CHAPTER-V

THE LAST PHASE OF FREEDOM STRUGGLE

1935-1947
The continuous discussions held during the Round Table

Conferences in London were published in the form of ‘White Paper’ in

March 1933. The British Government made the ‘White Paper’ as the

basis of the Bill introduced in British Parliament on December 19,

1934. Finally, the Bill was passed on 2 August, 1935, and known as
the Government of India Act, 1935.1 This Act was quite meaningful in

several ways but one of the most important aspects of this Act was the

Provincial Autonomy. The Congress was opposing this Act in the

beginning but, later on, agreed to participate in elections for the

reformed councils.

The significant feature of the new Act was the concept of an All

India Federation consisting the provinces of British India and the native
states. As per the new constitution, it was necessary for all the Indian

provinces to join the new federation but it was voluntary in the matter of

the native states. The Act dealing with the federation was never
actually brought into operation.2 The Governor-General and a council

of Ministers had a concept of Federal Executive. The ministers were

appointed by the Governor-General and solely depended on his

pleasure. He was given special responsibility concerning certain

specified subjects. He was empowered to act with the help of three

ministers appointed by him. Certain important departments such as

Defence, Foreign Affairs, Ecclesiastical Affairs and Tribal Affairs were
kept with the centre.3

The bicameral system continued with two chambers. The central

Legislative Assembly was made as a lower house whose term was

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fixed for five years. The other chamber was the Council of State, a sort

of permanent body with one-third of its members retiring after every

three years. Both the Chambers were given their quota of

representation. The members of the lower house were to be elected

from the provinces. The rulers of the princely states duly nominated

their representatives. The Governor-General had powers on many of

subjects of importance and without his consent, no legislation could be

initiated as per new Act.4

Under the new provisions of the Act, Burma was separated from

India. Two new provinces-Sind and the North-West Frontier Province

were created. The Diarchy was done away with and Provincial

Autonomy was introduced. All the subjects concerning with provinces

were placed in the hands of the ministers who were to be elected to the

legislature. It is significant that the centre had control over the

provinces earlier but now that control was done away with. The
Governor-General was the chief executive authority at the centre while

the Governor was in the provinces. He had all discretionary power and

was not required to consult the ministers. Though the Governor in his
individual capacity could consult the ministers yet there was no any
binding on him.5

In the Centre, Governor-General had powers to appoint ministers

and so had the Governors in the provinces. The council of ministers

could advice to the Governor in the provincial matters. The ministers

were lonely responsible to the legislature which could remove them by

passing a vote of no-confidence. Now ministers were in a better

position than the earlier one. It is quite right to observe that the

provincial government had enough responsibility in form of vesting in

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the Governor. The power was to be transferred to the ministry as soon

as it took office.6

Like centre, many provinces were provided with two houses

namely the Legislative Council and Legislative Assembly. Bombay,

Madras, Bengal, Bihar, Assam and the United Provinces were to have

two houses and the other provinces had a single house i.e. Legislative

Assembly. As far as the strength of the Legislative Assembly was

concerned, it varied from province to province. No provision was made

for official membership in the legislature. All its members were to be

elected directly. The duration of the Assembly was for five years but
the Governor could dissolve the Assembly earlier.7

Property was the basis of franchise but it was lowered for the

Assembly i.e. lower house to one-sixth of the adult population were

given voting right. The principle of communal representation admitted

in the earlier Acts of 1909 and 1919 were accepted as a special feature
in the Act of 1935. Besides Muslims, Sikhs, Anglo-Indians, Christians
and Europeans were also given special electorates in this Act.8

The new Act had some drawbacks as it felt short of Dominion

Status. It had principle of self-government. The Governor-General had

unlimited power and could over rule ministers and legislatures in

certain circumstances. Even the Governor of a province was given

some extraordinary powers. He could pass ordinance and could refuse

to sign a bill passed by the legislature. In case of a failure of

constitutional machinery, he could undertake all the legislative and

administrative powers of the province.9

The new Act did possess ‘every safeguard that the writ of men
could devise to protect British vested interests’. The leader of the

opposition in Britain, Clement Atlee denounced the Act as it had given

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undue weight to the princely chieftains and fostered communalism. The

Act was not in consonance with national integration and both the
Muslims and princes were provided with constitutional authority.
Commenting on the Act, Jawaharlal Nehru described the new
constitution as ‘a machine with strong brakes but no engine’. He
believed that it was ‘a charter of slavery and did not suit to the country
in the new situation’.10 He was in favour of total rejection and
‘considered them insufficient’11
The Act was designed in such a way that it did consolidate all the
vested and reactionary elements in India. Even the minor changes
were difficult and the question of major could not arise without an
upheaval. Another view point was that it was worse than the diarchy as
given in earlier Act. Muhammed Ali Jinnah went upto that extent that it
‘thoroughly rotten, fundamentally bad and totally unacceptable’. It could
not serve the purpose of the country any more. All the leaders of the
Congress believed that their policy was not to secure amendment but
‘an absolute ending of the constitution which nobody likes’.12
The Congress leaders rejected the new Act when passed in
1935. The Congress was no longer interested in any alien authority but
wanted every right for the people of India to control entire
administrative machinery. The constitution must be drawn-up by a
Constituent Assembly which could be elected on adult franchise. There
was an around voice for holding the meeting of Constituent Assembly
in the name of the Indian people. It was pointed out that after accepting
the new Act, the elections would be held both for the central and
states’ legislatures in India. The Indians would, it was deliberately
propagated, enjoy greater benefit of the autonomy under popular
government with greater responsibilities.13
 182

The Congress decided to participate in the elections under new

Act to the legislatures and local bodies to be held in 1937. The

prominent political parties in the Punjab were the Congress, Unionist,

Congress Nationalist and Hindu Mahasabha which entered into the

election-contests. Vallabhai Patel, C. Rajagopalchari, Bholabhai Desai,

Madan Mohan Malviya, Satya Pal, Sarojini Naidu, Jawaharlal Nehru

etc.14 addressed numerous election meetings throughout the districts

of Haryana. Both the national and provincial leaders spoke on the

current problems facing the country like the Swaraj, unemployment,

economic depression and other aspects related to the country. The

most significant issue before them was to attain Swaraj and the
Congress leaders laid great stress on it.15 The concept of Swaraj

(complete independence) had already been accepted by the Congress

at Lahore session in December 1929. The Congress leaders during

their election-campaign made it clear that the Congress party had been

working for the people for the last fifty years and gave equal

importance to the Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and other communities

residing anywhere in the country. The leaders paid visits to Bhiwani,
Sirsa and Hisar also during the election period.16

In regions of Haryana, twenty-nine members were to be elected

for the provincial legislature. Chhotu Ram was the incharge of the

Unionist party in the election campaign while Shri Ram Sharma for the

Congress Nationalist party. Lala Hardev Sahai acted as the chief

campaigner for the Congress and Rao Balbir was the chief of the

Hindu Mahasabha’s election in the regions of Haryana. There were five

seats in the Hisar division for which the candidates fought among

themselves. An election meeting was held at Sirsa on 28 December,

1935 under the presidency of Laxmi Narain Periwal. Lala Sham Lai,
 183

advocate of Rohtak, Jugal Kishore, Shri Ram Sharma delivered very

impressive speeches in which the role of the Congress on the national

issues and other matters of contemporary situations were dwelt upon.

The election board and many sub-committees were also founded for
the election campaign in the division.17

The elections began with hectic schedule day by day. The

leaders started taking interest in the elections. On 5 January, 1937, a

meeting was held under the presidency of Dr. B.N. Rai. The local

leaders like Sham Lai Satyagrahi, Jugal Kishore etc. covered many

provincial and local issues of importance. All the speakers urged the
people to ensure the victory of Congress candidates working for the
commonweal of the people throughout India.18 National leaders like

Sarojini Naidu addressed the people about the works done by the

Congress. Neki Ram Sharma, Shri Ram Sharma, Sham Lai Satyagrahi

also spoke on 15 January, 1937. She made it clear to the people that

Indian National Congress was the only organisation in the country

serving the people for the last fifty years. Their organisation saw no

any difference between the different castes and communities. The

chain of motherland could be removed only by the Congressmen who

had been struggling for the independence for several decades. She

told the audience in the simple term that they should not cast their

votes in the favour of collaborators of the British raj. She also touched
the other crucial issues like unemployment, food and economy. All the
speakers urged the voters to support the Congress candidates.19

Raja Narendra Singh and Rao Balbir Singh campaigned for the

Hindu Mahasabha candidates. Their main thrusts were the Hinduism,

its protection and progress. Ram Prasad was the secretary of their

election board and toured Rohtak and Hisar districts. Madan Mohan
 184

Malviya also toured the constituencies of his party and urged the voters
to vote for their candidates.20 Fazl-i-Hussain and Chhotu Ram also
canvassed for the candidates of their party. They spoke on the issues
of the peasantry, labour and other sections of the society. The work
done by their party for the common people also became an issue in the
election campaign. Both these leaders had massive support of the
peasantry which came in thousands to listen to them.21 Thus the
leaders of all the parties did hectic campaigns for their candidates to
the provincial legislatures. By the third week of January, 1937, all the
results were declared and who won twenty nine seats from Haryana
22
were:
Sr. Candidate Constituency Party
1. Balbir Singh Gurgaon, North-West Hindu
(General) Rural Mahasabha
2. Sumer Singh Gurgaon, South East (general Unionist
Rural <>

3. Yasin Khan Gurgaon, North-West

(Muslim) Rural
o
4. Prem Singh Gurgaon, South-East
(General Reserved Rural <>

5. Abdul Rahim Gurgaon, South-East)

Muslim) Rural i>

6. Chhotu Ram Jhajjar (General) Rural

(i

7. Tikka Ram Rohtak, North (General) Rural

i>

8. Ram Swarup Rohtak, Central (General)

Rural (i

9. Muhammad Rohtak (Muslim) Rural

Shafi Ali Khan
10. Atma Ram Hisar, North (General Rural) Independent
11. Het Ram Hisar, South (General) Rural Unionist
o
12. Sahib Dad Khan Hisar (Muslim) Rural
<>

13. Suraj Mai Hansi (General) Rural

 185

14. Shri Ram South Towns (General) Urban Congress

Sharma
tt
15. Deshbandhu Southern-East Towns
(General)
Gupta
16. Anant Ram Karnal South (General) Rural Unionist
17. Faqira Karnal North (Reserved) Independent
18. Nawabzada Karnal (Muslim) Rural Unionist
Mohd. Fazal Ali
Khan
u
19. Rampat Singh Karnal North (General) Rural
o
20. Sufi Abdul Ambala-Simla (Muslim
Hamid Khan
21. Duni Chand Ambala-Simia (General) Congress
Rural
22. Mirza Hamid- Eastern Towns (Muslim) Unionist
Urban
Ullah Beg
23. Sardar Santokh Eastern Towns (Sikh) Urban Nationalist
Party
Singh
24. Baldev Singh Ambala North (Sikh) Rural Akali Dal
25. Raja Narendra East Punjab (Landholders) Hindu
Mahasabha
Singh
26. Binda Singh Commerce and Industry Independent
27. Sita Ram Trade Union Labour Hindu
Mahasaba
28. Charan Lai East Punjab Labour Congress
29. Manohar Lai Punjab University Hindu
Mahasabha

The above results show that the Unionist party emerged as the
largest party by winning 16 out of 29 seats. Congress and Hindu
 186

Mahasabha won 4 seats each while Independent bagged 3 seats only.

The Nationalist Party and Akali Dal got one seat each. Sikandar Hayat

Khan who was the leader of the Unionist Party became the Punjab

Premier alongwith six ministers. Chhotu Ram and Tikka Ram were
made minister and his Parliamentary-Secretary respectively in 1937.23

An election petition was filed by Nand Ram against Atma Ram

who won Hisar, North (General) Rural seat. He was an Independent

candidate but joined the Unionist Party. The Election Tribunal declared

Atma Ram defeated and became a vacant seat. In March, 1938, a bye-

election was held in which Sahib Ram, elder brother of Ch. Devi Lai,
contested the election.24

The bye-election became an eye-opener for the Unionist when

the Congress seized this seat from their supporter. The Unionist party

leaders used teachers and students of Jat schools of Rohtak and

Sonipat. The Congress party did not lag behind in using the bhajan
parties which campaigned village to village in this constituency. The
larger areas of Sirsa and Fatehabad tehsils were there in this

constituency. All the prominent Congressmen like Neki Ram Sharma,

Shri Ram Sharma, Sham Lai, Jugal Kishore and young Devi Lai toured
and addressed the constituency.25 There was an extensive

electioneering campaign in favour of the Congress candidate.

Jawaharlal Nehru although could not go to address the voters but sent

a message on 4 February, 1938 urging the voters to support Ch. Sahib

Ram, the Congress candidate. His message was read out in many

election meetings in order to convince the voters to cast votes in favour

of the Congress candidate. Hence he won the election.26

The Congress which was founded in 1885 completed fifty years

in 1935. The Congressmen decided to celebrate its ‘Golden Jubilee’ on

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28 December, 1935, throughout India. The Congressmen of Hisar

district celebrated this occasion and a procession was taken out

through the main bazaars of Hisar, Sirsa and Dabawali towns. The

public meetings were addressed by the local leaders who praised their

organisation, its role in the freedom struggle and other achievements in

the meetings. The Tribune in its news columns gave space to the

message of Rajendra Prasad addressed to the Congress workers.

Many houses and shops in Hisar, Sirsa and Dabawali towns were
decorated with flowers and light.27 It shows that the Congress was

becoming a popular organisation even in the last corner of Haryana.

The elections held in 1936-37 impacted the District Congress

Committee. Though the Congress could not do well in its elections but

in the bye-election, it improved its position by winning the seat. After

the elections of provincial legislature, municipal elections were held.

Shri Ram Sharma, Sham Lai, Dr. Murli Manohar, Laxmi Narain Periwal,

Dr. B.N. Roy, Seth Mul Chand, Atma Ram, Deen Dayal, Badri Prasad

Kandoi, Badri Prasad, advocate, Murlidhar and others made hectic

canvassing in favour of the Congress Candidates. Their efforts bore

fruits when all their candidates won all the seats in the municipal
elections.28

The Congressmen decried the implementation of the new

constitution. The processions followed by the hartals began to take

place throughout the towns of Haryana. The local leaders such as Dr.
B.N. Roy, Dr. Murli Manohar, Panna Lai, Mahashya, Ram Kumar,
Trilok Chand Jindgar, Kishori Lai Girdara addressed meetings held on

21 and 25 October, 1937 in which the issues of beggar and corruption

in government offices were taken-up. The office bearers of the District

Congress Committee forbade the people to give beggar. The

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government offices in the towns of Hisar district were rampant with

corruption and bribery and no work could be done without any bribery
to the concerned officials.29
The peasantry in Sirsa, Hisar, Ellenabad, Hansi, Bhiwani had to
deal with the offices of land revenue and irrigation where the officials
concerned did not entertain without taking bribery. A meeting was held
at Chautala on 6 November, 1937 under the presidency of Devi Lai. Dr.
B.N. Roy, Dr. Murli Manohar, Panna Lai Mahashya, Rameshwar Das,
Ram Kumar, Bhagwat Swarup Sharma, Trilok Chand Jindgar
addressed the meeting attended by three thousand peasants. These
leaders passed resolutions and prayed the provincial government to
remit the land revenue keeping the famine in view. They also urged to
extend the Bhakra scheme so that the irrigation could be possible in
the region.30
In March 1938, some communal riots took place in Hisar. The
leaders of both the communities feared that these could spread in
other parts of the district. A public meeting was held on 31 March, 1938
under the presidency of Dr. Murli Manohar. The others who attended
the meeting were Maulvi Mohammad Ismail, Munshi Alladad Khan,
Maulvi Chiragdin, Dr. B.N. Roy, Dr. Abdul Sakur, Parmanand Vaidya
and spoke on the communal harmony between both the communities.
All these leaders decided to maintain peace and resolved to live
peacefully. After this incident, no such riot took place.31
The political conferences were held in the rural areas at
Ellenabad, Kalanwali, Mandi Dabwali and Sirsa in July, 1938. The
Congressmen such as Sahib Ram, S. Kabul Singh, Nawabzada
Mohammad Ali, Bibi Raghubir Kaur, M.L.As, S. Kulwant Singh, brother
of Bhagat Singh, Khalifa Fazal Hussain, Dr. Murli Manohar, Lala Harde
 189

Sahai, Devi Lai, Krishan Kumar, S. Ram Singh, S. Balwant Singh,

Chandi Ram, Puran Mai Acharya delivered addresses on the issues of

remittance of land revenue, water for drinking and irrigation and anti­

people policies of the British Government. The special feature of these

conferences was the massive attendance of the women.32

A severe famine occurred in Hisar district in the end of 1938.

There was great scarcity of fodder and grains in many parts of

Haryana. The Hisar district Congress Committee tried to help the

famine-stricken people of the district becoming prey of starvation.

There was a large-scale unemployment among the youth whose

number was around 3.5 lakh in Haryana.33 The Hisar District Congress

Committee formed the Zila Congress Qahat Committee to work for

relief of the people. Neki Ram Sharma, Thakur Das Bhargava and

Hardev Sahai were made President, Vice President and Secretary

respectively. In order to help the famine-stricken people of Sirsa, Sirsa

Tehsil Qahat Committee was also set-up under the presidency of Sita
Ram Bagla who solely worked for the people.34

The District Board and the District Congress Famine Relief

Committee jointly worked for the relief. The Congressmen of the district

went to Bombay and Calcutta to get help both in cash and kind. The

rich people like Jugal Kishore Birla and Lala Sukh Lai Karnami gave

financial help to the people of the district and also assured to continue

till the grave situation continued. Seth Ram Dutt and Lala Atma Ram
Khazanchi arranged dried gram for one thousand people daily at Sirsa.

The dried grain and water were the only alternative to face the
starvation in such a situation.35

The Sirsa Tehsil Famine Relief Committee formed Sri Udyog

Seva Sangh to purchase the articles manufactured by the famine-

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stricken people and sell at no profit and no loss basis. The charkhas

(spinning wheel) and other wooden articles were manufactured and the

baskets of branches were also sold to meet the advance loans. The

people were urged to patronize such people by purchasing baskets

and other items manufactured by the people. The Punjab Government

released an amount for the relief work, fodder and taccavi loan. The

men, women and children were engaged to work for the roads and
helped for subsistence.36

The District Congress Committee urged the people to help with

money and material. The total amount collected by the committee was

Rs. 38,936; 24177 new shirts, quilts and bed-sheets and 32045 old
clothes. All the materials collected from different corners were

distributed to the famine-stricken people of Hisar. Subhash Chandra

Bose, the President of All India Congress Committee, visited Haryana

in November 1938 and inspected the Congress Famine Relief

Committee’s works at Hisar. He also made an appeal to the people

and government to liberally render all sorts of assistance to save the

cattle-wealth of Haryana from the destruction.37

In 1939, the II World War was started. Lord Linlithgow, the

Viceroy of India, also declared to join the war and sent Indian troops to

different war threats of Europe. The Unionist, Hindu Mahasabha,

princes and landlords rendered all sorts of feasible assistance in men,

money and material but the attitude of the Congress now was different.

The All India Muslim League did not support the government. The All

India Congress Committee refused to cooperate with the government

on account of dragging India into the war without taking the Indian
people into confidence.38 The Congress criticized the declaration of

India made by the Governor-General on behalf of India “as a

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belligerent country without any reference to the people of India” and

reiterated “nothing short of complete independence can be accepted

by the people of India”. In order to seek support of the Indian people,

‘August Offer’ was announced as a last opportunity in this regard. The

Congress decided to launch the Individual satyagraha under the

leadership of Gandhiji not as a mass Satyagraha but to be an
individual.39

The Unionist party in power in the Punjab decided to extend

support to the British Government on the eve of the World War II. The

Punjab Legislative Assembly in its meeting held on 6 November, 1939

resolved: “This Assembly approves of the Punjab Government’s policy

towards the present international crisis in condemning Nazi and Fascist

aggression and declares its determination to resist this aggression and

to protect the security and honour of the Punjab and India with all
available resources of the Province.”40

The Unionist leaders set-up the District War Committees in every

district to raise funds and collect money as a measure for helping the

government. All the governmental supporters expressed their solidarity

and rendered assistance into the matter of recruitments, war fund and
war loans.41 They created anti-Congress atmosphere in all parts of

Haryana. The district officials continued to hold meetings in which the

people were urged to donate whatever they could do for the war funds

to the government. In order to gather large number of people, district

officials engaged singers and Bhajan mandalis so that the people could
help especially in the enlistment of recruits to the British army.42 There

was a great demand of youth for the army to face the challenges posed

by the Axis Powers.

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The Congress did not support the government as had supported

during the I World War. The situation now had completely changed and

the freedom struggle was also quite in a better position. The

Congressmen in Haryana tried to oppose the move of the loyalists and

the officials who were engaged in organizing meetings in support of the

government everywhere. They also started organizing meetings in

almost all the districts of Haryana urging the people not to contribute to

the War Funds nor helped in the recruitment to the Indian army. The

situation became quite tensive and the clashes between both the sides

started taking place especially in Rohtak district due to stronghold of

Unionist party and its leader Chhotu Ram. The Congress denounced

both the Unionists and the government for applying forcible measures

in the recruitment and raising war funds in almost all the meetings held
anywhere.43

The Congressmen in their addresses told the audience that

despite the opposition of the Unionist and the officials, their

organisation was becoming popular in the regions of Haryana. The

best example given by the Congressmen was the success of Sahib

Ram in bye election held for provincial legislature from Sirsa and

Fatehabad constituency. The election for the District Boards were also
encouraging for the Congressmen.44

The Congressman argued in the meetings held at Jakhod Khera,

Chaudhari, Bawani Khera, Pur, Hansi, Mitathal, Lakarwali, Fatehabad,

Sirsa in Hisar district that no any help should be given to the

government as it failed to ensure the complete independence to the

Indian people and still it had anti-people attitude.45 The Congressmen

continued to collect thousands of rupees for the ‘Satyagraha Fund’ and

also to enroll Satyagrahis. Many Congress leaders like Neki Ram, Lala
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Sham Lai, Dada Ganeshi Lai, Jugal Kishore and others toured the
region of upper Haryana for mobilizing the people.46
The Congressmen in Hisar district had to fight at the two fronts-
firstly, against the government of the Unionists; and, secondly against
the natural calamities prevalent in Hisar district. Again in 1939-40,
drought came resulting into the acute scarcity of food and fodder. Such
situation had been witnessing since 1934. There were mortalities of
thousands of persons and cattle-wealth due to shortage of food and
fodder. Famine-stricken people became most affected in the winter
season. The Congressmen such as Neki Ram Sharma, Thakur Das
Bhargava, Sahib Ram, Dr. Murli Manohar, Mumtaz Hussain, Hardev
Sahai and others became very active in collecting money, cereals,
clothes, fodder available from anywhere in such situation. Again they
chose Neki Ram Sharma to be the President of Congress Famine
Relief Committee in Hisar district as he had collected several
thousands of rupees from Bombay and Calcutta.47
Neki Ram Sharma alongwith other members of Relief Committee
visited Lahore where it met the Punjab Premier, Sikander Hayat Khan
and Chhotu Ram. The Punjab Government assured them to provide all
feasible assistance to the famine-stricken people. The members of the
Relief Committee even visited Calcutta, Bombay, Karachi and other
industrial towns of India in order to seek financial assistance.48 Hardev
Sahai, Secretary of the Famine Committee maintained all records of
help sought from different corners of the country and submitted its
report on 21 February, 1940. In his report, he gave all the details about
the activities of the Committee in the matter of money collection and
distribution. In its quarterly report, he observed that it “collected Rs.
10197, 13 annas, 6 paise cash, 235 maunds and 6 seers of grain;
 194

10984 yards of new cloth worth Rs. 950/-; old clothes. Rs. 3350/

promised sums and Rs. 3267/13/3 was the balance of last year,
making the total Rs. 16815/10/9”49.

The above paras show that Neki Ram Sharma was a very active

as far as the collection of money, clothes, cereals etc. was concerned.

The Congress Famine Committee distributed 10859 quilts, shirts,

waist-coats, dhotis to 449 families and gave relief to 279 maternity

cases by distributing ghee, sugar, gur and grain. The Relief Committee

divided the entire areas of the district into ten centres for the proper
distribution of the cereals and other material.50 The camp shops were

opened at Fatehabad, Darba Kalan and other places hitted very badly

to provide grain and flour at cheaper rates. The eight spinning centres

were started where 2116 females and 263 weavers were given work.

In addition, Rs. 8234/6/3 was distributed among the poorer people. The

committee also arranged the fodder for distribution among those who
had cattle-wealth.51

The natural calamities badly continued to hit the regions of

Haryana for several years continuously. An urgent attention towards

these areas was to be paid. The Punjab Government planned the

construction of Bhakra Dam keeping the regions of Haryana in view.

The water of Satluj river through Bhakra canal was to be made

available to the regions of Haryana for the irrigation purposes

throughout the year. The Congressmen urged the provincial

government in its meeting held on 19 May, 1939 at Hisar to take-up the

work of construction of Dam and Canal at the earliest in order to meet

the requirements of the region.52

Many meetings were held to put pressure keeping the urgency of

these construction works in view on the government so that the

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construction of both the Dam and Canal could be completed speedily.

They cautioned the government of the Unionists to pay immediate

attention otherwise an agitation would be started soon against their

government. It was a pressure tactics on the government so that the

construction work could be started and completed within the scheduled

time. Despite all their pressure, it took many years for the completion of
the Dam and Canal.53

Another political conference was held on 7 April, 1940 at Sirsa in

which only one aspect i.e. canal was the matter of discussion therein.

Dr. Murli Manohar who was made chairman of reception committee

made all the arrangements for the meeting. Mian Iftikharuddin,

President of Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee, and Sohan Singh

Josh, Secretary came to attend the conference. All the bazaars of the
town were decorated with flowers and other decorative items.54 Around

twenty thousand people from the district came to listen to their leaders

on the important issue of the construction of Bhakra Dam and Canal.

The peasantry was greatly interested to pressurize the provincial

government for bringing the water into the barren region to prevent the

recurrence of famine. All the provincial and regional leaders made

quite impressive speeches which created a new zeal among the

peasantry.55

The Congress ministries formed after the elections in 1937

resigned as a protest against the declaration of war. This was to be

followed by the Satyagraha. The Congressmen in its session held at

Ramgarh (Bihar) on March 19-20, 1940 again laid stress on the

complete independence.56 The Congressmen started spinning charkha

and wearing Khadi which became an important condition for the

Congressmen. Gandhiji issued instructions to all the Congressmen:

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“Every Congress Committee should become a Satyagraha Committee

and register such Congressmen who believed in the cultivation of the

spirit of goodwill towards all, who have no untouchability in them in any

shape or form, who would spin regularly and who habitually, use

Khaddar to the exclusion of all other cloth. I would accept those who

thus register the names with their Committees to devote the whole of
their spare time to the Constructive Programme.”57

Now the change came in the Congress functioning with two

platforms - one for freedom struggle and other for the constructive

works. The Provincial Congress Committee started launching the

Satyagraha movement in their respective regions. The elections for the

Primary and District Congress Committees were held. The Tehsil and

village Congress Committees were also formed for the first time in all

the regions. After holding the elections in May 1940, every new

Congress Committee was to be transformed itself into the Satyagraha

Committee. It was, no doubt, deemed a very appropriate strategy of

Gandhiji who wanted to widen freedom movement in a more

substantial way.58

The Congressmen formed Satyagraha Committees in Hisar

where they toured their respective areas in order to bring party

members as the Satyagrahis. They started collecting money for the

Satyagraha Fund and cautioned people to be non-violent in the

movement. Hundreds of people signed the Satyagraha pledge.59 The

spinning the charkha became permanent feature in every function held

at tehsil or district levels. Hisar District’s Congressmen like Sahib Ram,

Balwant Rai Tayal, Banarsi Das Gupta, Bakshi Ram Kishan, Dada

Ganeshi Lai, K.A. Desai etc. offered themselves for arrests by shouting
anti-British slogans.60
 197

The Satyagrahis who participated in the Individual Satyagraha

movement courted arrest by raising several slogans like ‘Help to the

Satanic Government in the War is sin’, Don’t get your sons butchered

for a few paise for this dishonest Government’, ‘Better die for the

independence of the mother-land than to die for the satanic

Government’, ‘Long Live the Revolution’.61 The district authorities

became quite harsh towards Dr. Murli Manohar, President, Sirsa Tehsil

Congress Committee, who was arrested and sentenced one year’s

rigorous imprisonment for delivering seditious speech at Ellenabad on

30 April, 1940. The government applied an Emergency Power

Ordinance which gave wider powers to the local authorities.62 The

liberty of the press was curtailed and no one was allowed to send any

information to the newspapers regarding the movement. Many

nationalist newspapers and journals such ad Haryana Tilak, Jalla

Wattan, Desh Bhagat were banned and became victim of the British
oppression.63

Despite the restriction and imprisonment, they continued to

address meetings in their own regions and also in the neighbouring

areas. Neki Ram Sharma was the first Satyagrahi arrested during

addressing the meetings in Rohtak district about the movement. 5

December, 1940 was the day when he offered Satyagraha by raising

anti-war slogans at Jawahar Chowk, Bhiwani.64 He was sentenced to

one and half year’s rigorous imprisonment by the Additional District

Magistrate. Smt. Chand Bai, wife of Sham Lai Satyagrahi was arrested

under the Defence of India Rules. Sahib Ram, M.L.A. was arrested and

sentenced to 9 months imprisonment with a fine of Rs. 100/- for

delivering anti-war speech at Sadalpur in Hisar district on 10 January,

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1941. Both Shri Ram Sharma, M.L.A. and Sham Lai were also arrested
at Hisar.65

Neki Ram Sharma, Sham Lai Satyagrahi, Dr. Murli Manohar,

Sahib Ram, Thakur Das Bhargava, Blawant Rai Tayal, Jugal Kishore,

Chhabil Dass, Dr. B.N. Roy, Hardwari Lai Sharma, Gheru Lai Tantia,

Arjun Singh Gujar, Jan Mohammad, Budh Ram Panwari, Vaidya Ram

Dayal, Madan Mohan, Dungar Mai, Bishan Singh, Dr. P.N. Sharma,

Pat Ram Varma, Hukam Chand, Bishan Singh and others were the

prominent Congressmen arrested during the movement. The district

authorities prepared the brochures of all the district Congress

leaders.66

Chhabil Dass was deemed a very dangerous man as he was the

active Congress worker. He was arrested and the police chief of Hisar

district wrote with remarks in a secret report: “Chhabil Das, adopted

son of Suraj Bhan of Hansi, is reported to be a dangerous political

worker. He holds anti-government views and was responsible for

sponsoring agitation against Government in Hansi. But for his efforts,

there would have been little response to the Satyagraha movement in

this town. By his absence, things in Hansi are reported to be quiet and

there is likelihood of his creating trouble if he is released. It speaks

about his popularity and contribution in the Satyagraha movements.”67

The district authorities recommended strong action against him and

was given rigorous imprisonment.

The Congressmen continued to offer themselves as Satyagrahis

but were also seen always in the forefront whenever any political

activity took place anywhere in the district. From February-July, 1941,

around 60 Satyagrahis were arrested. They neither committed any

crime nor indulged in any informal activities but were arrested as the
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Satyagrahis only. The Government of India had to release the political

prisoners on 4 December, 1941. The Government of the Punjab

remitted without conditions the expired portion of sentence passed on

35 Satyagrahis.68 The political prisoners who were not released were

considered as the dangerous political prisoners in Hisar district. The

numbers of Satyagrahis who offered court arrests were arrested by the

police as indicated in the table given below:

Number of Satyagrahis Arrested

District Sept. 1940 to Aug. 1941 to Dec.
August 1941 1941
Rohtak 231 238

Ambala 97 96

Hisar 88 68

Karnal 32 26

Gurgaon 28 20s9

Total 476 448

The above table clearly indicates that a large number of arrests

were made in Rohtak followed by Ambala district. The total number of

arrests in the whole of Punjab was 1372 Satyagrahis but in Ambala

division (i.e. present Haryana) it was 476 and 448 in two phases.70 It is

significant to tell here that Ambala division had largest participants in

the individual Satyagraha movement with large number of

imprisonment. It shows the intensity of the movement in the regions of

Haryana. It is evident from the following passage: “One special feature

of the movement in 1941 was that its impact was no more confined to

Lahore or Amritsar which had been the hub of political activities in the
 200

province.... the Eastern part of the province (Ambala Division) showed

greater enthusiasm than other of its parts.”71

Keeping the situation in view, the individual Satyagraha

movement was suspended. It did not impact the government nor did it

pose any challenge to the colonial regime. When all the political

prisoners were released, the Congress Committees which were

declared illegal were revived at all the levels. The Independence Day’

was celebrated on January 26, 1942, in the towns of Hisar, Bhiwani,

Hansi, Sirsa, Mandi Dabwali, Mandi Budhladha, Mandi Uklana, Mandi

Suchan, Kalanwali and village Satrod Kalan.72 In the morning, the

Congressmen took out the Prabhat Pheries through the main bazaars

and streets singing patriotic songs in the towns. Hoisting of flag

ceremonies were also held and small national flags were also sold out

to the people at an ordinary price. At Bhiwani, Neki Ram Sharma and

Dr. B.N. Rai at Sirsa hoisted the flags and urged the people to join the

Congress movement and strengthen this national organisation for

future course of action. The response of the people at such occasions

was good.73

The Cripps Mission did not solve the constitutional problem. It

gave acute frustration to the people. Gandhiji who had sympathy with

Allies Powers became a big enemy of the British Government. He was

of the firm opinion that only solution for India’s problem was the

immediate withdrawal of the British from India. He was ready to take

even risk for that. He was of the view that out of such unwanted

situation (chaos), some lasting solution might come out. The situation

made Gandhiji completely different man on the political scene of India.

At Wardha, Congress Working Committee passed ‘Quit India’

 201

resolution on 14 July, 1942. It reiterated the end of British at the

earliest. The freedom was necessary not only in the interest of India

but also for the safety of the world as the fascist forces were quickly

emerging. Now the matter was referred to the All India Congress
Committee for its final decision.74

The All India Congress Committee met at Bombay on August 8,

1942 where the famous ‘Quit India’ resolution was passed by the

majority. Gandhiji came out with a new slogan ‘Do or Die’ at this

historic session. In his speech, he further said: “Every one of you

should from this moment onwards consider yourself a free man or

woman and act as if you are free.... I am not going to be satisfied with

anything short of complete freedom. We shall do or die. We shall either

free India or die in the attempt.”75 The attitude of the government was

not to see any rebellious type of activities especially when the World

War was going on. On 9 August, Gandhi, Nehru, Azad and other

leaders were arrested early in the morning. In Haryana, the

government tried to prosecute as many as Congressmen as it could

do. But 409 persons from August 15 to December 1942 under the
Defence of India Rules were arrested.76

In Hisar district, the leaders who were arrested were - Neki Ram

Sharma, Jatti Puran Chand (died in Ferozepur jail), Sham Lai, Ram

Kumar Bidhat, Sahib Ram, Devi Lai, Lekh Ram (Dhingera), Balwant

Rai Tayal, Dada Ganeshi Lai, Jai Singh, Ram Lai Vaid, Pat Ram, Sheo

Karan Singh, Pat Ram Verma, Madan Lai, ‘Baghi’, Kirpa Ram, Sant

Lai, Hari Singh Saini, Hardev Sahai, Babu Jugal Kishore, Devi Sahai,

Shishpal Singh, Dr. M.N. Rai and others. This movement attained

violence. The people attacked the means of communication - posts

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and telegraph offices, telegraph wires, railways and government

offices77 as evident from the following table:

Violent Upsurge in Haryana in 1942

S. No. Particulars Numbers
1. Telegraph Wires cut 45
2. Post Offices attacked 11
3. Police Stations & 8
other govt. Buildings
attacked
4. Railway liens & fish­ 6
plates damaged
5. Railway stations 4
attacked
Total 74'8

The above table shows that the Congressmen became quite

aggressive and telegraphic wires were cut at 45 places which was
quite significant number. The fury of the people was such that 11 post
offices were attacked by the mob. Police stations, railway stations and
railway lines were also not spared in the region. It shows the acute
anti-British feelings among the people of Haryana.
The violent activities alarmed the attention of the government
which was also engaged in the II World War against the Axis Power.
The Chief Secretary of the Punjab sent detailed secret instructions to
the Deputy Commissioners about the measures to be taken.79 They

were advised further that “it should be borne in mind that by far the
most effective method to suppress any campaign of this nature is to
arrest as quickly as possible the leaders, organizers and active
 203

members of all associations promoting it, and to continue arrest

subordinate leaders, if they seek to encourage the campaign after the
first blow has been dealt.”80 The number of arrests made during 1942-
44 is evident from the following table:
District 1942 1943 1944 Total
Rohtak 289 402 130 821
Gurgaon 115 535 158 808
Hisar 115 333 51 499
Karnal 72 377 299 748
Ambala 114 124 60 298
Total 705 1771 698 31748i

The above table shows that in the beginning of the movement,

705 Congressmen were arrested but this number became more than
the double next year. In the last phase of the movement, the number of
people jailed were less as compared to earlier phases i.e. upto 5 May,
1944. The total number of arrests were 3174 from all the district of
Haryana. Rohtak district’s participation was quite massive followed by
Gurgaon district. Around five hundred people were arrested from Hisar
district during the movement. Keeping the decreasing of number in
view, the movement was suspended. All the leaders were in jails and
no one could give proper direction to the movement. There emerged
aggressiveness in the movement perhaps revolutionaries might have
turned it into non-violent. The provincial government took all feasible
steps to suppress the movement ruthlessly.82
A large number of Congressmen and their workers were put in
the jails. The treatment meted out to these political prisoners was very
harsh. The food served to them in jails was not proper. They had to
depend on very poor diet and no medical facilities were provided to
 204

them in the jails. Some of them became quite weak and became prey

of several diseases. It shows that their lives in the jails was very-very

hard but faced smilingly keeping the national interests in view. The

women workers had also to pass through such conditions during the
jailed period.83

The Congress organisation was declared illegal organisation on

August 10, 1942. The Punjab Government did not take any time in

declaring all city, town, tehsil and village Congress Committees as

illegal organisations. The office of the Congress Committee in Hisar

was in the Chatterji Memorial Library where the local police raided

offices of the District Congress Committee and the Congress Famine

Committee. All the properties available in these offices were forfeited

on 23 November, 1942. The police went upto the extent of selling out
even the utensils of the Congress offices. The police applied
ruthlessness in dealing with prevailing situation in the district.84

The Government of India passed a new Rule 81 ID of Defence of

India Rules to deal ruthlessly with the Congressmen engaged in

protests and hartals. The Punjab Government ordered all the Deputy
Commissioners to compel the traders to open their shops during the

hartals. The government treated these violent activities as challenge to

its authority and showed serious concern towards the movement.85

The provincial government applied all tactics to suppress the

movement. A large number of arrests made the people leaderless. In

such situation, it began to lose its character and it was suspended in

May 1944.
The long imprisonment of the Congressmen made Congress
organisation quite weak. All its offices at all levels were closed down

forcibly by the police authorities. After the release of the Congressmen,

 205

efforts were made to strengthen its base in the villages. But the

removal of restrictions on the Congress Committees was important for

it.86 A meeting of the Congressmen was held at Ludhiana on

December 16-17, 1944 under the Presidency of Sham Lai. They

formed the Provincial Congress Workers’ Assembly in order to

implement the Constructive Programmes of the Congress as in the

province. The main aim in holding such meetings was to widen the
base and enlist more and more workers to the Congress fold.87

After holding the Congress meeting at Ludhiana, the district

leaders were asked to constitute the District Assemblies in their

respective districts. The District Assemblies of the Congress were

urged to cooperate with the labour and kisan unions. Thus the

Congressmen started Constructive Programme of the Congress. The

membership drive was made very quick and succeeded in getting

1.75.000 members enrolled during the year 1945 while there were
11.000 Congress members earlier in 1941.88 It was undoubtedly a big

achievement of the Congressmen for enlarging its base in the Punjab.

Due to activeness of the Congressmen, all the Congress offices sealed

earlier were now restored to their respective district committees. Now

the situation became favourable and all the offices continued to

function normally.

The Congress leaders denounced the government policies in

concern with the civil supply and atrocities of police. The Hisar District
Congress Committee convened a meeting under the presidency of

Neki Ram Sharma. Balwant Rai Tayal, Jugal Kishore, Sahib Ram, Devi

Lai and others also attended the same. All the orators decried the
shortage89 of sugar, cloth, kerosene and other rationed-items not

available to the people. The ration-holders were engaged in black-

 206

marketing, bribery and corruption (in the Department of civil supply). In

such a situation, how the people could get all these items at market

prices. In order to check black-marketing and corruption, the anti­

corruption Committee was formed in the district under the Presidency

of Neki Ram Sharma.90

The Congressmen had to suffer a lot during the Quit India

movement. They decided to celebrate the memory of these

Congressmen who had sacrificed quite immensely. In order to create

vigour and intensification among the workers, “The Liberty Week” was

celebrated from 9 to 16 August, 1945, in all the provinces. The Hisar

Congress Committee held a meeting on 11 August, 1945 in order to

celebrate “the Liberty Week” or “National Week” under the presidency
of Ganeshi Lai, an old veteran leader of the Congress.91 The flag was

unfurled and tributes were paid to those who had sacrificed their lives

for the national cause during the Quit India movement. All of them were

designated as ‘martyrs’. To cherish their sweet memories, it was

decided to build a memorial in the memory of the martyrs. It was done

to show to the coming generations to remember their sacrifices in

India’s freedom struggle.92

The period of 1945-46 witnessed the upsurge among the

peasants and workers throughout India where their plight was not only

miserable but their exploitation at all levels was rampant. They fought

against zamindars and industrialists in order to protect their interests.

In Sirsa district, most of tenants known as the muzaras in local term

cultivated the land of the zamindars. The muzaras who got one-third
share of the produce had to further give as customary share to the

patwaris, local officials, chowkidar, dakots, pandits and other service

classes.93 Besides, they usually had to present gifts in cash or in kind
 207

to their zamindars on the birth of a child, a marriage and also on the

festivals such as Holi or Diwali. All the family members of the muzaras

had to perform other house-duties as required from time to time. Their

lives were full of exploitation, deprivation and misery. They were

tenants-at-will meaning no permanent tenancy rights.94

Both Sahib Ram and his younger brother, Devi Lai started

organizing these tenants after their release from the jail. They openly

declared the reduction in their rents as they had to pay two-third and

two and half years of grain share of their produce to the zamindars.

Such customary laws were quite heavy in nature. When they resisted,
they were ejected from their lands at the sweet will of the zamindars.

They had also refused to give undesirable taxes and beggar. Many

zamindars complained of both these brothers to the Deputy

Commissioner of Hisar, J.N. McKelvie, ICS about the instigation of the
tenants against them.95

The Naib Tehsildar of Dabwali, Balbir Singh, was asked to settle-

down the dispute. Consequently, an agreement was reached between

both the parties that the tenancy would automatically be terminated on

15th June every year but no zamindar would refuse to let out the land

for succeeding year to a tenant who paid all the dues regularly. The

tenants did not agree to send the produce to the houses of the
zamindars.96

This issue created agitation against the zamindars and tenants

forcibly entered into the fields. Sahib Rana, Devi Lai, Hakim Charan

Das, Girish Gupta and Nand Kishore led the tenants’ movement.
Around five hundred tenants launched Satyagraha movement and fifty

tenants were arrested ejecting 45000 bighas of land from them.

National leaders such as Aruna Asaf Ali, Mehardin and others graced
 208

the occasion and supported the movement. Finally, a settlement

reached between both the parties on 21 August, 1946. All the tenants

were released and the ejected land was restored to them. But the ten

tenants were not given land by the zamindars. In other villages, the

same agreements were made. The occupancy rights were not

acceptable despite all efforts by the leaders. The government also

favoured the zamindars. Efforts were made to give communal colour to

this issue but failed.97

The Congress had been waging a non-violent struggle against

the British imperialism for a long period. During the Quit India

movement, the Indian National Army was organised out of the

Japanese prisoners of war to over throw the British yoke. After the fall

of Rangoon, Singapore and Andaman, Japanese had captured many

Indian soldiers.98 Subhash Chandra Bose who took the command of

the Indian National Army consisting of those soldiers captured by the

Japanese gave a popular slogan ‘Delhi chalo’. There were more than

five hundred soldiers from Hisar district. They fought under the
leadership of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in the eastern sector of

the country i.e. Burma, Assam, Malaya. Around three thousand

soldiers and officers were from Haryana who joined the Indian National

Army as the table given below shows:

The Indian National Army’s Number in Haryana

Sr. No. District Officers Soldiers Total

1. Rohtak 149 724 873

2. Gurgaon 106 580 686

3. Hisar 61 478 539

4. Jind 53 296 349

5. Karnal 14 105 119

 209

6. Mahendragarh 14 104 118

7. Ambala 1 30 31
Total 398 2317 2715aa

The above table shows that Rohtak’s participation was greater

than the other district. Gurgaon and Hisar also gave a remarkable
contribution to the enlistment of soldiers in Indian National Army. The
other districts also contributed according to their capacities. The
soldiers and officers of the Army fought bravely and did not lag behind
in giving their sacrifices to the cause of nation.
During the fight, a large number of soldiers and officers of the
Indian National Army were imprisoned. The British Government treated
them as ‘traitors’ for waging war against British Crown. They were tried
at Red Fort, Delhi. In order to defend their cases, a defence Committee
was constituted by Congress party. Bhulabhai Desai, Tej Bahadur
Sapru and Jawaharlal Nehru pleaded and defended the cases of the
Indian National Army.100 The Congress leaders through platform and
press mobilized the Indian masses in creating a strong public opinion
in their favour for remittal.101
Numerous meetings and processions were held throughout the
country in support of the amnesty to the Indian National Army
personnel and officers. Even during the election campaign, all the
orators continued to demand the release of the army people. The
Congressmen started collecting money to the INA Defence Fund so
that such army people could be helped financially and more specially
the victim soldiers.102 Though the movement started by this Army could
not succeed yet it greatly impacted the freedom movement which was
brought nearer to the goal. The Army personnel and officers belonged
to all the communities, castes, colour and regions of the country and
 210

exemplified a brave example of communal harmony and

comradeship.103 It was, however, a caution to the British imperialism

and Indians would no longer tolerate exploitation by the colonial rule.

The mutiny in Royal Indian Navy proved that Indian soldiers were not
mercenary but more patriotic.104 Such incidents opened the eyes of the

British Government which had ultimately to decide to leave India.

Jawaharlal Nehru and other Congress leaders toured many parts

of India in order to collect money for supporting their dependents.

During his tour of Haryana, Neki Ram accompanied him and urged the

people to liberally contribute to the INA Fund either in cash or kind. A

large collection of money was collected from different regions of

Haryana and distributed among those who had no dependents and

other needy personnel of the army. It was an appropriate decision to

render all possible financial assistance to the needy soldiers of the

army. Around three hundred fifty officers and soldiers had to lose their
lives in the struggle105 They were all martyrs whose numbers have

been given below:

Martyrs of Indian National Army

S. No. District Officers Soldiers Total

1. Rohtak 12 126 138

2. Gurgaon 5 72 77

3. Hisar 2 51 53

4. Jind 2 53 55

5. Mohindergarh 1 17 18

6. Ambala - - -

7. Karnal - 5 5

Total 22 324 3461“

 211

The above figures indicate that the number of martyrs in Rohtak

district was the highest followed by Gurgaon with 77. The districts of

Hisar and Jind were at equal footing in the cases of martyrs. The other

districts faced less casualties during the INA struggle.

The elections were held in December 1945 in India after the

World War-ll. There were three main political parties which were in the

election fray - Congress, Unionist and Muslim League. The stalwarts of

the Unionist like Chhotu Ram, Fazl-i-Hussain and Sir Sikander Hayat

Khan had passed away and the position of the Unionist Party began to

decline. Congress had broadened its mass base even in the villages.

Thakur Das Bhargava, Sahib Ram and Shri Ram Sharma contested

elections for Central Assembly and Punjab Legislative Assembly. In

Sirsa constituency where the election campaign was made jointly by

the leaders, Nehru accompanied by Neki Ram Sharma and Shri Ram

Sharma toured these constituencies where they addressed the people

to vote for the Congress candidates. The Unionist Government was

nothing but was a shadow of the British Government as observed by

Nehru in his election meeting.107

The Congress had already started demanding the complete

independence. Their speeches created a great enthusiasm among the

people who supported the Congress candidates and won the elections.

The Congress won 16 out of 29 seats in Haryana and 51 out of 175

seats in Punjab Legislative Assembly. The performance of the Muslims

League was quite praiseworthy as it won 75 seats and emerged as the
single largest party.108

No any party was in the position to form the government. The

Congress, Unionists and Akalis joined hands and formed the coalition
ministry under Khizar Hayat Khan.109 The ministry failed to function
 212

properly due to opposition of the Muslim League as this party was

pressing hard for the partition. Communal riots began to take place in
the districts of Hisar, Rohtak, Ambala and Gurgaon.110 A lot of

bloodshed witnessed in which thousands of Hindus and Muslims lost

their lives. The destruction of properties was also at massive level.

After the intervention of the Congressmen and government, bloody-

riots, large-scale bloodshed and destruction came to an end.111

During the elections in England, Atlee formed the Labour

ministry and declared India as an independent country as he had

promised in his election campaign. India was however granted

independence on August 15, 1947 but the country was partitioned into
two parts. The Muslims from Haryana migrated to West-Punjab which

became Pakistan and Hindus and Sikhs came to the regions of Punjab
and Haryana.112 All the Congress leaders such as Neki Ram Sharma,

Ganeshi Lai, Sham Lai Satyagrahi, Jugal Kishore, Sahib Ram and

others rose equal to the occasion and extended all possible assistance
in solving the re-settlement problems of the displaced persons came

from Pakistan. In Hisar, 127657 displaced persons were resettled while

the Muslims who left Haryana were less in number.113 The ruling party

shouldered greater responsibilities on planning and rebuilt life on a new

pattern. Large areas were acquired for new townships and industrial

development. The happiness of independence turned it into the

division of India with a large number of massacre of about a half million

of men, women and children.114
 213

REFERENCES
1. Coupland, R., The Constitution, At Work (Bombay, 1940) p. 129.
2. Sen, S.N., op. cit., pp. 256-57.
3. Ibid.
4. Coupland, op. cit., pp. 130-35.
5. Ibid.
6. Sharma, Neki Ram, Shasan Sudhar Praveshika, pp. 5-6.
7. Ibid., pp. 6-8.
8. Mehrotra, S.R., Towards India’s Freedom and Partition, p. 168.
9. Ibid., pp. 172-73.
10. Indian Annual Register, 1936 (Calcutta, 1936) vol. I, pp. 248-49;
vol. II, pp. 205-7.
11. Nehru, Jawaharlal, Glimpses of World History, p. 674.
12. Sen, op. cit., pp. 260-61.
13. Gwyer, M. and A. Appadorai (ed.) Speeches and Documents on
the Indian Constitution, 1921-47 (Bombay, 1957) pp. 323-24.
14. Home (Deptt.) Poll., October 1934, No. 18, The Tribune, 6,10,
14,17, 19,21 January, 1937.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid., 8,10, 12 January, 1937.
17. Ibid., 2 January, 1936.
18. Haryana Tilak, 12 January, 1937.
19. The Tribune, 19 January, 1937.
20. Ibid., 2, 5 January, 1937.
21. Ibid.
22. Ibid., 21 January, 3-12 February, 1937.
23. Sharma, Shri Ram, Haryana Ka Itihas, p. 122.
24. Haryana Tilak, 19 January, 1938.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid.
 214

27. The Tribune, 2 January, 1936.

28. Ibid., 30 March, 1937.
29. Haryana Tilak, 2, 9 November, 1937.
30. Ibid. 23, 30 November, 1937; 18 January, 1938.
31. Ibid., 7 April, 1938.
32. Ibid., 19 July 2, 9 August, 1938.
33. The Tribune, October 19,1938.
34. The Tribune, 30 January, 1940.
35. Haryana Tilak, 31 January, 1941.
36. Gram Sewak, 31 January, 29 February, 1940.
37. Ibid., November 29-30,1938.
38. Amba Prasad, The Revolt of 1942 (Delhi 1958) p. 9.
39. The Tribune, 21 August, 1940.
40. Punjab Legislative Assembly Debates, vol. I (November 1939)p.
593.
41. The Tribune, October 19, 21,1940.
42. Ibid.
43. Ibid.
44. Sharma, Shri Ram, op. cit., p. 124.
45. Ibid.
46. The Tribune, January, 4,1941.
47. Pardaman Singh and S.P. Shukla, op. cit., p. 118.
48. AICC File No. 17, 1939-40, p. 143.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Juneja, op. cit., pp. 178-79.
53. Ibid., pp. 180-81.
54. Jalla Watan, 10 April, 1940.
55. Ibid.
 215

56. Sitarammaya, P.B., op. cit., vol. II, p. 177.

57. Ibid.
58. The Tribune, May 29,1940.
59. Ibid., January 4, 25,1941.
60. Jagdish Chandra, Gandhiji and Haryana, pp. 17-18.
61. Ibid., p. 109.
62. The Tribune, 7 May, 1940.
63. Sharma, Shri Ram, Haryana Ka Itihas, p. 111.
64. Juneja, M.M., op. cit., p. 145.
65. D.C. Office, Hissar Records (Confl.) No. 80/91E, Misc. 3, p. 207.
66. The Tribune, 12 January, 1941.
67. D.C. Office, Hissar Records (Confl.) F.No. 480-91 E, p. 271.
68. Ibid.
69. Malhotra, S.L., From Civil Disobedience to Quit India, pp. 180-
SI.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid., p. 124.
72. D.C. Office, Hissar Records (Confl.) F. No. B/6, pp. 225-27.
73. Ibid.
74. The Tribune, 17 July, 1942.
75. Indian Annual Register, vol. 11,1942, pp. 207-11.
76. Ibid.
77. Pardaman Singh and S.P. Shukla, op. cit., pp. 126-27.
78. Jagdish Chandra, op. cit, p. 18.
79. D.C. Office, Hisar, Records (Confl.) F. No. 5-64, A/52.
80. Ibid.
81. D.C. Office, Hisar Records (Revenue) S-64, A/52.
82. Ibid.
83. Ibid.
84. The Tribune, August 11,1942.
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85. D.C. Office, Hissar Records (Revenue) S-64, A/52.

86. The Tribune, June 11, 28,1944.
87. Ibid. February 10,1946.
88. Ibid.
89. Ibid., July 4, 1945.
90. Ibid., September 20,1945.
91. Ibid., July 25, 1945.
92. Ibid., August 16,17, 29, 1945.
93. Raja Ram, Chautala Se Chandigarh (Delhi, 1978) pp. 6-8.
94. Ibid.
95. D.C. Office, Hisar Records (Revenue) S-64, A/52.
96. Ibid.
97. Ibid.
98. Yadav, K.C., op. cit., pp. 236-37.
99. Ibid.
100. Tara Chand, op. cit, vol. IV, p. 458.
101. Ibid.
102. Yadav, op. cit., p. 237.
103. Tara Chand, op. cit., p. 423.
104. Ibid.
105. Jagdish Chandra, op. cit., p. 164.
106. Ibid.
107. Pardaman Singh and S.P. Shukla op. cit, p. 143.
108. The Muslim League won 7, Unionist 4, Akali Dal and
Independent one seat each in the Punjab Legislative Assembly.
The Tribune, 13 January, 19-25 February, 1946.
109. Indian Annual Register, vol. 1,1946, p. 230.
110. The Tribune, March 14,15,1947.
111. Ibid., March 13,14,25; April 5, 8, 9, 13 June 5, 1947.
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112. Census of India, 1951, Punjab District Census Handbook,

Hissar, p. VII.
113. Ibid.
114. Randhawa, M.S., Out of the Ashes (Jullundhar, 1954) p. 221.

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