Professional Documents
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The Shifting Middle Amazonian Indians Eco-Politics: Ground
The Shifting Middle Amazonian Indians Eco-Politics: Ground
CONKLIN / V A N D E R B I L T UNIVERSITY
L A U R A R . G R A H A M / U N I V E R S I T YO F I O W A
In the past two decades, the noble savage theme was The global eco-village is primarily a first-world con-
recast with a distinctly ecological emphasis. Native peo- struct, created and re-created through media messages
ples in general, and Native Americans in particular, came and images. Face-to-face contacts between Amazonian
to be widely viewed as “natural conservationists” who use Indiansand their urban supporters are rare and are gen-
environmental resources in ways that are nondestructive, erally limited to a handful of native leaders who travel to
sustainable, and mindful of effects on future generations. conferences and media events. The global ecological
Anthropologists, historians, and some native leaders have imaginary, like Hamilton’s Australian national imaginary,
called attention to problems with makmg a generic as- “emerges not from the realm of concrete everyday expe-
sumption that Native Americans’ relations to nature are rience but in the circulation of collectively held images”
equivalent to Western environmentalist principles.’ The (Hamilton 1990:16; see also Ginsburg 1993561).
rhetorical power of this idea in contemporary Western For native Amazonians, the imagining at the heart of
culture is, however, undeniable. the eco-Indian partnership may prove to be both its
Spokespersons for both environmental and indige- strength and its weakness. The power of ideas and images
nous causes have come to speak in a shared idiom of to cross national boundaries generated unprecedented
solidarity between forest and city peoples, united by their international support for local Amazonian struggles that
respect for nature and commitment to protecting lifeways helped some Brazilian Indians gain important land rights
in harmony with the earth. Activists see this solidarity as and more favorable government policies. Indian activists
a matter of converging or at least overlapping political and their allies in environmental NGOs were able to chan-
goals. Within the larger public, however, there are some nel diffuse public sentiments concerning solidarity with
for whom thLs new solidarity goes beyond the level of inchgenous peoples into concrete forms of political sup-
pragmatic alliance to deeper levels of intercultural identi- port. This has been one of the most significant develop-
fication and notions of comembership in a nascent global ments in the history of indigenous rights struggles. Sup-
community. In this vision of a transnational, transcultural port for indigenous causes, however, needs to be founded
imagined community, we see the emergence of what one on realistic understandings of Indians that will outlast the
might call the “global ecological imagnary,” following ebb and flow of popular enthusiasms and media fads. The
Annette Hamilton’s (1990) notion of the ”national imagi- Brazilian case suggests that the stereotype of native peo-
nary.”’ The concept of the imaginary calls attention to ple as natural conservationists forms a precarious foun-
parallels with other imagined communities and the use of dation for indigenous rights advocacy because it misrep-
ideas about the Other to construct a sense of solidarity resents the nature of native Amazonian communities and
among people from diverse backgrounds.‘ their priorities.
All comniunities are to some extent imagined, in that
members carry images of other group members and ideas
of what binds them together (Anderson 1983:15). Late Environmentalists: The Benefits of the Indian
20th-century visions of eco-community, however, are es- Alliance
pecially heavily imagmed. Whereas most communities are
predicated on common personal interests (economic, lin- The recent solidarity between environmentalists and
guistic, political, or residential) or sahent dimensions of native peoples represents a departure from the traditional
identity (ethnicity, religion, or occupation), the global orientations of both conservationist and native-rights
ecological imagmary is based mostly on abstract notions movements. Historically, indigenous advocacy was based
about the convergence between native and environmen- on human rights notions about the intrinsic value of IS-
talist visions for the future. tinct cultures and universal rights to physical and cultural
The positive value ascribed to indigenous lifeways survival (Wright 1988:368).Until recently, environmental
distinguishes the global ecocommunity from earlier advocacy focused on protecting flora and fauna; the pres-
global imagined communities. Christian missionaries ence of people (including native habitants) tended to be
have long promoted visions of native converts’ member- seen as an obstacle to environmental preservation (Hecht
ship in a worldwide Christian fellowship, and the great and Cockburn 1989:27-28). A s environmental philosophy
religious communities of Islam and Buddhism link city shifted to emphasize sustainable development rather than
dwellers and tribespeople across immense territories (An- strict preservation, the search for models of sustainable
derson 1983:20). Contemporary visions of transcultural uses of rain forest resources created an ecological ration-
eco-solidarity differ in that native people are treated not ale for defendmg indigenous land rights. Environmental-
as peripheral members whose inclusion requires shedding ists discovered the value of indigenous knowledge, and
their own traditions but as paradigmatic exemplars of the environmental organizations discovered the strategic
community’s core values. Indigenous people are natural value of allying with indigenous causes.
partners in the global ecological imaginary because of- In Brazil, government-sponsored economic develop-
not in spite of-their cultural difference. ment schemes sparked massive clear-cutting, erosion,
698 A M E R I C A NA N T H R O P O L O G I S0 T V O L . 9 7 , No. 4 0 D E C E M B E R1 9 9 5
and deforestation in the Amazon basin. In the 1980s, ing human rights and oppressed, politically disempow-
mounting evidence of these policies' failure to meet even ered people, not just protecting flora and fauna (Brysk
short-term economic goals and increasing recognition of 1992:27).
the long-term negative economic effects of environmental So strong was environmentalism's public appeal in
degradation drew public attention to the limits of Western the 1980s that a number of human rights groups recast
scientific knowledge of the rain forest. Simultaneously, their campaigns in terms of it. A representative of Cultural
research in ethnobiology and cultural ecology began to Survival, a prominent indigenous rights advocacy organi-
reveal the sophisticated nature of indigenous knowledge zation, told political scientist Alison Brysk, "We see our-
system and the productivity of Amazonian Indians' sus- selves as a human rights organization in the broadest
tainable resource management practices5 Studies of the sense, and that was certainly our first track of contact
Kayapo, for example, documented intimate under- with indigenous rights. But we've moved into ecology. . .
standings of plants, insects, and ecological interactions clearly, it works better" (Brysk 199436). A Rainforest
that were unknown to Western science, and indicated that Foundation spokesperson put it more bluntly: "The rain-
Kayapo farming and forestry techniques actually increase forest card is stronger than the indigenous card. They
biodiversity (see, for example, Posey 1985).6 [indigenouspeople] know that, and we [advocates] know
Ethnobiological research had tremendous ideologi- that-and without that, indigenous people wouldn't have
cal impact among environmental advocates, who predi- a chance in hell" (Brysk 1994:36)?
cate their arguments on scientific facts. The scientifically The international environmental movement thus
legitimized goal of preserving biodiversity became at- came to encompass a heterogeneous set of constituencies
tached to the idea of preserving indigenous knowledge with &verse agendas concerning Amazonia, ranging from
and, by extension, preserving indigenous peoples. Indians those whose primary goal was to save the rain forest to
suddenly were hailed as guar&ans of the forest: saving the those who were in the movement primarily to defend
forest's people was seen as a way to save the rain forest indgenous rights. In strategic t e r m , both human rights
and to preserve its unknown resources that held promise groups that decided to "go green" and environmental
for advances in medicine and pharmaceuticals (see Ben- NGOs that decided to "go native" benefited from the
nett 1992;Soejarto and Farnsworth 1989). merging of scientific and moral arguments, as well as
As information about indigenous resource manage- organizational resources. Similarly,Brazilian Indian activ-
ment was disseminated, it supplied important data to ists who hitched their wagons to the environmental move-
support an ecological critique (Schwartzman 1991; Rich ment's rising star attained unprecedented visibility and
1990:320-328). In the early 1980s, environmental NGOs effectiveness.
began to articulate economic development models that
&verged from the policies of multilateral lending agen-
cies. Environmentalists argued that sound economic plan-
ning must include the maintenance of biological diversity, Brazilian Indians: The Benefits of the
promotion of social equity, and preservation of local cul- Environmental Alliance
tures (Aufderheide and Rich 1988:307). Indians-for-
merly seen as irrelevant to economic development-now Brazil is home to more than 200,000 Indians (CEDI
were championed as the holders of important keys to 1987:24), members of some 180 distinct groups that speak
rational development. Numerous international agencies different languages and live in diverse conditions. Some
promoted innovative models for sustainable land use of Brazil's native peoples have had little or no contact with
(such as extractive reserves) that incorporated Indians the national society; others have interacted with non-In-
andor indigenous resource management practices7 dims for centuries. Today, the majority of Brazilian Indi-
The alliance with Amazonian Indian causes con- ans reside in the Amazon basin, where their lands and
ferred another important ideological and political benefit: resources are increasingly coveted by outsiders.
it legitimized first-world environmentalists' involvement Historically, Brazilian Indians depended heavily on
in distant nations' internal affairs.' Without the connec- non-Indian mediators to defend their rights within the
tion to local peoples' struggles, foreigners' protests nation-state. Barriers of language, distance, and lack of
against Amazonian deforestation can be construed as just familiarity with the national political system-com-
another form of self-interested first-world imperialist pounded by Indians' ambiguous legal status as "relatively
meddling in thrd-world affairs. (This is, in fact, how the incapable" wards of the state, according to the country's
environmental movement has been widely portrayed in civil code-also hinder participation in government pol-
the Brazilian media (Neves 19941.) Identifying with indige- icy making.'" At the local level, most Indians depend on
nous causes also strengthened environmentalism's moral employees of the state Indian agency (FUNAI, the Na-
position; the alliance with native struggles allowed envi- tional Indian Foundation) or other patrons, such as mis-
ronmentalists to claim the humanitarian stance of defend- sionaries, ranchers, or local entrepreneurs." Many of
A M A Z O N I A NI N D I A N S AND E C O - P O L I T I C S/ B E T H A . CONKLIN AND L A U R AR . G R A H A M 699
these outsiders consider Indians socially inferior and see rights in several regions adversely affected by rapid, large-
little value in indigenous cultural distinctiveness. scale economic development: RondBnia and Mato Grosso
At the national level, until recently only two major (site of the Polonoroeste colonization project), Roraima
institutional agents mediated Indians' relations to the (where gold miners invaded Yanomami territory), and
larger Brazilian society: FUNAI and the Catholic Church. Para and Mato Grosso (site of the Grande Carajk project
In both cases, the defense of indigenous rights was subor- and Xingu River dams)."
dinate to other institutional goals. Until 1988,F'UNAI was International support gave native activists new inde-
a branch of the Ministry of the Interior, whose principal pendence from F'UNAI.It enabled some Indians to circum-
mission-to develop Brazil's natural resource-was vent local and national Brazilian political officials and
ironically at odds with protecting Indian rights. Many of take their causes directly to international supporters and
FUNAI's top officials, moreover, came from the upper the global media. The careers of two Indian leaders from
ranks of the Brazilian military and had close ties to corpo- central Brazil reveal the impact of this new, ecologically
rations interested in exploiting the Amazon's natural re- based geopolitics. One rose to prominence prior to the
sources. Dependency on these mediators strongly con- rise of ecoconsciousness; the other rode the crest of the
strained possibilities for change in indigenous affairs. The environmentalist wave.
situation has changed somewhat since 1988, when the
office of the Attorney General assumed a major role in
defending indigenous rights. Indians, however, remain Politics: Old and New
politically vulnerable. While the constitution guarantees
native land rights, the enforcement of these rights is tenu- The Xavante are a GI? group of some 6,000peoplewho
ous and is often contingent on Indians' ability to mobilize live in the state of Mato Grosso. In the late 1970s, a
external political support to leverage their claims. Xavante leader named Mario Juruna gained notoriety for
In the early 198Os,other promoters of Indian interests his denunciations of corruption in the military govern-
began to have more voice in Brazil. Regional indigenous ment (Ramos 1988231). Juruna astutely perceived the
support groups proliferated, a process that intensified power of media publicity and drew the press into Xavante
with the political "opening"in the last years of the military efforts to gain legal title to land. Using a cassette tape
dictatorship. These pro-Indian NGOs consisted primarily recorder, he documented government officials making
of professionals and intellectuals (Urban 1985); in the promises. Then, when the government failed to uphold
general Brazilian population, support for Indian causes these commitments, Juruna summoned the press. Armed
has been consistently weak. with war clubs, bows, arrows, and the tape recordings of
At the international level, pro-Indian advocacy had a broken promises, Juruna and dozens of boldly painted
limited base of support until recently, and arguments for Xavante men staged dramatic confrontations with high
protecting Indians were framed almost solely in terms of ranking government officials (see Figure 2). Television
human rights and cultural preservation. This changed in and press photographers seized upon the images of
the mid-1980s when environmentalists discovered com- Xavante wielding Western technology (the tape recorder)
mon cause with the rain forest's native peoples. The lan- in theatrical protests and disseminated these images
guage of environmentalism offered Indian activists a way throughout Brazil. The bluntly outspoken Juruna became
to communicate and 1eBtimate native claims to land and a national symbol of opposition to Brazil's military dicta-
resources in terms that outsiders could comprehend. With torship. HE unprecedented rise to national prominence
cultural suMval reframed as an environmental issue, rested on his ability to demonstrate that Xavante frustra-
Amazonian Indians gained powerful new allies. This re- tions with the dictatorship aligned with the political frus-
calls Richard Adams's observation that, historically, the trations of the general Brazilian public.13
only way (apart from revolution) for nondominant ethnic Having inserted himself into the national public
minorities to obtain power in relation to Latin American sphere, Juruna became the prot6g6 of Darcy Ribeiro, an
states has been to rally support from a third party that anthropologist turned politician. Under Ribeiro's patron-
makes the state "pause and pay attention" (1991:197). age, Juruna became the first Indian voted into national
Environmentalist pressure did, indeed, force Brazil- office. In 1982,he was elected to the Congress of Deputies
ian policy makers to pay attention. The nation's huge from an utterly non-Indian, urban district in the state of
foreign debt increased reliance on multilateral lending Rio de Janeiro. Dressed in a business suit-but sporting
institutions (notably, the International Monetary Fund the distinctive Xavante coiffure and ear p l u g d u r u n a
and the World Bank). This made officials sensitive to positioned hmself as both insider and outsider to the
criticism channeled through international protests and national political scene. He gave Indians a voice in Con-
letter-writing campaigns, foreign dlplomats, and negative gress (Maybury-Lewis 1991:224),but his participation and
press coverage. International pressure was critical in forc- effectiveness in party politics depended on the patronage
ing the Brazilian government to recognize Indian land system. Juruna became a pawn of domestic politicians,
700 A N T H R O P O L O G I S TV O L . 9 7 , N o . 4
AMERICAN D E C E M B E 1R9 9 5
*****
Contrast Mario Juruna’s career to the case of the
Kayapo, a neighboring G6 group. The Kayapo burst to
prominence on the Brazilian national scene in the mid-
1980s when they mobilized against illegal gold mining, a
proposed radioactive waste dump, and a huge hydroelec-
tric project. Media-savvy Kayapo leaders, such as Paul0
Payakan, Raoni (also known as Rop ni), and Kube-i, be-
came masters of the art of translating indigenous cultural
values into terms that outsiders could comprehend, and
they drew heavily on the language of environmentalism.
L k e the Xavante, the Kayapo capitalized on indigenous
cultural elements such as elaborate body decorations and
spectacular dances. Inspired by their rich sense of theater
and mimesis, the Kayapo took their media politics further
to adapt traditional rituals and oratory to new political
purpose^.'^ The Kayapo were assured of international
media attention when the British rock star Sting visited
Kayapo villages accompanied by photographers from
Vogue and People magazines.
Acting in the heyday of environmentalism, the
Kayapo, unlike Juruna and the Xavante, were able to
mobilize broad-based transnational and pan-Indian sup-
port. In 1988, when a proposed hydroelectric project
threatened to flood Kayapo villages, Payakan and Kube-i,
accompanied by anthropologist Darrell Posey, took their
case directly to transnational agencies. They traveled to
Washington, DC, where they spoke to officials at the
Figure 2
Mario Jurunaand Xavante men confronting government officials. Photo World Bank, the United States Treasury, and Congress. In
by Ricardo Chaves, Abril Imagens, 1980. Courtesy of Editora Abril. April of 1989,Payakan and other Kayapo organized a huge
protest demonstration and media spectacle in the Ama-
zonian town of Altamira. In an unprecedented show of
and his reputation degenerated into a caricature of a international concern, hundreds of environmentahsts and
corrupt buffoon. Ultimately, he accomplished little for Indians traveled to Altamira to rally in support of the
Brazilian Indian causes. Kayapo (&her 1994; Turner 1991, 1993b).
In 1980,prior to his election to Congress, Juruna had This synthesis of eco-activism and media politics
become known in international human rights circles when served the Kayapo well. The Altamira demonstration con-
he was elected president of the Jury of the Fourth Russell tributed to the World Bank’s decision to suspend Brazil’s
Tribunal on the Rights of I n h in the Americas, an inter- first power-sector loan and Brazil postponed the hydro-
national forum convened in the Netherlands. The Brazdian electric dam project.’” In the past few years, the Kayapo,
government attempted to thwart Juruna’s trip by denying who number some 4,000 people, have gained legal rights
him a passport and the right to tmvel unaccompanied by to a territory the size of Scotland (Turner 199214). Be-
WNAI personnel. This provoked an uproar among human yond these concrete gains, Terence Turner (1991, 1992)
rights activists, who pressured Brazil to change its stance. has emphasized the culturally revitalizing effects of activ-
Juruna took his case to the Supreme Court and won; the ism in strengthening Kayapo self-awareness and pride in
delay caused him to miss most of the conference, but he did native culture.
attend the finalsessions (see F’lgure 3). The contrast between the Kayapo’s international ce-
Although bathed in the spotlight of international hu- lebrity and Juruna’s limited foreign profile is striking and
man rights activism, Juruna never became well known cannot be attributed solely to differences in style. Juruna
outside Brazil. This is because he rose to prominence and the Xavante pioneered the strategic deployment of
before the advent of the new environmentalism, at a time indigenous symbols to claim media attention. The Kayapo
A M A Z O N I A NINDIANS AN0 E C O - P O L I T I C S/ B E T HA. CONKLlN AND L A U R AR . G R A H A M 701
port native political agendas. William h h e r notes that notably the elderly Chef Raoni-have used transnational
both social scientists and the media have attributed activism to pursue communal, not just personal, goals.
Kayapo eco-activism to “the resiliency of their cultural Indigenous mediators are frequently “uncomfortable
traditions which flourish only in harmony with the tropi- bridges” (Karttunen 1994) who occupy a precarious posi-
cal forest” (1994:221). He asserts that a strictly cultural tion. While outsiders often regard them as authentic
interpretation fails to recognize that environmentalism is, “chiefs,”they may hold uncertain support from their local
above all, a strategc tool for communication. Non-Indian communities. In acquiring the linguistic skills, cultural
politicians suffer little damage from being perceived as savvy, and political connections required to deal with
strategic users ofpolitically fashionable ideas. The public, outsiders, bicultural mediators may become alienated
however, has different expectations of Indians. In the from their local communities (Jackson 1991:144, 1995).
“ecologically noble savage” ideal, environmental con- Brown (1993:317318) has pointed out that in lowland
sciousness is seen as utterly “natural” to Indians, the South America, where native Amazonians have a deeply
product of cultural traditions that constitute the essential ingrained suspicion of hierarchy and too-powerful lead-
fabric of native life. In&an actions that contradict this ers, culturally alienated or self-aggrandizing individuals
image tend to be interpreted as evidence of corruption or often have little local legtimacy.
inauthenticity.” Native activists thus confront aquandary: If internal support for bicultural leaders is unstable,
they can forge alliances with outsiders only by framing outsiders’ support for such individuals is even more so.
their cause in terms that appeal to Western values, but this Brown observes that ”if an international funding agency
foreign framework does not necessarily encompass in- should deem a native leader corrupted or unauthentic, his
digenous communities’ own worldviews and priorities. or her fall from grace is swift. Resources are redirected to
When Indians’ actions collide with outsiders’ assumptions new and more ‘representative’ organizations” ( 1993318;
about them, they run the risk that their images will be- see also Ramos 1994b).’O
come tainted, &luting the symbolic meanings on which In 1992, the Kayapo leader Payakan experienced
their international support is based. such a fall from grace when the Brazilian media launched
a character defamation campaign against him at the out-
The Liabilities of Leadership set of the United Nations Earth Summit conference
(UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro. Payakan was to be the star
A second weakness in the Amazonian eco-Indian attraction, focusing media attention on indigenous peo-
alliance is that it depends on a few individuals to mediate ples’ alternative summit and separate agenda. In a story
communications between local native communities and that splashed across headlines around the globe, a Brazil-
the outside world. Go-betweens are needed to surmount ian woman accused Payakan of a violent rape. The timing
constraints of linguistic and cultural differences, not to raised questions about the allegations (Cockburn 1992a,
mention the logistical difficulties of communicating with 1992b),and the legal charges were dropped in November
remote rain forest villages. 1994. The impact of the negative reporting, however, is
During the past decade, a remarkable group of indige- unmistakable. Overnight, Payakan came to be perceived
nous cultural mediators has arisen. In addition to the as a liability to international groups with whom he was
Xavante leader Mario Juruna and the Kayapo leaders associated, and he was dropped from the boards of NGOs
Payakan, Raoni, and Kube-i, these include Davi worldwide. Regardless of the truth behind the allegations,
Yanomami, Ailton Krenak, Marcos Terena, Alvaro Tu- his career as a celebrated advocate of indigenous rights
cano, Si5 Kashnahua, and others. In outsiders’ eyes, these was severely damaged.
individuals often serve as metonyms-symbols that stand Payakan’s case demonstrates the harsh fact that
for entire indigenous groups. Leaders come to be seen not when a culture broker’s image is tarnished, his position as
as individual personalities but as representatives of an an indigenous metonym may tarnish an entire group, or
amorphous, homogeneous, authentic community. Indians in general. The Payakan scandal unleashed the
This ignores diversity among and within native Ama- floodgates of media criticism against the Kayapo as a
zonian groups. In some groups, leaders may speak for whole (see, for example, Viana 1992). In the past several
whole communities. In others, however, dissent, faction- years, Brazilian media have reveled in reports of Kayapo
alism, and egalitarian orientations militate against facile corruption and hypocrisy, and have assailed the connec-
suppositions about the extent to whch individuals repre- tion between Indians and their foreign supporters.” The
sent broader communities. The Kayapo illustrate the com- Kayapo saga is not an isolated case but a madestation of
plexity of this issue. Turner (1993b:536) observes that structural tensions in transnational-local alliances that
some Kayapo leadels have been corrupted-selling out view indigenous aims through Western lenses and rely on
community resources to benefit themselves and their fac- a few bicultural individuals as mediators. Although all
tions-to the point that they are no longer welcome in political actors are vulnerable to damage to their public
their own villages. Other Kayapo chiefs, however-most images, Indians are arguably more vulnerable than most.
A M A Z O N I A NI N D I A N S AND E C O - P O L I T I C S/ B E T H A . C O N K L l N AND L A U R AR . G R A H A M 705
This is because in meda-oriented politics, their power is the national constitution. International alliances, how-
based on a politics of symbols and ideas. Symbols and ever, have proven to be a double-edged sword, turned
ideas are intrinsically vulnerable to contamination, and against Indians to undermine native people’s credibility in
the power of their meanings shifts over time. domestic politics. The images and information about
Amazonia that percolate through the international media
The Nationalist Backlash are often quite different from what the Brazilian public
receives. The enthusiasm first-world activists have for
A third major lesson from Brazilian Indians’ experi- forging alliances with Indians might become a stronger,
ences with “thinlang locally, acting globally” is that good more effective force if it is tempered by an understanding
global politics do not always make good domestic politics. of how green global activism can look like yet another
In Brazil, the internationalization of indigenous struggles brand of imperialism when viewed from a South American
has fed a nationalist backlash (Maybury-Lewis 1991:225). perspective.
Mainstream Brazilian media and many government offi-
cials portray Indians as pawns of foreign economic impe-
riahsts seeking to interfere in Brazilian national affairs
and control the country’s natural resources (Neves 1994). Conclusion
The Amazon has long been a focus of military national
security concerns, but these anxieties have intensified The emergent middle ground of Amazonian eco-
since the nud-1980s. Democratization and the end of the politics is but the latest manifestation of the historical
cold war left a huge military with little rationale for its capacity of Brazilian Indians to creatively adapt native
existence and generous funding. Political scientist Wendy traditions to changing political situations. Mutual accom-
Hunter observes that “sofar, the only new threat the ESG modation and new forms of communication and coopera-
[National War College] has come up with is the ‘interna- tion have benefited both Indians and environmentalists.
tionalization of the Amazon.’The domestic subversives of Indigenous activists found that environmentalism pro-
the 1990s are ecologists linked to this international move- vided concepts and language to translate native concerns
ment” (1992296). The idea that the Amazon might be to a transnational audience. Environmentalists found that
invaded by foreign armies aiming to stop deforestation Amazonian Indans provided local knowledge, evocative
may appear ludicrous to foreigners, but it is taken seri- images, and moral and political legitimacy. Together, first-
ously in South America and has been used to just& the world and fourth-world activists have forged a new geo-
Brazilian military’s tight control of Amazonian policy.z politics that has transformed the Amazonian political
Suspicions about foreign environmentalists extend landscape.
to their Indian allies as well. This resonates with long- In Brazil, powerful corporate, military, and elite in-
standing stereotypes of Indians as both childlike (easily terests remain entrenched against indigenous rights to
duped) and not fully Brazilian-people with uncertain land and cultural autonomy. International NGO-whch
allegiances and suspect loyalties. In 1988, when Payakan have provided critical support to Brazil’sdomestic pro-In-
and Kube-i traveled to the United States and testified dian organizations-are one of the only effective counter-
against the Xin@ River dams, they returned to Brazil and weights to state domination. Transnational activism has
were charged with sedition under a law applied toforeign- brought some Indian groups unprecedented successes;
ers (Cununings 1990 Hecht and Cockburn 1989 175). The Kayapo land rights and the hard-won demarcation of the
Brazilian military so distrusts Indians that it attempts to Yanomami reserve are important example^.^' The gains of
impede full legalization of Indian land rights near its inter- the past decade, however, remain fragile and vulnerable
national borders (CIMI 1987).In Yanomami Indians’ strug- to domestic political opposition.
gle to expel thousands of gold miners who illegally in- The middle ground of Amazonian eco-politics was
vaded their territory, “the military’s overt hostility has forged in a specific historical context and framed by
helped weaken the Government’s resolve to defend the particular symbolic and ideological constructions. The
Yanomanii reserve” (Turner 1993a). fault lines emerging in this middle ground are related to
In the Brazilian press, Indians’ connections to foreign the heavy semiotic load that Amazonian Indans carry as
environmentalists have been portrayed as antinationalist actors on the global political stage, representing core
and unpatriotic. Brazil’s indigenous peoplesbecause of values of the imagined eco-community. Representations
their unique position as statutory minors (“wards of the of Amazonian Indians circulating in the international pub-
state”)-may be more vulnerable to government repres- lic sphere tend to be generic stereotypes that misrepre-
sion than other local groups that form transnational alli- sent the diversity of native Amazonian cultures and the
ances. International support continues to be one of Indi- complexity of native priorities and leadership issues.
ans’most effective weapons for pressuring the state to More importantly, generic representations, no matter how
enforce the land rights to which they are entitled under sympathetic, inevitably turn into liabilities when the dis-
706 A M E R I C A NA N T H R O P O L O G I S T V O L . 9 7 , N o . 4 DECEMBER
1995
2. See Cultural Survival Quarterly 1991; HarriesJones organization was renamed the Socio-Environmental Institute
1993:4%49; Redford 1990; Simard 1990:359; and White and (Instituto Socioambiental).
Cronon 1988. 10. Brazilian Indians' relative political dependency contrasts
3. The notion of the imaginary draws on Lacan's mirror phase with the situation in the Andean nations, where Indians are more
in human development when the child sees its own reflection as nunierous and have much more direct involvement in national
Other. This confused identification permits the appropriation of political processes. For a discussion of Indian rights in Brazil
certain critical and valuable aspects of the Other as an essential prior to 1988,see Carneiro da Cunha 1987. On changes in Indi-
part of the self. Hamilton (1990) developed the notion of the ans' legal status under the new Brazilian constitution, see Allen
national imaginary to describe the emergence, in Australia, of a 1989. Ramos (1990) discussesIndians'statusin relationtoissues
national self-image incorporating Aboriginal cultural elements. of ethnicity, citizenship, and universal human rights.
We find it useful to extend this concept of the imaginary beyond 11. FUNAI replaced the former Indian agency, the SPI (Indian
the national level, to the visions of planetary-level community Protection Service) in 1969. On the history of Indian relations
expressed in late20th-century environmentalism, popular cul- with the Brazilian state, see Allen 1989; Davis 1977;Maybury-
ture, and New Age romanticism (on the latter, see Kehoe 1990 Lewis 1991;and Souza Lima 1991.
and Luhrniann 1993). 12. On Brazilian development projects and their impact on
4. Anderson observes that "communities are to be distin- native peoples, see Cummings 1990; Hecht and Cockburn 1989;
guished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in Price 1989; Rich 199425-48; and Santos and Andrade 1988.
which they are imagined" (1983:15). The global ecocommunity 13. Ramos notes that under the dictatorship, "a common
is imagined not as a territorial entity, but as a network of procedure . . . was to use the Indian issue as a channel to air
dispersed groups and individuals. The community is limited, in criticisms against the military regime. . . .The 'Indian' theme was
that there are insiders and outsiders, defined by their ecological then one of the very few political issues one dared raise without
conunitnient or lack thereof; only the most ecotopian dreamers being caught by censorship" (1994b:157).
envision a day when all humanity will live in planetary commun- 14. The Kayapo also differed from the Xavante in that Kayapo
ion. Anally, it is iniagined as a community in that, like the mastery of video technology allowed them to achieve some
nations that Anderson (1983:16) describes, the global ecocom- control over the images and information about themselves that
niunity is conceived as a "deep, horizontal comradeship," a were disseminated to national and international audiences
morally based fraternity. There is a pervasive emphasis on mu- (Turner 1991, 1992). As in the case of the Xavante, however,
tual respect and partnership between native and nonnative peo- much of the Kayapo's theatrical media politics was designed to
ple, despite (or perhaps in response to) the obvious asymmetries be documented by non-Indianjournalists and photographers, so
in the relationship. that outsiders still mediated most representations of the Kayapo
5. For discussions of research in Amazonian ethnobiology in the outside world.
15. See Rich 1994:136-138 for discussion of the World Banks
and cultural ecology, see Berlin 1992; Clay 1988; Hames and
suspension of Brazil's power-sector loan in 1989.
Vickers 1983; Posey and Balee 1989; and Redford and Padoch
16. During the constitutional assembly in which legislators
1992.
rewrote Brazil's constitution, Indians and pro-Indian advocates
6. On controversies surrounding Posey's work, see Parker
were among the most visible interest groups pressuring legisla-
1992,1993 and Posey 1992.
tors in Brasilia (see Graham 1987; CEDI 1991).
7. Extractive reserves are legally protected tracts of land 17. According to Brazilian law, Indians have usufructory
managed by local conmiunities who pursue sustainable land use rights to their lands but ownership of resources such as minerals
practices. The model originated with Brazilian rubber tappers and timber rests with the Brazilian state, which can prohibit
who proposed it as an alternative to deforestation at the first indigenous exploitation that is perceived to collide with state
meeting of the National Council of Rubber Tappers in Brasilia, interests.
1985. Legislation permitting extractive reserves was signed into 18. See Tumer 1993b:533;Ecmomist 1993; and Moffett 1994.
law in July 1987 (see Allegretti 1990; Hecht and Cockburn 19. Ramos observes that
1989208-209; and Schwartzman 1991).
8. The role that Indians played in legitimizing environmental- for all the apparently sympathetic and benign inclinations the
ist involvement in Amazonia resembles Haniilton's description environmentalists' rhetoric-associated with the less sophis-
of how Australian popular culture appropriates elements of ticated side of ecological activism-displays toward the Indi-
Aboriginal culture to shape a sense of identity in the imagined ans,it conceals an element of paternalism and intolerance that
community of contemporary Australia (see Ginsburg 1993561; can easily come to the fore whenever the Indians betray its
Myers 1991). Hamilton argues that incorporating Aboriginality expectations. If a good Indian is a pure Indian-and here, as
into this "national imaginary" serves to justify the settler pres- usual, the definition of purity is given by the whites-an Indian
ence in the country (199018). On the role of local identities in who falls prey to western seduction (selling lumber, making
the formation of transnational identities, see Mato 1994. pacts with the military, striking deals with corporations) is
denigrated and doomed to fall lower than the white wheeler
9. In Brazil, environmentalism has had considerable impact
and dealer. [ 1994a:79-80]
on domestic pro-Indian advocacy. For example, when CEDI
(Ecumenical Documentation and Information Center)-one of 20. Brysk conunents that the "crisis of representation in In-
the premier centers for research and publications on contempo- dian rights movements has also alienated potential allies and
rary indigenous affairsundenvent a recent restructuring and ironically strengthened the role of advocacy groups as gatekeep-
joined with the NDI (Nucleus for Indigenous Rights), the new ers for messy local political factions. . . . As governments, fund-
708 A M E R I C A NA N T H R O P O L O G I S T V O L . 9 7 , N o . 4 0 D E C E M B E R1 9 9 5