. Also, in 2017, peace talks initiated by Russia in Astana,
Kazakhstan, with Iran, Turkey, and members of Syria’s government and armed opposition
10
leaders resulted in a cease-fire agreement and the establishment of four de-escalation zones.

However, shortly after the cease-fire was announced, attacks by Syrian government forces
against rebel-held areas in the de-escalation zones resumed. (Brittannica, 2019)
03.3. Statement of the Problem

In 2011, the group calling Islamic State (IS) joined the rebellion against President Bashar al-
Assad in Syria, where it found a safe haven and easy access to weapons. Islamic State is a
militant group with extreme, violent views, which has used this violence against anyone who
doesn't agree with what they think. They have also persecuted other groups, including
Christians and Yazidis.
In 2014, the group began to take over large areas of a country called Iraq, next door to Syria.
Then, they moved into eastern Syria and - in the chaos of the war - they were able to gain land
and power there too. Raqqa was the first big city captured by IS in Syria in early 2014. The
group went on takeover large parts of the country towards Aleppo in the north, and along the
Turkish border.
Both Assad's forces and the

rebels were fighting a separate
battle against IS at the same
time as fighting each other. To
try to stop IS, in September
2014 the US used planes to
attack IS fighters in Iraq.
These attacks are known as
airstrikes.
Just over a year later, UK MPs

voted in favor of military action against IS in Syria too. The first airstrikes were carried out by
RAF Tornado jets within hours of the vote in the House of Commons. Towards the end of
2017, Syrian Kurdish and Arab fighters joined together - backed by America - to take back the
city of Raqqa in the north-west. This ended three years of rule by IS which had made Raqqa its
headquarters.
Parties to the conflict continued to use unlawful weapons. The Syrian-Russian military alliance
used internationally banned cluster munitions and chemical weapons in re-taking areas. Human
Rights Watch investigated 36 cluster munition attacks between July 2017 and June 2018 and

another two-dozen more possible cluster munition attacks. Evidence suggests the alliance used
incendiary weapons in Ghouta and Daraa.
Between 2013 and 2018, Human Rights Watch and seven other independent, international
organizations investigated and confirmed at least 85 chemical weapons attacks – the majority
perpetrated by Syrian government forces. The actual number of chemical attacks is likely
higher.
After a chemical
attack on Douma in
Eastern Ghouta,
there were renewed
international efforts
to deter use of
chemical weapons.
Russia used its veto
in the Security
Council in February
and April, preventing the creation of an UN-led investigatory mechanism. However, in June,
states parties to the Chemical Weapons Conventions granted the OPCW permanent
authorization to investigate and assign responsibility for chemical weapons attacks. (HRW,
2018)
Millions of ordinary people

living in Syria have had to
escape from their homes to
find somewhere safer to
live. According to the
United Nations (UN), a
group that works to try to
solve some of the world's
problems, more than five
million Syrians have had to
leave the country. Many have gone to neighboring countries, like Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey or
Iraq.

More than six million more people have tried to find safety elsewhere in Syria. Turkey is the
largest host country of registered refugees with over 3.6 million Syrian refugees living in the
country.
By December 2018 the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights recorded that 367,965 people
had lost their lives, including more than 120,000 ordinary people who aren't even soldiers or
meant to be involved in the fighting. This figure doesn't include people who are missing or who
aren't recorded though, so the actual number is thought to be much higher.
By February 2019, some 13 million people were estimated to be in need of humanitarian

assistance, including 5.2 million in desperate need. Lots of children can no longer go to school
because their schools have been destroyed or there are no teachers where they have moved to.
(BBC, 2019)
03.4. Recent Developments

In 2018, the Syrian government, supported by Russia and Iran, recaptured areas in Eastern
Ghouta in Damascus countryside and Daraa governorate. Government forces used a
combination of unlawful tactics, including prohibited weapons, indiscriminate strikes, and
restrictions on humanitarian aid, to force anti-government groups to surrender in these areas,
resulting in mass displacement. Anti-government armed groups indiscriminately attacked
neighboring government-held areas and restricted civilians’ ability to flee hostilities.
At the time of writing, a tenuous ceasefire was holding in Idlib between the Syrian-Russian
military alliance and anti-government armed groups. Anti-government groups in Idlib detained
individuals attempting reconciliation with the government, media activists, and restricted
humanitarian aid. After several reported chemical attacks during the first half of the year, in an
unprecedented step, the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) was
authorized to attribute responsibility for attacks in Syria.
In areas re-taken from the Islamic State (also known as ISIS), the high toll of the war in civilian
casualties and damaged infrastructure became clearer. Landmines planted by ISIS before
fleeing continued to kill and maim civilians. Little progress has been made in providing the
necessary resources for recovery, and/or compensation for civilian victims of attacks. ISIS and
Al-Qaeda affiliates in Syria continued to perpetrate abuses, ranging from summary executions
and kidnappings to interference in aid delivery.

Russian-backed Syrian troops have encircled a Turkish observation post as they approach the
city of Maarat al-Numan in an offensive into the last significant rebel pocket of Syria in
December 2019
It is the first major bout of fighting since the leaders of Turkey, Russia and Iran agreed in
Ankara in September 2019 to “de-escalate” conflict in the northwestern province of Idlib after
a months-long campaign that forced at least 500,000 civilians to flee. With diplomacy on a
Syria peace settlement stalled, the de-escalation deal has been unraveling of late.
Insurgents controlling the Idlib region, which borders Turkey, include the powerful Islamist
militant group Tahrir al-Sham as well as Turkish-backed rebel factions. (REUTERS, 2019)
03.5. UN Involvement
According to the UN, since the beginning of the uprising, more than 5,000 people, primarily
protesters, have been killed in total, many more injured, and thousands of protesters have been
imprisoned. Over 300 children have been killed by security forces as well. Additionally, over
600 detainees and political prisoners have died under torture.
Since the beginning of the uprising, the Syrian government has given several concessions. On
21 April, emergency law in Syria was lifted after forty-eight years of enactment, which had
granted the government sweeping authority to suspend constitutional rights. Furthermore, on
24 July, a draft law was introduced in parliament to allow for the creation of more political
parties under the conditions that they were not based on religious, tribal or ethnic beliefs and
did not discriminate against gender or race. However, these concessions were widely
considered trivial by protesters demanding more meaningful reform.
The Arab League, the European Union, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, the Organisation
of Islamic Cooperation, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the United
States have condemned the use of violence against the protesters, among others. The
government of Iran, Assad’s primary regional and political ally, initially suggested the
demonstrations were a foreign plot, but President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has since called for
reforms and for both sides to reach an understanding, and stated that neither side has the right
to kill others. However, military intervention has been generally ruled out by foreign powers.
The Arab League suspended Syria's membership over the government's response to the crisis,
but sent an observing mission as part of its proposal for peaceful resolution for the Syrian crisis.
(GPF, 2019)

03.5.1 UN Documents
Date Type Reference Details/Comment
Resolution prepared by
Sweden and Kuwait renewing
13 December
Resolution S/RES/2449 the authorization for cross-
2018
border and cross-line
humanitarian access to Syria.
Resolution, adopted
24 February unanimously, demanding a
“ S/RES/2401
2018 cessation of hostilities in
Syria.
Resolution renewing the
19 December
“ S/RES/2393 authorization for cross-border
2017
and cross-line aid delivery.
Statement reaffirmed the
Council’s strong support for
22 November Presidential the Chemical Weapons
S/PRST/2019/14
2019 Statement Convention and for the work
of the OPCW in accordance
with the Convention.
Statement welcoming the
Secretary-General’s
8 October 2019 “ S/PRST/2019/12 announcement of the
formation of the
Constitutional Committee.
Statement on trafficking in
persons in situations of
16 December
“ S/PRST/2015/25 conflict, with a particular
2015
focus on ISIS and the impact
on women and children.

Secretary
16 December
General’s S/2019/949 -
2019
Reports
21 August 2019 “ S/2019/674 -
19 June 2019 “ S/2019/508 -
Included suggestions to
member states for the
Sanctions
20 October implementation of resolution
Committee SC/12090
2015 2199 regarding the illicit
Document
financing of ISIS and Al-
Nusra Front.
This was the 1267/1989 Al-
Qaida Sanctions Committee
2 October 2015 “ SC/12067 listing of four ISIS-affiliated
individuals and one individual
affiliated with Al-Nusra Front.
The 1267/1989 Al-Qaida
30 September Sanctions Committee added
“ SC/12066
2015 one individual to its sanctions
list for affiliation with ISIS.
Joint statement by the Astana
Security Council
6 August 2019 S/2019/639 guarantors after a 2 August
Letter
meeting.
OPCW report on progress in
the elimination of Syria’s
25 July 2019 “ S/2019/601
chemical weapons
programme.
letter by Syria justifying the
16 July 2019 “ S/2019/572 targeting of hospitals and
health care centres in Idlib.
14 November Security Council meeting on the humanitarian

S/PV.8664
2019 Meeting Records situation in Syria.

communiqué issued on the
6 November
“ S/PV.8659 private meeting on the use of
2019
chemical weapons in Syria.
meeting on the political and
24 October
“ S/PV.8645 humanitarian situation in
2019
Syria.
03.6. Questions A Communique Could Answer

01. Can NATO mediate peace talk in Syria? If so, how can it be conducted?
02. What other roles can NATO play in this crisis?
03. Since some NATO members are backing opposing sides, how to keep them away from
conflict with each other?
04. How can the presence of chemical weapons in Syria be confirmed? If it’s there, what
measures can be taken?
05. How can the problem of smugglers profiteering from human trafficking Syrian citizens
to Europe be addressed?

04.Agenda: Collective Defense Against Cyberwarfare
04.1. Introduction to Collective Defense

The principle of the Collective Defense is an important issue in NATO’s founding treaty. The
collective defense and especially Article 5 are what binds the members together to protect the
alliance (NATO, 2019). In addition, article 1 and 2 are also very important in the functioning
on the Alliance.
According to Article 1, “The Parties undertake, as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations,
to settle any international dispute in which they may be involved by peaceful means in such a
manner that international peace and security and justice are not endangered, and to refrain in
their international relations from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the
purposes of the United Nations.” (NATO, 2019)
Article 2 binds the members to “..contribute toward the further development of peaceful and
friendly international relations by strengthening their free institutions, by bringing about a
better understanding of the principles upon which these institutions are founded, and by
promoting conditions of stability and well-being. They will seek to eliminate conflict in their
international economic policies and will encourage economic collaboration between any or all
of them.” (NATO, 2019)
According to the Article 5 “The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them
in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently
they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of
individual or collective self-defense recognized by Article 51 of the Charter of the United
Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in
concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed
force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.
Any such armed attack and all measures taken as a result thereof shall immediately be reported
to the Security Council. Such measures shall be terminated when the Security Council has
taken the measures necessary to restore and maintain international peace and security.” (NATO
2018) In other words, if a non-NATO member attack a NATO member, it is an attack to all the
NATO Alliance. The Article 5 provided a mechanism of defense during the Cold War, in order
to protect the Alliance if there was ever an attack from the Soviet Union. (NATO, 2019)

The Article 6 complements the Article 5 and further says that “For the purpose of Article 5, an
armed attack on one or more of the Parties is deemed to include an armed attack:
• on the territory of any of the Parties in Europe or North America, on the Algerian
Departments of France, on the territory of Turkey or on the Islands under the
jurisdiction of any of the Parties in the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer;
• on the forces, vessels, or aircraft of any of the Parties, when in or over these territories
or any other area in Europe in which occupation forces of any of the Parties were
stationed on the date when the Treaty entered into force or the Mediterranean Sea or
the North Atlantic area north of the Tropic of Cancer.” (NATO, 2019)
However, the assistance the Members have to provide is not necessary military assistance. It
remains to the judgment of the countries to decide what assistance they are capable of to
provide in case of an attack. (NATO, 2019)
04.2. Invocation of Article 5

The first time in history Article 5 was invoked was after the terrorism event of 9/11 that was
the beginning of NATO’s fight against terrorism. The members of the Alliance showed
solidarity towards the United States, and on 04/10/01, once it had been determined that the
attacks came from abroad, NATO agreed on eight measures to support the United States.
(NATO, 2019)
04.3. Problems of Article 5

The Article 5, however, does not clearly say what happens in the case of two or more NATO
states come into an armed conflict or War. Can the attacked member invoke the Article 5? Who
should the members of the Alliance help? Since the Cold War is over, and there are internal
conflicts within NATO, it is time for the Alliance to review the Article 5 and make some
changes regarding intra-NATO armed conflict.
04.4. Cyber Warfare

“Cyber-attacks can be as dangerous as conventional attacks. They can shut down important
infrastructure. They can have a great negative impact on our operations.”
--NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg
Cyber warfare has become more and more an area for current and future warfare to reside. Our
reliance as an international community on cyber infrastructure for our government institutions,

our economy and other socio-political economic measures have created a space for attacks by
state and non-state actors. Although, a full-scale war is not a scenario that has occurred yet,
there have been cyber-attacks on nations before. In 2007, Estonia suffered a large cyber-attack
that “took most of the country offline” (Robinson, 2017). In 2016, Russia launched a cyber-
attack on the United States of America to tamper with their presidential election (Jamieson,
2018).It is, therefore, important to be defended against such attacks.
NATO has networks and systems that are “reliant upon cyber-enabled technologies”
(Robinson, 2017), which are essential to the “command and control and consultation” of the
organization (Robinson, 2017). For instance, the Ballistic Missile Defense’s (BMD) controls
and command is digitized and is necessary for NATO to be able to make quick decisions
(Robinson, 2017). If these systems were cyber attacked, then it would make it difficult for
NATO to respond quickly to any military situation. NATO has experienced a smaller cyber-
attack in 2014 when their public website was hacked by a group called “Cyber Berkut”
(Robinson, 2017).
04.4.1 NATO Cyber Defense Policy

In 2014 at the Wales Summit, NATO established an enhanced policy and action plan, which
was updated in 2017. This policy plan puts cyber defense at the core of NATO’s principle of
collective defense and that the main priority is protecting their communications system. The
policy plan also seeks to create procedures to help Member States; integrate cyber defense into
operational planning; promote awareness through education, training and exercise activities,
cooperation initiatives, and enhancing information-sharing in order to prevent, mitigate and
recover from cyber-attacks. At the Warsaw Summit in 2016, the Member States further pledged
to develop and enhance their national networks and infrastructures’ cyber defenses. They also
recognized cyberspace as a space that NATO must be able to defend itself equally as it does
on land, sea and in the air. In the Brussels Summit Declaration 2018, article 20, pledged to
“deter, defend against, and to counter the full spectrum of cyber threats”. They further indicated
that they would fully implement the Cyber Defense Pledge in order to enhance cyber resilience
and prevent cyber-attacks by raising the cost of attacking.
04.4.1 NATO Cyber Defense Capability

The NATO Computer Incident Response Capability (NCIRC) protects their networks through
centralized and 24/7 cyber defense support to the variety of NATO sites (CyberDefense, 2019).
20
Through the NATO Defense Planning Process, NATO facilitates an Alliance-wide approach

to cyber defense development. One method is by defining targets for the implementation of
national cyber defense capabilities (CyberDefense, 2019). NATO also has their Smart Defense
Initiatives, now integrated with cyber defense, which allows countries to partner in order to
develop capabilities that they might not be able to accomplish on their own. This initiative
includes projects like: Malware Information Sharing Platform (MISP), the Smart Defense
Multinational Cyber Defense Capability Development (MN CD2) project and the
Multinational Cyber Defense Education and training (MN CD E&T) project (CyberDefense,
2019).
In order to improve their cyber defenses, NATO conducts regular training, education and
exercise activities. One example is the NATO Communications and Information Systems
School (NCISS) in Italy, which provides training on the operation and maintenance of their
communication and information systems to Allied nations (CyberDefense, 2019). NATO also
works closely with their international partners, like the EU, on enhancing and strengthening
their cyber defenses and sharing information and best practices.
NATO has made steps towards ensuring their cyber networks are protected from any possible
cyber-attacks, but as technology continues to improve, particularly in the area of artificial
intelligence, it is important to continue to develop their cyber defenses. This is particularly
important in the realm of lethal autonomous weapons systems, which is continuing to develop
21
through the improvement of artificial intelligence. To briefly explain, lethal autonomous

weapons systems are weapon systems that are able to make decisions on the battlefield rather
the death of combatants. The hypothesis regarding the importance of this particular risk to
cyber-attacks is that these systems, in the future, could potentially be a target of cyber warfare,
which could have very dangerous consequences. At this point in time, lethal autonomous
weapon systems are not at a place where this is a possibility, but it could very well be a potential
in the future. This requires innovative approaches in order to adapt to the evolving technology
and to continue to work with their international partners.
04.5. Cohesion Among Member States Within NATO

NATO is an organization that functions on cohesion and consensus. The Members of the
Alliance must agree on the core principles, the objectives, the mandate and the methods of
operation (Tardy, 2018). According to Thierry Tardy, who is the Head of the Research Division
at NATO Defense College, there are three ways that cohesion can be undermined:
• if the institution is unable to effectively deliver on the mandate;

• when Member States cannot agree with or on the objectives or methods of operation
and subsequently, on the resources allocated to it;
• if there is a decrease in public trust in what the institution does.
NATO does not have that problem as it is still able to effectively deliver on its mandate; it’s
Member States seem to be committed to the core mandate of externally protecting its citizens;
there has not been a decrease in trust by the public. Yet as NATO continues to expand its
Membership to countries whom did not always uphold certain democratic principles, there is a
possibility that this cohesion could erode over time.
With the rise of right-wing populism in Europe and the election of leaders within European
countries whom are willing to undermine democratic values in favor of more authoritarian
policies, there might be a concern that these countries could begin to erode the cohesion that
currently exists in the organization. Turkey, Poland, Hungary and the United States of America
are currently being led by leaders who are willing to “repress free media, dismantle checks and
balances, demonize political opposition, clamp down on civil society, and diminish rule of law”
(Taussig, n.d.). The danger with having illiberal governments in power within the Alliance is
that their method of governing and the image that they project into the international community
is not compatible with the “model” that NATO uses to project stability (Tardy, 2018).

It is also entirely possible that policy-making could be influenced where these illiberal
governments would put “nationalist agendas at the expense of solidarity” (Tardy, 2018).
Furthermore, with right-wing populism governments it is possible that NATO’s policy-making
and even its Member State’s adherence to Article 5 will be at risk (Tardy, 2018). With
governments like the ones currently in power in Turkey, Poland and Hungary, there is a danger
of Russia gaining influence of Member State’s within the Alliance, which could ultimately
affect policy-making. An example of this is when Turkey purchased S-400 missiles from
Russia, which were “incompatible with the alliance’s systems” and this led to “NATO officials
… [warning] Turkey about unspecified consequences of purchasing the S-400” (Wroughton,
2018). Although, this is a small incident, there is a potential for other similar incidences to
occur. Article 5 is also at potential risk because it is difficult to predict whether democratic
Member States will “be willing to … defend an illiberal regime” if that regime decided to
invoke the clause (Tardy, 2018).
The cohesion of NATO is still intact as these internal challenges have not impacted on NATO’s
ability to accomplish its core mandate. But there is a potential for these illiberal governments
to begin to erode the Alliance internally, which would eventually make it difficult to effectively
address external threats (Tardy, 2018). Therefore, the question is what might be possible
solutions to this potential problem? Is there anything that could be done to prevent the cohesion
within NATO from eroding and thereby, calling into question its effective ability to adhere to
its core mandate?
This problem at its core is one that the international community is struggling with. Democracies
and democratic principles are being undermined, but it is important that NATO tries to prevent
that from affecting its institution from within. A possible answer to this question is to
strengthen NATO’s mission to uphold democratic principles and institutions and then possibly
even establish a mechanism that would enforce these principles (Taussig, n.d.).
04.6. Questions A Communique Could Answer

01. Cyberwarfare is a very possible place for warfare to develop in the future, what
improvements and preventative measures are there that NATO can further include in
their defense capabilities?
02. What methods of cyber-security have been successful in the past? How can the
difference between state actors and civilians be addressed?
03. Should the current policies within NATO considered for reform?

05.Bibliography
BBC, 2019. bbc.com. [Online]
Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-35806229
[Accessed 26 December 2019].
Brittannica, E., 2019. brittannica.com. [Online]

Available at: https://www.britannica.com/event/Syrian-Civil-War
CyberDefense, 2019. nato.int. [Online]

Available at: https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/topics_78170.htm
GPF, 2019. Global Policy Forum. [Online]

Available at: https://www.globalpolicy.org/component/content/article/266-
security-council-and-syria/51215-un-involvement-in-syria.html
HRW, 2018. hrw.org. [Online]

Available at: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/syria
Jamieson, K. H., 2018. www.theguardian.com. [Online]

Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2018/oct/22/russia-
cyber-theft-trump-us-election-president-clinton
Masters, J., 2019. Council on Foreign Relations. [Online]

Available at: https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/north-atlantic-treaty-organization-
nato
Nato.int, 2016, March 14. Nato.int. [Online]

Available at: https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/topics_49178.htm
NATO, 2016. nato.int. [Online]

Available at: https://www.nato.int/cps/ic/natohq/topics_49178.htm

Available at: https://www.nato.int/nato-welcome/index.html#structures



REUTERS, 2019. reuters.com. [Online]
Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-summit-turkey-
exclusive/exclusive-turkey-holds-up-nato-military-plans-over-syria-dispute-sources-
idUSKBN1Y01W0
REUTERS, 2019. reuters.com. [Online]

Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-syria-security-idlib/russian-backed-
syrian-forces-close-in-on-major-city-in-rebel-held-idlib-idUSKBN1YS14D
Robinson, N., 2017. turkishpolicy.com. [Online]

Available at: http://turkishpolicy.com/article/887/cyber-defense-at-nato-from-wales-
to-warsaw-and-beyond
Tardy, T., 2018. Research Division. In: The Internal Nature of the Alliance's Cohesion.
s.l.:NATO Defense College.
Taussig, J. K. &. T., n.d. In: An inconvenient truth: Addressing democratic backsliding
within NATO. s.l.:Chaos.
Wroughton, L., 2018. reuters.com. [Online]

Available at: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-nato-foreign-usa-turkey/pompeo-
presses-turkey-on-s-400-missiles-purchase-from-russia-idUSKBN1HY2A6

06.Position Paper Guidelines
06.1. Technical Specification
Default language: Should be set to English (UK).
Page Layout:
➢ Paper size: Standard, 21 cm × 29.7 cm (A4).
Page set-up:
Margins:
➢ Top: 2 cm;
➢ Gutter: 0 cm.
➢ Bottom: 2.7 cm;
➢ From edge: Header: 1.25 cm;
➢ Left/Right: 2.5 cm.
➢ Footer: 1.25 cm.
➢ Resulting type area: 16 cm × 25 cm.
Justification: Full.
Line spacing: Line spacing should be set at 1. The first line of a paragraph should not be
indented. Leave a line space between paragraphs.
Numbering of pages: Alignment outside (Under Page Setup/Layout/Headers and Footers,

select “different odd and even”), with numbers in Times New Roman 11 point.
Section headings: Do not use more than four levels of heading. The number should always end
with a full stop. Leave only one space after a full stop.
‘Widow/Orphan’ lines: Never start a page with the last line of a paragraph or of a displayed
list, and never finish a page with the first line of a paragraph or of a displayed list. Make sure
that all headings are followed on the same page by at least two lines of text.
Fonts Font and point size for text, use only Times New Roman 11 point.

06.2. How to write the Position Paper
Writing a position paper might appear to be a daunting task, especially for new delegates. But
with enough research, you will find that writing a position paper will be easy and useful.
Position papers are usually one to one-and-a-half pages in length. Your position paper should
include a brief introduction followed by a comprehensive breakdown of your country's position
on the topics that is being discussed by the committee. A good position paper will not only
provide facts but also make proposals for resolutions. A good position paper will include:
• A brief introduction to your country and its history concerning the topic and
committee;
• How the issue affects your country;
• Your country's policies with respect to the issue and your country's justification for
these policies;
• Quotes from your country's leaders about the issue; (if any)
• Statistics to back up your country's position on the issue;
• Actions taken by your government with regard to the issue;
• Conventions and resolutions that your country has signed or ratified;
• UN actions that your country supported or opposed;
• What your country should do to address the issue;
• What your country would like to accomplish in the committee's resolution; and
• How the positions of other countries affect your country's position.
06.3. Position Paper Tips

• Keep it simple. To communicate strongly and effectively, avoid flowery wording
and stick to uncomplicated language and sentence structure.
• Make it official. Try to use the seal of your country or create an "official" letterhead
for your position paper. The more realistic it looks; the more others will want to
read it. Then again it is up to you to add visualization or not. It certainly adds points
for you but not mandatory at all.
• Get organized. Give each separate idea or proposal its own paragraph. Make sure
each paragraph starts with a topic sentence.
• Cite your sources. Use footnotes or endnotes to show where you found your facts
and statistics.

• Read and reread. Leave time to edit your position paper. Ask yourself if the
organization of the paper makes sense and double-check your spelling and
grammar.
• Speech! Speech! Do you plan to make an opening statement at your conference? A
good position paper makes a great introductory speech. During debate, a good
position paper will also help you to stick to your country's policies.
• Let the bullets fly. Try not to let your proposals become lost in a sea of information.
For speechmaking, create a bulleted list of your proposals along with your most
important facts and statistics so that you will not lose time looking for them during
debate.
Position papers should review each delegation’s policy regarding the topics of the committee.
It also serves as a blueprint for individual delegates to remember their country’s position
throughout the course of the Conference. You should also include recommendations for action
to be taken by your committee. It will be judged using the same criteria as all country position
papers, and is held to the same standard of timeliness.
Please be forewarned, delegates must turn in entirely original material. The Executive Board
Members of NATO will not tolerate the occurrence of plagiarism. Delegation’s position papers
may be given an award as recognition of outstanding Pre-Conference preparation. In order to
be considered for a Position Paper Award. However, delegates must have met the formal
requirements listed previously and be of high substantive standard, using adequate language
and showing in-depth research. While the Dais encourages innovative proposals, we would like
to remind delegates to stay within the mandate of NATO and keep a neutral and respectful
tone. Similarly, position papers that use offensive language may entail negative grading when
being considered for awards.
To be considered timely for awards, please read and follow these directions:
2 separate files of the position paper one for each agenda (.pdf format required) should be
sent to the following email addresses: nato.bugmun2020@gmail.com

Save both the file of the Position Paper in PDF format with the name
CountryName_NATO_01 And CountryName_NATO_02. So, if you are the delegate of
Turkey then your saved file name would be Turkey_NATO_01 And Turkey_NATO_02 with
the Subject of the email: Turkey Position Paper. The last date for submitting Position Papers
is 1st of January 2020 (Wednesday), 11:59 PM BD Local Time. Failure to comply with the
instructions will eliminate your chance of winning any Awards from this conference.

06.4. Evaluation Criteria for Position Paper
• Overall quality of writing, proper style, grammar, etc.
• Citation of relevant resolutions/documents
• General consistency with bloc/geopolitical constraints
• Consistency with the constraints of the United Nations
• Analysis of issues, rather than reiteration of the Committee Background Guide
• Outline of (official) policy aims within the committee’s mandate.

07.Drafting Resolutions
07.1. Background
There are six principal organs of the UN. However, since the Trusteeship Council suspended
operation on 1 November 1994, only three adopt resolutions, the General Assembly, the
Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. This section will explore the nature
of drafting resolutions which applies equally to all three organs.
If you consider that the Charter is the basic text for the organization, the Constitution of the
organization, you can also consider that resolutions adopted by the General Assembly
constitute the law of the Organization. And since it is the law of the Organization, it stands to
reason that the text you produce should be clear. However, today, it’s not always the case;
sometimes resolutions adopted by the General Assembly may be obscure and even seem to be
contradictory. This is not necessarily the fault of the drafter; because, contrary to what
happened in the early days when every draft resolution used to be put to the vote, nowadays,
every draft resolution is the result of informal consultations. In the process compromises are
made and the final language of the text may be sometimes unclear.
The main goal of a conference is to adopt an outcome document that Member States as a whole
can agree on. Draft resolutions can be tabled as soon as the GA agenda is adopted and it has
been decided whether a particular agenda item will be allocated to the GA Plenary or one of its
Main Committees.
There is a myriad of practices for consulting Member States on a draft resolution or decision
before its formal adoption. Two common practices include:
1. Negotiations before tabling: The main sponsor consults with Member States and holds
informal negotiations on the draft before tabling the “best version possible.” This allows
for action to be taken immediately after the introduction of the DR document.
2. Negotiations after tabling: The main sponsor tables a draft resolution or decision
without prior consultations. After the introduction of the document, informal
negotiations take place, led by either the main sponsor or by a facilitator appointed by
the Chair of a Main Committee. If consensus is reached, the negotiated text will replace
the original draft.

07.2. Heading
The heading contains four pieces of information: the committee name, the sponsors, the
signatories, and the topic (not necessarily in that order depending on each individual
conference’s rules).
The committee name and topic should be self-explanatory. The sponsors are the authors of the
resolution. The signatories are other delegates in the committee who do not necessarily agree
with the resolution but would like to see it debated. Most conferences require a minimum
number or percentage of sponsors and signatories (or a combination of both) before a resolution
can be presented- this encourages consensus-building. You will also notice some numbering
(on the top right corner in the example). This is usually provided by the committee chair and
is just a way to number the different resolutions usually by the order they are received or
approved so that delegates can easily differentiate or reference them.
07.3. Pre-ambulatory clauses

The pre-ambulatory clauses state all the issues that the committee wants to resolve on this issue.
It may state reasons why the committee is working on this issue and highlight previous
international actions on the issue.
Pre-ambulatory clauses can include:

✓ Past UN resolutions, treaties, or conventions related to the topic
✓ Past regional, non-governmental, or national efforts in resolving this topic
✓ References to the UN Charter or other international frameworks and laws
✓ Statements made by the Secretary-General or a relevant UN body or agency
✓ General background info formation or facts about the topic, its significance, and its
impact.
It’s very simple to write pre-ambulatory clauses. First, take a statement that you want to write
about (perhaps an issue you want to solve or a specific fact from one of the five bullet points
above). You then take that statement, combines it with an underlined pre-ambulatory phrase,
and end it with a comma.
07.4. Operative Clauses

Operative clauses state the solutions that the sponsors of the resolution propose to resolve the
issues. The operative clauses should address the issues specifically mentioned in the pre-
ambulatory clauses above it.

It’s very simple to write an operative clause. First, take a solution that you want to include in
the draft resolution. You then take that solution, combines it with an underlined operative
phrase, and end it with a semicolon (the last operative clause ends with a period). Operative
clauses are also numbered. This differentiates them from pre-ambulatory clauses, helps show
logical progression in the resolution, and makes the operative clauses easy to refer to in
speeches and comments. Here are some example operative phrases that you can choose from:
07.5. Amendments
Approved draft resolutions are modified through amendments. An amendment is a written
34
statement that adds, deletes or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution. The amendment

process is used to strengthen consensus on a resolution by allowing delegates to change the
operative clauses (the pre-ambulatory clauses cannot be modified). There are two types of
amendments:
1. A friendly amendment is a change to the draft resolution that all sponsors agree with.
After the amendment is signed by all of the draft resolution’s sponsors and approved
by the committee chair, it will be automatically incorporated into the resolution.
2. An unfriendly amendment is a change that some or all of the draft resolution’s sponsors
do not support and must be voted upon by the committee. This also refers to delegates
who did not write this resolution at all but see potential in it as long as several changes
are made to it. The sponsors of the amendment will need to obtain a required number
of signatories in order to introduce it. Prior to voting on the draft resolution, the
committee votes on all unfriendly amendments.
Writing an amendment is very simple. All you have to do is make an operative clause that adds,
deletes, or changes an operative clause in a draft resolution.


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NATO Study Guide

AHMED KABIR CHAION & MOHAMMAD

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Ahmed Kabir Chaion & Mohammad Galib Abrar Akhand

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02.1. The History of NATO

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02.2. Functions and Powers

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02.3. Financing of NATO

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02.4. Voting Procedure

The principle of consensus decision-making applies throughout NATO.

• A decision reached by consensus is an agreement reached by common consent.

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BBC (United Kingdom) - http://www.bbc.co.uk/

Xinhua News Agency and CCTV (China) - http://cctvnews.cntv.cn/

Examples are Government Websites like:

State Department of the United States of America: http://www.state.gov/index.htm;

Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation http://www.eng.mil.ru/en/index.htm

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of various nations like India (http://www.mea.gov.in/)

People’s Republic of China (http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/)

Russian Federation (http://www.mid.ru/brp_4.nsf/main_eng)

Permanent Representatives to the United Nations Reports http://www.un.org/en/members/

Multilateral Organizations like the NATO (http://www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/index.htm)

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a) UN Bodies: Like the SC (http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/), NATO (https://www.nato.int)

Under no circumstances will sources like:

Amnesty International (http://www.amnesty.org/),

Or news sources like the Guardian (http://www.guardian.co.uk/), Huffington Post

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03.1. Introduction of the topic

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03.2. History of the conflict

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03.3. Statement of the Problem

Both Assad's forces and the

Just over a year later, UK MPs

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Millions of ordinary people

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By February 2019, some 13 million people were estimated to be in need of humanitarian

03.4. Recent Developments

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Date Type Reference Details/Comment

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14 November Security Council meeting on the humanitarian

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03.6. Questions A Communique Could Answer

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04.1. Introduction to Collective Defense

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04.2. Invocation of Article 5

04.3. Problems of Article 5

04.4. Cyber Warfare

--NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg