The transmission of Maya healing practices

Following the cycles of time

A study on cross-cultural & intergenerational transmission
of Maya healing practices around Lake Atitlán, Guatemala

Name student: Lieke Moras

UvA ID number: 11279532

Programme: Medical Anthropology & Sociology

Department: GSSS

Supervisor: Dr M. Bode

Second reader: Dr R.P.M. Gerrets

7rd of August 2017, Amsterdam

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Cover picture

Maya elder Tata Pedro interprets the messages which he receives from the “Heart of the Sky” during
a sacred fire ceremony at the shores of Lake Atitlán, Guatemala.

Picture by Julie Sarah © (used with permission).

Contact information: Contact information supervisor:

Email: liekemoras@gmail.com Dr M. Bode

Phone: 0654109872 Email: m.bode@uva.nl

Preface
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With these words, I want to express my gratitude for this research period. It has been a period
enriched with new learning experiences and possibilities to grow; academically and personally. These
learning experiences go way beyond the scope of this thesis. The preparations for this study started
in November 2016. Nine months later, I am now bringing this research to completion. Typically, this
period equals a full 260-day cycle in the Maya Tzolkin calendar, representing a full Maya year. The
cycle has full-grown.

Throughout the research period, I have received great support from various directions. During the
fieldwork in Guatemala as well as here, in Amsterdam. First of all, I feel beyond grateful for being
welcomed by the open-hearted Maya. I want to say thank you, gracias and maltiox to all Maya
healers for their willingness to share their intriguing stories with me. Thanks to my dear family and
friends. Thank you for all the inspiring talks. Thanks to the natural beauty surrounding Lake Atitlán,
connecting me with the roots of the land. Gracias Pachamama. Thanks to the University of
Amsterdam for providing this opportunity and chance to grow. Thanks to all the professors and
organizers of the MAS programme for this unique programme as a stable base to move from. And off
course, thanks to my supervisor Maarten Bode for all the time and energy spent in guiding me
throughout this study. I have enjoyed our inspiring dialogues and learned a lot from the professional
experience that you have shared. The positively received feedback helped me to move forward. Now,
I hope that you will enjoy reading the outcome of it all.

Maltiox GuateMaya
“Porque no es Guatemala, es GuateMaya. No hay mala en GuateMaya.” 1

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“Because it is not Guatemala, but GuateMaya. There is nothing bad in GuateMaya.”
- Mala translates as bad or wrong from Spanish. Therefore, we say Guate-Maya
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 Table of contents
I Abstract………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….....4
II Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5
II.1 Background…………………………………………………………………………………………………...…5-6
II.2 Problem statement and research questions…………………………………………….……….6-7
II.3 Research location…………………………………………………………………………………..….…….….7
II.4 Attending concepts………………………………………………………………………………..….….…….9
II.4.1 Maya ways of knowing and their transmission……………………….….…..9-10
II.4.2 Cultural change and continuity………………………………….………………….…..10
II.4.3 The modernity of Maya traditions……………………………………………………..11
II.4.4 Cultural brokers and cultural appropriation …………………………..………….11

III Methods……………………….…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………12
III.1 Research informants……………………………………………………..…………………..………..12-13
III.2 Access to the field: the role of gatekeepers………………………………………………...13-15
III.3 Research methodology and data collection……………………………………….……..…16-17
III.4 Research positionality…………………………………………………………………………….…. 17-18
III.5 Dialogical anthropology………………………………………………………………………….…..…..18
III.6 Ethical considerations. ………………………………………………………………………….…..……19

IV Maya healing traditions and cosmovision……………………………………………………………………………...……….20

IV.1 The Maya Tzolkin calendar………………………………………………………………………..20-22
IV.2 Sacred fire ceremonies………………………………………………………………………………23-24
IV.3 The Wayeb ……………………………………………………………………………………………….26-27

V Results & Discussion…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..……28

V.1 Knowledge transmission through divine connections…………………………….....28-29
V.1.2 Maya knowledge system construction ………………………………...……30-31
V.2 Cross-cultural knowledge transmission……………………………………………………….….32
V.2.1 Embodied experience and knowledge transmission…………………..32-34
V.2.2 Reflections on positionality: ‘Going native’……………………………………..34
V.2.3 Sharing Maya healing traditions with ‘cultural others’ …………………..35
V.2.4 The contribution of cultural brokers………………………………………….36-40
V.2.5 Western Maya Ajq’ij and cultural appropriation ………..………..……40-41
V.3 Intergenerational knowledge transmission…………………………………………..…………42
V.3.1 Young Maya ‘wisdom keepers’……………………………………..……………42-45
VI Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….46-47
References……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..48-53
Appendices………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….54
1. The 20 Nahuales and 13 energies of the Maya Tzolkin calendar………….…...54-56
2. Overview research informants………………………………………………………………….57-58
3. Programme of the Wayeb ………………………..……………………………………………………59
4. Flyer of the Maya abdominal massage course………………………………………………..60
5. List of interview questions…………………………………………………………………………61-62
6. Observation categories…………………………………………………………………………………..63

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 I Abstract
Despite the historical repression and destruction of Maya culture and traditions (Adams & Hawkins,
2007), Hart (2008) emphasizes a cultural continuation of Maya traditions. A movement of
revalorization and revitalization of Maya traditions and spiritual practices is described (Molesky-Poz
2006:25). To guard and revitalize ancestral Maya healing, a better understanding of the knowledge
transmission of this tradition is paramount. In this study, I look at the ways Maya healers nowadays
transmit knowledge of Maya healing. This study is specifically directed towards the underexposed
field of intergenerational and cross-cultural knowledge transmission in the context of cultural
continuation of Maya healing traditions. The study is performed around Lake Atitlán, an area which is
subject to increased globalisation and internationalization due to the attraction of (spiritual) tourism
(Giralt, 2012). This makes this locality suitable for investigating the engagement of ‘cultural others’ in
the transmission of Maya healing. The study also discusses cultural appropriation and the initiation of
Maya healers coming from abroad. The effects of globalization on the transmission of Maya healing is
the central theme in this study.

I have applied a mixed method approach, which includes participatory observation of knowledge
transmission during healing ceremonies and the taking of semi-structured oral life histories of
western and local Maya healers. This is complemented with an embodied participative experience of
knowledge transmission with a Maya abdominal massage course. My mission was to balance
participation in and observation of the transmission of Maya healing. For this I have used a dialogical
anthropology approach. It is my conviction that a close engagement with my research informants
contributed to a deeper understanding of Maya ways of knowing.

Maya ways of knowing differ from western scientific knowledge (Goulet, 1998). The Maya healers
stated that they all learn via divine connections with Mayan ancestors. Dreams, visions and spiritual
connectedness with nature provided them with information and instructions on how to conduct
Maya healing. This is in contrast with the transmission of western scientific knowledge which is
usually “passed on as a package, though books, videos and other supportive props” (Hatcher, 2012).
This study shows how westernization and modern developments around Lake Atitlán have influenced
the transmission of Maya knowledge between generations. The study shows that traditional ways of
learning are complemented by modern educational forms. Modern technologies contribute to the
transmission and revaluation of Maya healing traditions. Inspired by the interest of ‘cultural others’
local Maya healers revalue Maya healing traditions. Westerns initiated by Maya healers play an
important role in bridging Maya knowledge across cultures. In this way, they increase the
accessibility of this knowledge for Westerners. They also contribute to local Maya elders’ aspirations
to spread their knowledge globally.

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 II Introduction

II.1 Background

The topic of this study concerns Maya healing practices in Guatemala. The vast majority of
Guatemalan inhabitants are indigenous Maya who consist of 22 different ethnic groups (Sieder &
Wilson, 1997). They are a historically marginalized population and have been excluded from health
care, education, social security and equal economic opportunity (Coutin, 2011). The Maya medical
practices have a history of more than 2000 years (Berger-González et al., 2016a). While biomedicine
is emerging globally, Maya populations mainly rely on Maya healing in terms of health, which holds
an important role among local Maya communities in Guatemala (Adam & Hawkins, 2007). Most of
the Maya populations live below the poverty line and have little access to official health care services
(Berger-González et al., 2016a). Despite influences of globalization, Giralt (2012) demonstrated in a
study around Lake Atitlán in Guatemala that Maya healers are still preferred over biomedical
practitioners because of the low price they charge and the effective healing results of their work. In
addition, traditional Maya healers have the preference among local Maya communities as they often
share the same native language and cultural norms (Giralt, 2012: 453). However, Maya healing
traditions have been subject to suppressing forces throughout history which should be noted.

The first Spanish invaders colonized the Maya villages around Lake Atitlán in 1524. The Spanish
conquistadores did as much as they could to destroy Maya traditions and culture (Prechtel, 2004:52).
They also burned the few existing documents describing Maya calendars and Maya cosmovision
(Molesky-Poz, 2006). Many Maya elders and traditional healers were killed, and sixteenth-century
Catholicism and culture were enforced upon the villagers (Prechtel, 2004:52). Nowadays, around 50
to 60 percent of Guatemalans are Catholic (Molesky-Poz 2006:19). The civil war between the
Guatemalan government and the Marxist rebel army is marked by ethnocide of the Maya and greatly
affected their communities. To survive over the past five hundred years the Maya had to practice
their healing traditions and spiritual practices secretively (Coutin, 2011). Biomedicine was the only
approved medical system by the ruling elite (Giralt, 2012:442). In 1996, the Guatemalan government
signed the Peace Accord that made an end to 36 years of civil war (Sieder & Wilson, 1997). The Peace
Accord stated that Maya medicine must be considered as an integral part of indigenous culture and
therefore merits respect, encouragement, protection and funding (Adams & Hawkins, 2007:232).
Maya elder Tata Mariano speaks about a redevelopment of Maya culture:

“We here in Guatemala have been threatened and judged to do this ceremony before
signing the Peace Sign. When we signed the Peace Sign, we received access to the
ceremonial sites2. It took us a lot to develop our culture again. Threats, intimidation,
persuasions from the Guatemalan state. Then, they accepted. They accepted that this
is sacred. And I agree.” (sacred fire ceremony, the 18th of February)

Jean Molesky-Poz (2006:25) analysed the redevelopment of Maya traditions and sees it as a “cultural
movement to reaffirm identity”. The reaffirmation of Maya identity is tied to a revitalization and
public emergence of Maya knowledge and spiritual practices (p.26). Revitalization movements have

2
Ceremonial sites are geological places with high, strong energies which facilitates powerful connections with
the spirit world and enhances communication with the Mayan ancestors. These are often on mountain peaks,
near waters or entrances of caves.
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been described as deliberate, organized, conscious efforts by society members to construct a more
satisfying culture engaging cultural change (see for example Wallace 1956). The society members
who are active in this revitalization are mainly spiritual Maya guides. However, the following quote
by Maya elder Dolores illustrates that the interest and request for Maya traditions also comes from
local communities:

“There are many religions: the Evangelic, the Catholics. They can steal my medicine.
They could say: "this lady is doing witchcraft". So, I did not want to be a healer. I had
a friend who was a curandero 3, but they killed him in 1998. Therefore, I did not want
to be a curandero, because I think it is dangerous. Later, a moment came when I did
not hesitate anymore. I participated in the Evangelical church, because I wanted to
leave all these [Maya] traditions, but when I went to the church, all the people were
calling me that they wanted a Maya ceremony. Always when I came, they called me.”

This quote reflects how the Church affected Maya spiritual practices and testifies the current re-
interest in Maya traditions. The Church associates Maya healing with sorcery and witchcraft and
imposed this idea on local Maya populations. Opposition to traditional medicine still comes from the
Church, however, Maya healing traditions are stated to be increasingly accepted (Molesky-Poz,
2006).

II.2 Problem statement & research questions

Molesky-Poz (2006) and Hart (2008) speak about an ongoing tradition of Maya spirituality and
practice despite historical suppressing forces. Research on continuity and change in the transmission
of Maya healing practices is lacking. For those who want to guard and revitalize ancestral Maya
healing a better understanding of the transmission of this tradition is paramount. Therefore, in this
study I look at the ways Maya healers distribute their knowledge. My main research questions relate
to the transmission of Maya healing practices around Lake Atitlán, Guatemala. My first research
question is:

1. How do Maya healers around Lake Atitlán transfer Maya healing knowledge?

Involvement of younger generations is crucial for the continuation of Maya healing practices and
their related cosmology. Research indicates concerns of Maya healers about the preservation of their
knowledge and health practices as they are afraid that they get lost for future generations. This
knowledge transmission is under pressure due to a lack of interest of the youth, the disappearance of
traditional knowledge holders known as the elders, and due to influences of western schooling
(Adams & Hawkins, 2007). Formal school attendance was almost non-existent among Maya healers
who are now above fifty, and the majority of these elders is illiterate (Berger-González et al., 2016b).
Therefore, their healing practices are hardly influenced by formal education and biomedical public
institutions. Maya healers have reported that books were of minor importance in their training
(Berger-González et al.2016:356). Younger generations are now increasingly directed towards
biomedicine through their education and their treatment seeking trajectories. This can hinder the
transmission of traditional medical knowledge to younger generations (Cristancho & Vining, 2009). In
addition, generational differences in the transmission of Maya healing are unknown. Thus,
3
Curandero translates as healer
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intergenerational knowledge transmission of Maya healing practices is an important but also a
neglected topic. Adams & Hawkins (2007), for example, addressed the importance of
intergenerational studies on the interplay between globalization and traditional medicine. This study
aims to contribute to a more complete understanding of the intergenerational transmission of Maya
healing practices and the cosmovision in which these are embedded. Therefore, my second research
question:

2. In what ways are Maya elders and younger generations engaged in the process of
intergenerational knowledge transmission of Maya healing? How have the forms of
knowledge transmission changed? And if so, in what ways ?

Most recent ethnographic research on Maya traditions and spirituality has been done in the
Highlands of Guatemala. There is, however, a lack of research on intersections between western
worlds and traditional Maya lifestyles that are present around Lake Atitlán. The great influx of
tourists and expats makes Lake Atitlán an ideal research location for such an endeavour (Giralt,
2012). The articulation of the local and the global has been labelled as ‘glocalization’ by some.
Friedman (1999:236), for example, defines glocalization as “the ability of a culture, when it
encounters other cultures, to absorb influences that naturally fit into and can enrich the culture and
to resist those things that are truly alien”. Glocalization can be seen as the art of striking a fine
balance between local and foreign influences. In this study, I relate this to processes of knowledge
transmission.

Studies of native American cultures observed an increased openness in transferring their knowledge
to non-native American cultures (Gómez-Barris, 2012). For example, research on Western shamans
who have been initiated to perform native American rituals and healing practices. In this study, I
focus on whether such things are happening around Lake Atitlán and how this affects the
transmission of Maya healing. No research has been done on the role of cross-cultural transmission
of Maya healing practices and the initiation of Maya healers coming from abroad (‘cultural others’).
Therefore, the last research question is:

3. How are ‘cultural others’ engaged in the transmission of Maya healing? And how has
this altered the transmission of Maya healing?

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 II.3 Research location
Lake Atitlán is a volcanic crater-lake with forever-changing dark blue to turquoise-clear water. The
lake is surrounded by ten Maya villages with diversity in Maya lifestyle and expression of Maya
traditions. The area is known for the abundance of highly-skilled traditional healers (Giralt, 2012). I
settled myself in San Marcos for my fieldwork period at the shores of the lake. San Marcos lies in the
department of Sololá where 96.5 per cent of inhabitants are indigenous Maya (Giralt, 2012). Three
impressive volcanoes backdrop San Marcos’ view over the majestic lake, called Tolimán, Atitlán and
San Pedro. From time to time they shake the foundations of the surrounding village houses. More
distant volcanoes fill up the majestic view from the shore of San Marcos. On occasion, volcanic lava
eruptions reach up to the sky as reminders of nature’s power. In photo 1 below we see a painting of
Lake Atitlán on a wall in San Juan La Laguna. It depicts the surrounding villages and the three
volcanoes. San Marcos is located in the lower right corner of the painting.

Photo 1. Mural of Lake Atitlán, its surrounding villages and the three volcanoes. Found on a shop’s wall in
San Juan la Laguna. San Marcos is located at the right-bottom of the lake.

In Tz’utujil and Kaqchikel Maya, Lake Atitlán translates as the Lake of the Hummingbird and the Lake
of the Ancestors. Boats and Tuk-tuk’s are the main ways to move between one village and the other.
When you walk from the San Marcos dock to the centre of the village you pass local Maya who are
vending fruits, vegetables and hand-crafted Maya arts sitting near the mainly foreign-run restaurants
and shops. Throughout town, folders promote various workshops and events ranging from kundalini
yoga and reiki healing to workshops on astral travelling. The walls along the main roads are beautiful
reminders of the Maya origins of the village, as they are decorated with colourful visual
representations of the Maya cosmovision.

The centre of San Marcos and the lakeside of the town are mainly habited by international expats
and long-term tourist. Therefore, the town is open to global influences (Giralt, 2012).
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A few minutes’ walk uphill, you enter a different world. In Barrio uno it seems that local Maya life is
fully represented. Here, you will hear native Kaqchikel’ as the main language of local communication,
the barking of the dogs and the typical sound of the tortilla-making-process as you make your way
uphill. Local Maya wear the traditional woven colourful clothing which portray town-specific designs.
The embroidered symbols on the clothing tell stories about their cosmovision and identity. Molesky-
Poz (2006:48) cites a Maya woman saying: “We continue to wear our traditional clothing because it
gives witness to the world that we are still here.” In the centre of town local Maya visit the church for
its daily mass, a physical reminder of the historical stamp of the Spanish invaders who introduced the
Catholic religion to the villages around Lake Atitlán.

Apart from the daily tourists who visit San Marcos, this little town mainly attracts long-term tourists
who come to learn about different types of spiritual practices. Thirty years ago, the spiritual centre
“Las Pyramidas”4 was founded at San Marcos. This was the beginning of the touristic development of
the town.

II.4 Attending concepts

II.4.1 Maya ways of knowing and their transmission
“The native people show us other ways of educating us. Other ways of health, other ways
of living, other ways of feeling and thinking, other ways of looking at time”. (MChe)

Native knowledge, knowledge transmission and learning are central concepts in this research. As
MChe’s quote indicates, these concepts have different meanings for the Maya than what we know as
western ways of knowing and learning. In my research, I focus on emic understandings of these
concepts and want to provide insight in Maya perceptions of the transmission of Maya healing.
Therefore, Maya ways of knowing and learning should be clarified. The Maya distinguish between
“mind knowledge” and experience framed as “heart knowledge”. This knowledge perspective is
common among Native-American cultures such as the Quechua from Peru (Gómez-Barris 2012: 74).
Intellectual understanding is not enough. Maya, as well as other American Indians, value
understanding from the heart higher than the rational understanding of the mind. The former can
only be acquired through lived experience. Prechtel (2004: 27) wrote: “among Mayans, great things
had to be earned by ’going the route’. Hereby, personal experience is paramount for an embodied
way of learning. In this learning process, knowledge is gained from the interaction of body, mind and
soul (Hatcher, 2012: 348). This relates to the experiential learning theory defined by Kolb (1984: 41)
as “the process whereby knowledge is created through the transformation of experience”.

This way of knowing by heart is also reflected in some of the native Maya languages. The Yucatec
Maya for example distinguish between “knowing” and “recognizing and remembering through the
heart and the soul”. Recognizing and remembering is hereby related to “knowing from the heart and
the soul” (Zambrano & Greenfield, 2004). Another example comes from the Tzotzil Maya language.
In Tzotzil Maya, to “understand” is used as the equivalent of “knowing” (Zambrano & Greenfield,
2004). This word closely relates to practice and action emphasizing the Tzotzil Maya way of knowing:
knowing and understanding as a result of observing and learning through practice (see Goulet 1998
4
Las Pyramidas translates as “the pyramids” in English, which refers to visions of a pyramid-shaped
templeat the bottom of Lake Atitlán
9
on other native American populations). The educational strategy is learning by doing, complemented
by oral teachings where elders share their knowledge via personal stories with their apprentices
(Greenfield, 2004). This style of education is known as ‘apprenticeship’ because of the personal
relation between teacher and student (Gieser, 2008). Hereby, emotions are integral to the learning
process. Throughout the research, I took into account that in Maya culture, knowledge and learning
processes are closely related to personal relations, observed practices and knowing from “the heart”
and “the soul”, which Molesky-Poz (2006) relates to intuitive knowing.

Traditionally, Maya healers did not acquire knowledge of healing practices through texts. Most of the
healers above 50 years old did not follow formal school education and are illiterate (Berger-González
et al., 2016b). Due to globalization, it is likely that younger generations of Maya healers are now
more exposed to western school education (Adams & Hawkins, 2007). Therefore, in this study I will
look whether and how the traditional “Maya ways of knowing and learning” is influenced among
younger generations. Hereby, I use the notion “Maya ways of knowing” to refer to the ancient way
Maya know and learn as described here.

II.4.2 Cultural change & continuity

“Nothing good could ever survive unless it has tradition. No tradition could survive
unless it includes change as one of its traditions.”
(Martin Prechtel, 2004: 23, about Maya traditions)

The statement above indicates the valuing of change in Maya knowledge traditions. Since centuries
Maya culture has developed and outside forces have influenced native cultural systems (Astor-
Aguilera, 2010). Despite suppression of Maya traditions and the introduction of the Catholic religion
by the Spanish invaders, continuation of the Maya cosmovision and related healing traditions has
taken place (see for example Huber & Sandstrom, 2001). One of the ways to secretively continue
Maya traditions was by covering and blending (Molesky-Poz, 2006). Dolores informed me that the
incorporation of religious aspects within Maya traditions has contributed to its cultural continuation.
She explained:

“They [previous Maya generations] were very smart and were really good at covering
the Maya traditions within the Catholic package so that they could continue their
[spiritual] practices.”

In addition, Maya populations have been experiencing change due to notions of globalization and
westernization (Giralt, 2012). However, the adaptation of modern values is not total and certainly
not irreversible. Inglehart & Baker (2000:41) argue that modernization predicts the direction of
cultural change. It is unclear whether and how the traditional way of knowledge transmission is
influenced by globalization and modernization. Therefore, I use the concept of cultural change in
relation to the transmission of Maya healing practices in this study. I also underline the notion of
“native-resiliency in the day-to-day life of the people”. According to Astor-Aguilera (2010:5), core
elements of Maya healing can remain even when transformed by outside influences.

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 II.4.3 The modernity of Maya traditions
My study considers the Maya as having a dynamic contemporary culture. The Maya ways of
knowledge transmission as described in II.4.1 outline the traditional ways of knowledge transfer and
learning. However, as explained in II.4.2, these traditional ways of knowing are open to change. Due
to the dynamic nature of traditional knowledge, new ways of learning could be incorporated from
‘outside’ (Berkes, 2009). Posey (2002) states that the commodification of indigenous and local
knowledge is accelerated by globalization. Thus, the tradition of Maya knowledge transmission is
possibly shaped by influences of modernization and westernization around Lake Atitlán.

As a result, the articulation of tradition and modernity comes to expression in the contemporary
knowledge transmission of Maya healing. In this study, I compare Maya ways of knowledge transfer
(see II.4.1) with contemporary forms, to portray the possible differences. I hope that this will
contribute to a better understanding of modern influences and westernization on Maya healing
transmission. According to Spagni (2013: 23), tradition goes beyond timeframes as he states that
“tradition is rather a metaphysical concept from the native point of view: it is not from the future,
nor from the past, but in the ever-changing dimension of the present.” Therefore, I focus in this study
on the contemporary transmission of Maya healing, which I see as a contemporary tradition.

II.4.4 Cultural brokers and cultural appropriation

Intercultural communication is an important aspect in this study, as the role of ‘cultural others’ is
studied in the transmission of Maya healing. The encounter between foreigners around Lake Atitlán
as ‘cultural others’ and local Maya healers exemplifies an intercultural meeting of people with
different worldviews and distinct ways of knowing. Cultural brokers are individuals who can play
important roles in intercultural communication. As Jezewski & Sotnik (2001) state, cultural brokers
bridge, link or mediate between people from different cultures. Generally, cultural brokers are
knowledgeable about the cultural patterns and nuances of both native and foreign cultures as they
are known with both (Szasz, 2001:22). I will study whether cultural brokers take a role in the
transmission of Maya healing and how this influences the transmission of the knowledge. Hereby, I
will pay attention to their role in the cross-cultural as well as intergenerational knowledge
transmission.

I also study whether westerners are initiated as Maya healers around Lake Atitlán, as western
shamans have appropriated healing rituals in other native American cultures. 5 In addition, I aim to
discover how western Maya healers influence Maya healing transmission. Cultural appropriation has
to be taken into account when we study the transmission of native healing practices by cultural
others (Fong & Chuang, 2004: 60). Cultural appropriation is defined by Rogers (2006:474) as “the use
of a culture’s symbols, artefacts, genres, rituals, or technologies by members of another culture”.
Processes of appropriation play a part in the exploitation of colonized cultures. Given the colonial
background of the Maya, it is important to evaluate local Maya perspectives on appropriation of
Maya traditions by cultural others.

III Methods
III.1 Research informants
5
For example in the Sacred Valley of Peru among the Quechua, see Gómez-Barris (2012)
11
Maya healers are often perceived as ‘wise elders’ in their communities (Berger-González et al.,
2016b). Elders are sought for advice on traditional knowledge as they use and live by traditional
native knowledge. They are recognized in their ability to communicate native teachings in meaningful
ways to local communities (Stiegelbauer, 1996). Maya healers’ specialties depend on their “gifts by
birth” (Berger-González et al., 2016a). The research informants in this study include local Maya and
Western Ajq’ijab6 (spiritual guides or day keepers), comadronas (midwives), a huesero (bone healer),
young Maya ‘wisdom keepers’, and cultural brokers as displayed in table 1. The age of my research
informants varied from 13 years old to 75 years old. All local Maya in this study expressed
themselves in the Spanish language. Some elders (Tata Pedro, Doña Dominga and Luis Pablo) did not
attend any formal school education. Appendix 2 portrays a detailed description of the research
informants and how they informed this study.

Research informants 7
Ajq’ijab (local Maya) Tata Pedro, Nana Marina, Tata Mariano, Dolores and Nana Andrea
Ajq’ijab (Western) Mark and Outi (still in initiation process)
Young Maya ‘wisdom keepers’8 Antonio Cruz and Caty Cruz
Comadronas/midwifes Doña Dominga and Candida Lesbia
Huesero/bone healer Luis Pablo
Cultural brokers Mark and Outi, Mariu (massage therapist), Adriana (linguistic),
MChe (music)
Gatekeepers Adriana and Mark
Table 1. Short overview of research informants in this study

Ajq’ijab are Maya spiritual guides or day keepers 9 and are considered as the knowledge holders of
Maya tradition and culture (Molesky-Poz, 2006) They are specifically trained to connect with the
spiritual world and held ceremonial processes (as sacred fire ceremonies) to heal diseases of
supernatural origin (Berger-González et al., 2016b). In their work, they use the ritual Maya Tzolkin
calendar (see section IV.1) to align the energies of the day with the healing processes (Molesky-Poz,
2006). Ajq’ijab heal by reconnecting the spirit of an individual with its physical, emotional and
energetical body. Nana Marina stated:

“Every spiritual guide has his gift and specialty. Fortunately, there are many specialties and
curanderos, healers, day keepers. Persons who can reconnect your spirit with your body.
When someone is not connected with themselves, that’s when there are a lot of health
problems. There are abuelos who are specialized in this reconnection.”

Bone healer Luis reconnects in his work on the physical and energetical level. He started his work

6
Ajq’ijab is the plural form of Ajq’ij
7
Research informants are named according their personal preference via the rules of informed consent
8
I use the term young Maya ‘wisdom keepers’ for Antonio and Caty, because they are both 13 years old and
keep a lot of knowledge about the Maya cosmovision and Maya traditions (see section V.3.1). Another
applicable term would be young Maya ‘knowledge holders’.
9
Ajq’ijab are perceived as “keepers of the days” of the Maya Tzolkin calendar (therefore they are also called
day keepers). Molesky-Poz (2006:133) writes: “They assist other persons and their communities to arrange the
days as threads, to manage an individual’s life from birth until death, in accord with the day and sign which
corresponds to his/her moment of birth.” A more extensive description of Ajq’ijab goes beyond the scope of
this thesis. Therefore, see Molesky-Poz (2006): ‘Contemporary Maya Spirituality; the ancient ways are
not lost’.
12
when he was 8 years old and healed the broken elbow of his grandmother. Hereby, he emphasized
the importance of connecting energetically with his patients:

"I don't know how I connected, but the energy is incredible. The energy does it all. I
only use myself as an instrument of energy. I am an instrument of energy. I cannot
make miracles. I cannot change a lot of things. But my energy does everything.
(...)Therefore, when I need to connect and feel into the energies of someone who
wants to be healed, I have to connect myself with that person. If I cannot connect
well with that person, I don't work with them. If the energy of the person does not
allow me, my work does not work. I am bonehealer and I am connected with the
energies and that is all.”

Luis explained that this energetical connection guide his hands to reposition bones and heal
fractures. Hereby, he massages and moves the affected body parts to direct the energies and
stimulate healing. When he was 10 years old, he initiated his path as a bone healer with a Maya
ceremony and a public mass:

“After this Maya ceremony and the mass with my people I started to work. People
started to arrive from different municipalities, villages and departments. I don't know
how they got here or how they heard from it, because I did not make publicities. I did
not have a sign, nothing. Still, I do not make publicities. I started to work with many,
many people. People from the coast, Antigua, Xela, from many places. Then,
foreigners started to arrive as well. I don't know how. Bone doctor specialists and
surgeons. They were greatly surprised by my work. I worked very strongly with
them.”

The comadronas in this study perform Maya abdominal massages and provide maternal health care.
Comadronas hold an important role in Maya communities as they provide maternal care to
approximately 85% of pregnant mothers in Maya communities (Mignone et al., 2007:4). They are
guided in their work by spiritual connections, which I will explain more extensive in section V.1.

III.2 Access to the field: the role of gatekeepers

13
My access to the field was facilitated by important gatekeepers. One of them was Adriana from
Guatemala who I met in Latin-America in 2015. This stimulated the research progress and enhanced
a trustful relationship with research informants. She introduced me to Tata Pedro, a local Maya Ajq’ij
and member of the High Council of Mayan Elders of Lake Atitlán. Members of this council are

perceived as important knowledge holders of Maya culture. Tata Pedro travels worldwide to share
teachings about the Maya cosmovision and spirituality. As a local bilingual speaker, Adriana often
translates his ceremonies to foreigners. Tata Pedro invited me to the Wayeb, a 5-day celebration and
preparation for the Maya New Year in the second week of February (see section IV.3). During the
Wayeb, I got introduced to various Maya elders and Ajq’ijab from local Maya communities,
including Nana Marina (Tata Pedro’s daughter) and Tata Mariano. I also got in contact with cultural
brokers who served as translators or musicians during ceremonies, for example MChe: a member of
the Maya HipHop band Balam Ajpu. Photo 2 pictures Balam Ajpu performing in the sacred fire
ceremony to celebrate the first day of the Maya new year.

Photo 2. Balam Ajpu performs in the sacred fire ceremony on the first day of the Maya new year
(Picture by Julie Sarah ©)

As a key gatekeeper, Adriana informed me which important Maya ceremonies I could attend. On
international women day or 9 Kawok10, she advised me to go to a fire ceremony specifically held for
women. This appeared to be an important ceremony for participant observation on intergenerational
knowledge transmission. On that occasion, Nana Andrea as ceremonial leader and local Ajq’ij taught
school girls about the Maya cosmovision and sacred fire ceremonies (see section IV.2 and V.3).
Adriana also introduced me to her sister Mariu. Since five years, Mariu is the apprentice of local
comadrona Doña Dominga who teaches her the Maya abdominal massage. Mariu and Adriana
advised me to talk with Tata Pedro and Doña Dominga for my study. Mariu said:

10
9 Kawok in the Mayan calendar is a day for woman. Number 9 represents the feminine energies,
and Kawok is the Nahual of the female healers
14
 “They are the best ones to talk to. They are the ones most open about sharing their
knowledge outwards, as they realize that it is important to preserve their knowledge
and share it, also with people who are not Mayan”.

Figure 1 below sketches an overview of how gatekeepers connected me to research informants. One
pathway was facilitated by Adriana and the other by Mark. Mark is born in England and was initiated
as Ajq’ij in 2012. After his initiation, he started to write daily posts about the Maya Tzolkin calendar
and Maya astrology on his website.

I discovered the website when I was preparing this study in Amsterdam and found out that the
owner, Mark, lives at Lake Atitlán just outside of San Marcos. I contacted him when I was in San
Marcos. Until then, I read the daily posts on his website to gain an understanding of the Maya Tzolkin
calendar. On the 7th of March, I emailed Mark and proposed an interview related to his initiation as
Maya Ajq’ij. He invited me for a ceremony on the next morning at his house. After the ceremony, I
took an oral life history interview with him. Mark recommended me to get in contact with Dolores
and bone healer Luis. Luis lives in San Pablo and is also a Tuk-tuk driver. For weeks, I did not
encounter him and was not able to arrange a meeting with him. Dolores is a spiritual guide and does
tours around Santiago Atitlán. She is also known as the cultural keeper of Santiago Atitlán. When I
called her to arrange a tour around Santiago Atitlán, the phone number was not working. I emailed
Mark and he advised me to contact Outi, a woman from Finland who just went through her first part
of her initiation as a Maya Ajq’ij.

I planned a trip with Outi to Santiago Atitlán on the 30 th of April for a tour through Santiago Atitlán
with Dolores. As we were organizing the meeting, Outi suggested to take a Tuk-tuk from San Marcos
to San Pedro from where we would take a boat to Santiago Atitlán. There, we would have breakfast
and meet Dolores. I suggested to go by boat instead of a Tuk-tuk, as that would be faster. However,
Outi explained that she arranged a Tuk-tuk with bone healer Luis as he was going to come with us
that day. That day, I took an oral life history with Luis and Dolores, and Outi informed me on her path
as a Western Ajq’ij via informal conversations. These connections were established via Mark who
became an important gatekeeper (see figure 1 below).

15
Figure 1. Access to the field and connections with research informants via gatekeepers Adriana & Mark

16
 III.3 Research methodology and data collection
Various research methods were applied in this study such as ethnographic participant observation,
semi-structured oral life history interviews with Maya healers and an embodied participatory
research experience of (cross-cultural) knowledge transmission. In oral life history interviews, the
past experiences and the importance of time and memory of the informants are emphasized (Bornat,
2008). This helped to raise insight in the tradition of knowledge transmission of Maya healing. As the
informants varied in age, they referred to varying moments in time which uncovered differences in
knowledge transmission among generations. Semi-structured interviews allow to combine structure
with flexibility (Ritchi & Lewis, 2003). To guide the interviews in the direction of the research topic
when necessary, I developed a list of oral life history questions (see Appendix 5). The list of
observation categories is found in Appendix 6. I took field notes after informal conversations with
research informants. My personal diary helped me to reflect upon my position as a researcher and
the embodied learning experiences throughout the fieldwork (see section V.2.1). Following the
advice of cultural brokers, I brought ceremonial candles 11 to the sacred fire ceremonies and
interviews to offer these as gifts to my research informants.

I started my study with an informative event in San Marcos on the 12 th of February. This event served
as a preparation for the Wayeb with lectures and workshops on the Maya cosmovision and the Maya
calendars12. This day was a collaboration between MChe 13, Adriana and Ajq’ij Nana Marina, who held
a Maya ceremony. The five-day Wayeb started on the 15 th of February (see Appendix 3 for the
programme of the Wayeb). These five days, I did ethnographic participant observation during sacred
fire ceremonies. I was present at cross-cultural knowledge transmission, observed the engagement
of younger Maya during ceremonies and became aware of the different roles of cultural brokers. A
complete list of observation categories is found in Appendix 6. During the Wayeb, the Maya elders
shared much information about the Maya cosmovision and healing traditions which helped to
develop a better understanding of these subjects. After the Wayeb, I continued to participate in
sacred fire ceremonies with the Maya elders around Lake Atitlán approximately once or twice a
month.

Next came the three-day Maya abdominal massage course organized by massage therapist Mariu
and local comadrona Doña Dominga (see Appendix 4 for the flyer). Mariu is in apprentice with Doña
Dominga, who is a local midwife with more than 30 years of experience. Together, they organized
the course to transfer the ancient tradition of the Maya abdominal massage. This course gave me an
embodied participatory research experience of cross-cultural knowledge transmission of Maya
healing. I observed the collaboration between Doña Dominga and her apprentice Mariu whom I
considered to be a cultural broker. This gave me insight in her contribution as a cultural broker to the
cross-cultural transmission of Maya healing. In addition, during this course Doña Dominga shared her
oral life history with the participants. Due to the three-day time-frame of the course, I could come
back to Mariu and Doña Dominga for follow-up contact and clarifying questions (see Appendix 5 for
11
Among the Maya, it is perceived as a norm to bring candles if you are going to a sacred fire ceremony. As all
research informants regularly attend sacred fire ceremonies, this was very much appreciated.
12
The Maya developed three ways to count time, which gave form to three calendars: the Long Count, the
Haab, and the Maya Tzolkin calendar. In study, I mainly refer to the Tzolkin calendar, as this is the calendar as
used by the Ajq’ijab in their counting of the days and their spiritual practices. (see Molesky-Poz (2006:129-130)
for a more distinctive explanation of the calendar systems.
13
MChe is born in Guatemala and has been studying the Maya Tzolkin calendar since 1999 with various
Maya elders, among whom Tata Pedro.
17
the list of interview questions). According to Green & Thorogood (2009), follow-up contact with
research informants can contribute to the depth of the conversations. During the course, I took field
notes and videorecorded (with permission) the abdominal massage as explained in practice by Doña
Dominga.

All recorded materials were transcribed and if necessary translated from Spanish to English 14, and
subsequently analysed with great care for linguistic and cultural specificity. It is important to ensure
that cultural and conceptual values are not lost in translation from Spanish to English (Briggs, 1986).
Therefore, I asked assistance of bilingual native speakers and cultural brokers. The transcripts include
descriptions of settings as well as behaviour patterns and observed emotions of my informants (see
Appendix 6 for observation categories). According to Claxton (2000), emotions cannot be separated
from the rational mind in relation to knowledge generation and discovery. Therefore, expressed
emotions of others and my own personal sensations and emotions are part of the transcripts, as
these are integral aspects of the natural conversational settings.

III.4 Research positionality

The positioning of a researcher in ethnographic fieldwork influences the data of the study. Also, the
way the researcher is perceived by research informants influences what is being shared (Greenfield &
Thorogood, 2009). Therefore, it is important to clarify my position in the field. I write from the
position of the revalorization of indigenous knowledge and cultural continuity. Hereby, I respect and
value the contributions of Maya healing to the overall health and wellbeing of Guatemalan
inhabitants (as indicated by Mignone 2007, Adams & Hawkins 2007).

Throughout the fieldwork, I remained aware of my position as a Dutch student and researcher with a
different cultural background than the local Maya healers in this study. Due to my different cultural
background, I realize that informants might not have shared aspects which require a full
understanding of the Maya culture and cosmovision. However, I openly expressed my interest for the
Maya cosmovision and incorporated aspects from the Maya calendar in my questions 15. By the
responses of the informants, I noticed that the Maya healers started to share more openly, as Tata
Pedro said for example: “Ah, you know about it”.

The Maya healers often responded enthusiastic when I told them about the objectives of my study.
They were surprised that a Dutch student showed her interest in Maya healing and did a study on the
transmission of the healing traditions. I noticed that they therefore held an open attitude during the
interviews and accepted participant observations during ceremonies. For example, bone healer Luis
stated: “That is an important subject. Therefore, I am happy to share a bit of my story with you”.

The experiences in this study could not be limited to merely observation, as the Maya elders
repeatedly said during the ceremonies: “This is not a show, this is not merely to observe.” A certain
participation during the ceremonies was therefore not only respectful towards the Maya elders, but
also inevitable for the research approach 16. In this study, I therefore balanced between participation
and observation of Maya healing transmission. Especially during the Maya abdominal massage
14
During the Wayeb, bilingual cultural brokers (who are known with the Maya cosmovision) translated the
sacred fire ceremonies from Spanish to English.
15
For example, I asked the Maya healers about their Nahual (which can be perceived as someone’s
Maya astrological sign, see section IV.2).
18
course, I took an active participatory role in the observation of (cross-cultural) knowledge
transmission of Maya healing. This resulted in an embodied research experience of knowledge
transmission, with senses and emotions as integral aspects of the knowledge transmission (see
section V.2.1), which allowed me to reflect upon my position as a researcher.

III.5 Dialogical anthropology

My goal in this study was to balance between participation and observation of Maya healing
transmission. Anthropologist Barbara Tedlock refers to this as observation of participation (Tedlock,
1991). In the observation of participation, researchers both experience and observe their own and
others’ co-participation in the research process. Hereby, the researcher and informant are jointly
presented in the ethnography, with focus on the character and process of the dialogue. In this thesis,
I aim to illustrate how the dialogues were shaped by including descriptions of the research
circumstances. In addition, the described senses and emotions are portrayed to give insight into the
character of the dialogue.

This approach can be referred to as dialogical anthropology, which has the objective to balance
distance and nearness with the research informants (see Tedlock, 1979:388; see also Pool 2003 17). As
Barth (1992:65) stated: “the interaction through participation produces not only ‘observations’ but
also conceptualizations and insights that are a joint creation of the anthropologist and her local
partners in interaction” (as cited in Goulet & Miller 2007:223). This is the case in my study, as the
insights are shaped through interaction with the research informants. For example, during the tour
around Santiago Atitlán, the conversations between Outi, Dolores, Luis and me were formed by
interactive communication throughout the day. In this thesis, I aimed to balance the represented
voices of all participants of the dialogue, including my own voice. Observations of for example
knowledge transmission during Maya ceremonies were followed by dialogue with the research
informants. As soon as the dialogue comes in, the objectivity of the observed phenomenon is formed
by the subjectivity of the dialogue between the anthropologist and the research informant.
Therefore, I am aware that the results of this study are an example of “human intersubjectivity”, as
defined by Schutz (1967).

16
Participation during sacred fire ceremonies means active counting of the 20 Nahuales and 13 energetic tones
(see section IV.1 or Appendix 1) and offering ceremonial materials to the fire as copal, seeds and candles (see
section IV.2) on specific moments, as indicated by the Ajq’ijab or as personally desired.
17
In the 1970s, there has been a shift in anthropological methodology from participant observation toward the
observation of participation (Tedlock, 1991). This method does value to the ‘local point of view’ as a response
to critique on Western interpretations of non-Western worldviews by anthropologists. Anthropologists as
Barbara and Dennis Tedlock and Robert Pool hereby proved alternatives in their ethnographic studies
among non-Western cultures (Pool, 2003; Tedlock, 1979).
19
 III.6 Ethical considerations
In qualitative research, adherence and attention to ethical principles is of critical importance (Green
& Thorogood, 2009). Of central importance in this study was the protection of my informants and the
information they shared with me. Before data collection, I informed the research informants about
the objectives of my study. In addition, I asked for oral permission to do participant observation and
interview them and process the information in my research (informed consent). Recorder and
camera were used after permission. As I had follow-up contact with various informants, I repeatedly
verified whether they still permitted me to process the newly shared information in this study. The
follow-up contact with the research informants also allowed me to verify research findings, a process
called respondent validation (Barbour, 2001:1117). For example, when it was unclear to me why
Doña Dominga’s daughter was not interested in Maya medicine, I asked her the question again on
the second day of the abdominal massage course. In addition, during the Wayeb I could come back to
Nana Marina and Tata Pedro with clarifying questions related to the Maya cosmovision. I proposed
the research informants to apply pseudonyms according their preference to assure anonymity.
However, none of the informants chose to do so as they preferred to be called by their real names.
Still, I only mention the first names of the research informants in this study. All Maya elders stated
that they were happy to share their personal stories for the study. For example, Doña Dominga
expressed: “Thank God that we are sharing knowledge. I am very grateful to share my knowledge.”
This emphasizes the beneficence of this study, which is an important principle in research according
to Carter (2002).

20
 IV Maya healing traditions and cosmovision
“Everything has a spirit and spirit is in everything”. (Tata Pedro)

The Maya cosmovision, Maya spirituality and the use of the Maya Tzolkin calendar are integral parts
of Maya healing practices. Unfortunately, this thesis does not allow space for a full description of the
complex Maya cosmovision. The Maya cosmovision is said to be written in the infinity of the cosmos,
according Nana Marina. In addition, it is carried by the stars, the natural elements, the cosmic
energies and is diffused among the Mayan ancestors who continued to live in the spiritual world.
Comadrona Candida looks upon the Maya cosmovision as a way of life: “if you get to know it and find
peace with it, you will start to understand that the Maya cosmovision is alive. It is a living reality. Just
as we all are.” Antonio, Tata Pedro’s 13-year old grandson described the Maya cosmovision and
spirituality as a unification with God:

“The cosmovision are things that our grandparents created, our ancestors, before the
Spanish arrived here and changed everything. What I believe is that the spirituality
creates a unification with Ajaw 18, with God. That is a cosmovision. Cosmo is the vision
which goes in the outer space, in the exterior.“

As Tata Pedro said, the Maya believe that everything has a spirit and spirit is in everything. The Maya
worldview envisions all human beings and (non-)material objects in nature as expressions of the
divine cosmos and an integral part of the universe (Molesky-Poz, 2006). In Maya spirituality, it is
important to live in harmony with nature, the ancestral spirits and the creator and former of life:
Ajaw (Calendarío Guatemala Maya, 2017:4). Nana Marina emphasized that Maya spirituality is not a
religious practice:

“We are not religious, we are spiritual. We do not preach religion. We respect the
religions and different beliefs. But yet we only have ONE creator and former, who is
called Ajaw in our Maya languages. And Ajaw means owner and lord of the
universe.”

In the stories of the Maya, Ajaw spread his heart in two parts - the Heart of the Sky and the Heart of
the Earth - to create a direct connection with human beings (Molesky-Poz, 2006: 46). The Popol Vuh19
looks upon the centre of Lake Atitlán as the umbilical cord of the earth, that connects the Heart of
the Earth with the Heart of the Sky.

IV.1 The Maya Tzolkin calendar

“Whoever controls your time, controls your mind. If you know your own mind, you know your
own time.” (Maya knowing as quoted by MChe)

The Maya have a cyclical understanding of time, which comes from a long history of observing the
cycles of nature. Based on the natural cycles, the Maya developed the Tzolkin calendar which serves
to live in harmony with the natural cycles of life and forms the basis of Maya spirituality (Molesky-
Poz, 2006:127). The Tzolkin is said to be “the heart of the wisdom of the Maya people” (León Chic,
18
Ajaw is perceived as the Creator of life and the God of the Maya
19
The Popol Vuh is the book of the Maya about the creation of life, as explained by Tata Mariano in my
study: “it is the Bible of the Maya”
21
1996). According to the Maya elders in this study, the calendar is embedded in the ‘math’ of the
human body. With a cyclical period of 260 days, the Tzolkin calendar coincides with the period of
human gestation. The 260-day cycle is composed of two rotating sub cycles of 20 day signs or
Nahuales, and 13 numbers or energetic tones (see Appendix 1 for a description of the 20 Nahuales
and 13 energetic tones). Photo 3 illustrates the two sub cycles of the Tzolkin calendar in relation to
the human gestation period. The inner cycle with the 13 energetic tones rotates within the outer
cycle with the 20 Nahuales. The 20 Nahuales parallel the human’s 20 fingers and toes, and the 13
energies parallel the 13 major joints of the human body. This is illustrated on a mural in San Juan la
Laguna in photo 4.20

Photo 3. Painted representation of the Maya cosmovision, with the 20 Nahuales and 13 energies in parallel
with the period of human gestation. Mural in San Juan la Laguna.

20
For a more extensive description on the Mayan calendar I refer to Molesky-Poz (2006:127-153).
22
Photo 4. Mural in San Juan la Laguna of a Maya God holding a chain with the 20 Nahuales. The 13 numbers
parallel the 13 cardinal points in the body.

The Ajq’ijab, also called day keepers, use this calendar to keep count of the sacred days of the Maya
calendar (Molesky-Poz 2006:62). As Molesky-Poz (2006) writes: “They guard the values and
knowledge of this calendar and transmit them in counsel and ceremonies.” According to Ajq’ij Nana
Andrea, someone’s Nahual can determine their personality and can give direction to one’s life. She
explained this to school girls during a Maya ceremony at 9 Kawok 21:

“Who of you here know your Nahual? Our work and our next own personal spiritual
research is to look for your Nahual. From your Nahual comes your true being. We all
have different ideas and characteristics, positive and negative. All the Nahuales have
positive and negative characteristics. Thus, we are different. Here at the sacred fire
are the 20 days and energies of the Maya calendar. From Batz’ until Ajpu’. What does
that mean? That we are all complementary complements to our creator. And
although I am Batz’ and she is Batz’, we are still different because we are born on
different moments. We are all positioned differently, just as the stars. Therefore, we
all have a star. And we have a Nahual. And this Nahual is the one who walks with me
in a forward direction, from behind and from both sides next to me. This Nahual takes
me everywhere. Depending on whether I ask my Nahual to be with me, I will be more
satisfied”.

21
9 Kawok in the Mayan calendar is a day for woman. Number 9 represents the feminine energies,
and Kawok is the Nahual of the female healers
23
 IV.2 Sacred fire ceremonies
“In our sacred fire ceremonies we talk with God, which is totally different to talking ABOUT
God.” (Nana Marina)

Nana Marina’s quote indicates that during sacred fire ceremonies the Ajq’ijab facilitate
communication with Ajaw when connecting with the fire. Hereby, they transfer the messages as
received from the spirits of the Mayan ancestors during the ceremony. During the Maya ceremony
at San Kujil, Nana Andrea explained schoolgirls the role of sacred fire ceremonies:

“With this, we can refer to the creator and the formator of life, our abuelos 22, our 20
Nahuales in the Mayan calendar. So how are we going to connect with our
ancestors? This celebration is not merely to observe: “What does this mean? What is
that? There are candles. I don’t know what that is.” This ritual celebration is a
communication with our ancestors who are not alive anymore as we are. So, this is a
spiritual connection through the fire. We are going to communicate with the being,
with the creator called Ajaw. The people who come from the heart, who want to
communicate with the sacred fire with all of their heart, these people are going to
experience an immense happiness which does not have explanations.”

Below, photo 5 shows Nana Andrea informing schoolgirls about the Maya cosmovision.

Photo 5. Nana Andrea informs schoolgirls on the Maya cosmovision and sacred fire ceremonies at the
ceremonial site at San Kujil in San Marcos.

“Now we are going to call the 20 Nahuales. We are going to ask for good connections

with our grandparents”.

22
Abuelos translates as grandparents
24
Nana Andrea started to count the 20 Nahuales and the 13 energies to invoke the spirits of the
Nahuales. With a long stick, she circled through the ashes of the fire, drawing a cross in the four
directions. Ceremonial materials as copal, tobacco, honey and seeds are offered to the fire, as photo
6 pictures.

Photo 6. Nana Andrea with the stick on the left looks how local Maya do their offerings to the sacred fire
during the ceremony on 9 Kawok.

25
 IV.3 The Wayeb
The 15th of February was the start of the Wayeb. MChe explained the Wayeb as a five-day period in
the Mayan solar calendar and is also called “five days of time out of time”. It is a period of
ceremonies, analysis, reflection, cleansing and meditation to prepare for the next cycle of 365 days
(following the Maya Haab calendar) which starts after this period. During these five days, energies
are accumulated for the first day of the new cycle, the new Maya year. During the first ceremony,
eighteen people from different nationalities such as Guatemala, the Czech Republic, France, Italy,
Spain and the Netherlands (me), participated. For five days in a row, sacred fire ceremonies were
held at different ceremonial sites23 around Lake Atitlán. These included the mountains of San Kujil,
the cave 8 Kan’ or lake sites. At the 19th of February or 4 Imox24 a group of around thirty people
gathered at the lake’s beach Las Crystallinas for the Maya ceremony. Six Maya elders from around
the region gathered for today’s ceremony. Tata Pedro spoke:

“We are going to continue with the purification. We are purifying the water.
Everyone who is here, are the last authorities from the Mayan society. Many of the
elders are not here with us, because this tradition is being lost. These elders who are
here with us today are maximum authority of Maya tradition of this area. To finish
our cycle, this is the last ceremony of the five days of the Wayeb. We are going to
continue tonight at my house where the fire has been kept alive for five days. Today
is a very strong day and it is energetically very charged. It is kind of the closing time
when we say: okay, this is what we invite for the next year. Tomorrow, we will be
celebrating the new carrier of the year, which is the ruling energy for the next 260
days.”

Everyone was carefully listening to the elders’ words. The counting of the Nahuales was done in the
languages of all represented nationalities, including the three Maya languages Kaqchikel, Kiche’ and
Tz’utujil. Photo 7 portrays how Tata Pedro communicates with the sacred fire.

23
Ceremonial sites are geological places with high, strong energies which facilitates a powerful connection with
the spirit world and enhances communication with the Mayan ancestors. These are often on mountain peaks,
near waters or entrances of caves, as Tata Pedro informed.
24
4 Imox in the Mayan calendar combines the number of stability and the four cardinal points with the
Nahual representing the water element and the collective consciousness
26
Photo 7. Tata Pedro communicates with the fire during the water ceremony at the beach Las Crystallinas
at 4 Imox. Participants and Maya elders surround the fire on the background in their traditional clothing
(left-right). Photo by Julie Sarah © (used with permission)

After the counting of the Nahuales, we went over to the next part of the ceremony. Nana Marina
spoke:

“We all bring much happiness and much pain. Physical pain, internal pain, spiritual
pain, emotional pain. We are in the moment to be able to connect profoundly. Each
one of you can ask for healing to the sacred fire. We can connect us with the fire and
the water. The fire is a healer. Us, Tata’s and Nana’s are here, we have our sacred
plants. We are here for you at the fire to support those who need more help. With a
lot of faith and a lot of love. The majority of us who are close to the fire bring some
sort of pain.”

That evening, many familiar faces from the previous five days gathered around the fireplace in Tata
Pedro’s garden, as photo 8 shows. Tata Pedro started talking in front of the fire:

“It is hard to count with how many we are, maybe we are now with 40 persons.
Thankyou. I don’t know from how many countries you are. We are maybe unified
with the five continents. Today we are closing the five days of the Wayeb. We are
ready to receive the energies of the new year here at the fire.”

27
Photo 8. Gathering around the sacred fire in Tata Pedro's garden (who is wearing the hat) on
the last night of the Wayeb. Photo by Julie Sarah © (used with permission)

Many people brought their instruments to celebrate the last night of the Wayeb. Singing and talking,
we spent the night surrounding the sacred fire with the group. I was intrigued by the amount of
puros25 the fire keepers smoked during the night. They were poking in the ashes of the fire, stirring
the copal ashes in the four directions. The last candles were used to keep the fire awake. At a certain
moment, dawn broke through and shed light onto the darkness of the night. With this light, we
entered the Maya New Year. Tata Pedro spoke: “We are welcoming the energies of the new day and
year barrier.” We all made our way to the initiation ceremony to celebrate the New Year. The final
celebration took place on a sunny mountain top with a group of vultures circling above the sacred
fire in the sky. Tata Pedro closed the Wayeb with the following words:

“The grandparents say thank you. They are happily dancing. This is the initiation of
the New Year and the end of the old cycle. Thanks to Ajaw who allows us to be here
in this sacred place. This morning we received the energies of the Father sun. After
this sacred fire ceremony, we always give one another a hug. Every single one. We
give the greeting, because we are one. Now he [Ajaw] has received our offering. And
thanks to our musician brothers to help us vibrate our hearts.”

25
Ajq’ijab smoke (pure) tobacco or puros “to speak to the body, to speak to the spirit”, as Tata Mariano
explained. The energy of the tobacco serves as a spiritual purifier to release negativity, according to him.
Ajq’ijab receive messages in the smoke of the tobacco and can read and interpret these messages. Tata
Mariano refers to this as “reading the energies”. For the Maya, smoking pure tobacco has a significant spiritual
meaning, as among other native American tribes. (See Godlaski, 2013 on the use of tobacco among native
American tribes and its sacred significance)
28
 V Results & Discussion
V.1 Knowledge transmission through divine connection
“I never had a teacher. But my teacher was the legacy. The teacher is God. I received
all the messages and teachings from my ancestors.” (Tata Pedro)

Spiritual connection is an important source of knowledge transmission for Maya healers, as Tata
Pedro’s quote above indicates. Also Dolores stated that “the gift of the knowledge comes from God”.
Spiritual connection is not merely important in the work of spiritual guides, but also provides
knowledge transmission for bone healer Luis and the comadronas in this study. Messages from God
and the Mayan ancestors come through via dreams, visions, images or intuition as indicated by all
informants. In Mayan dream theory, the soul travels during the night and communicates its
encounters with the spirit world to the sleeping body (Tedlock, 1987). This way, ancestral knowledge
of Maya healing is transmitted. Tata Pedro’s saying “everything has a spirit and spirit is in everything”
implies that nature transfers teachings as well. Mark’s quote exemplifies knowledge transmission via
connection with the sacred fire, as it was part of his Ajq’ij training:

“It is a lot of standing around the fire and listening to what is being said, to
understand the energies in that way. This is the way the people would have been
trained in the past. So you are getting to know the energies of all the days. You are
getting to know the feeling of each of the Nahuales. You are getting to know the
feeling of the fire as it responds to you.”

In addition, this indicates that the training of Western Ajq’ijab is in accordance with the traditional
Maya way of learning through the embodied experience (Gómez-Barris, 2012: 74). Ajq’ijab teachers
train their apprentices to establish a personal connection with Ajaw to receive information. Adriana
informed me:

“I feel like what they [Ajq’ijab] teach the most is how to receive the knowledge
directly from Ajaw, from God. So, it is like tap into the energies and learn to read
nature around you and learn to read your body. That is kind of what he [Tata Pedro]
was saying. You become your own teacher in the sense that the most important
knowledge to transmit to somebody new is that they find a way of receiving the
messages.”

Furthermore, Adriana explained that an active engagement and intentional connection with the
spiritual world is required to receive knowledge:

“You have to engage with “the source”, with nature to receive the messages and the
learnings and work with it. You have to make a connection with the spirits and ask for
it to receive the information to teach you. Then, it will come to you in some way or
another. In this way, the spirits which are connected to nature and the metaphysical
world pass through the knowledge to the one who is ready to receive the knowledge.”

In addition, Nana Marina stated that the Nahuales can be called upon to transcend messages: “We
can ask the Nahual Tijax26 to receive messages in our dreams.” As she said that, three loud explosions

26
The Nahual Tijax represents the energy of the healer. As explained during sacred fire ceremonies: Tijax
represents the knife and can cut off what no longer serves you. It has the power to release negative energy,
29
came from the fire. Nana Marina laughed and said: “The fire is talking to us.” She continued: “If I
need to heal myself, I call upon the energy of Tijax or Keme 27”. Hereby, Nana Marina verified the
importance of an active engagement with the spiritual world, as was mentioned by Adriana.

All Maya healers stated to receive teachings on Maya healing through dreams or visions 28. Among
the local Maya healers, this started around the age of seven. Candida shared the first visions she had
when she was eight years old:

“The visions came to me during the day, in real life. I remember them very well. I liked
to go into Temazcales29 when I was very young. I saw how a baby left the body, a very
tall baby with long hair and I received this baby. It was a vision I had. I was holding
the baby in my arms. When I reacted, there was no baby. So my visions started to
show me how babies come to life. I was grabbing cheats and I wrapped them around
the baby and then I cleaned them and was feeding them drinks. That is how it
started, that is how my visions started! Sometimes I encountered very beautiful little
kids in my dreams. I asked my mother why, and she told me: “it is just that you were
born with it. The comadrona told me that you have a gift, you have a gift to do it.””

Candida further explained how comadronas can determine if a baby is born with the gift of a
midwife. She informed:

“When a baby is born in the amniotic sac, the doctors say that these are placental
rests on the baby, but according the Maya cosmovision we celebrate when we
encounter this. When you investigate the birth date of this baby and look for their
Nahual, it is Kawok, which is the Nahual of a midwife. It is a gift and the baby is born
with a mission.”

When I asked Candida and Doña Dominga their Nahual, they both said to have Kawok as their
Nahual. According all informants, an individual receives knowledge of Maya healing practices
depending on one’s gift by birth.

and carries a masculine energy.

27
The Nahual Keme represents the energy of death and transformation, as explained during sacred fire
ceremonies.
28
This thesis does not allow space to go into details of the dreams shared by Maya healers.
29
The Temazcal is a traditional Maya sauna. Comadronas work in Temazcales where they give women after-
pregnancy massages. For the Maya, the temazcal is a symbolic representation of the womb (explained by Mariu
during the Maya abdominal massage course).
30
 V.1.2 Maya knowledge system construction
“What they observed and what they looked at is much more than just a belief system.
It was so much more than that. It was based on observation, like many of the
indigenous understandings. So it was also studying, it was also accumulating
knowledge over many many generations. But it was based on observation of
energies.” (Outi)

In the quote above, Outi stated that the Maya knowledge system is constructed by observation of
energies. This knowledge system as applied by Maya healers is different than the construction of
dominant western science. According to Outi, the Maya knowledge system is based on observation
of the metaphysical world that merges with the physical and emotional domain. Hereby, the
information as received by Maya healers via the metaphysical world often requires interpretation.
According to Mark, intuition plays an important role in the interpretation of messages as received via
the fire or dreams. The Maya healers indicated that the practice of intuitive interpretation of
received information comes with experience and develops over years. Although intuition is hard to
measure, Claxton (2000) argues that intuition is a way of knowing which is part of most knowledge
generation. Thus, this would indicate that intuition is integral to most generative processes of
knowledge constructions and is integral to all sciences. Following this perspective, one could state
that the construction of Maya knowledge, which includes interpretation of dreams, signs from nature
and intuitive knowledge can be labelled as a science. However, there is often an implicit assumption
that non-Western cultures are by definition ‘non-scientific’ in their explanatory models (Patel,
2001:34). Therefore, a broadened perspective is required on the view of knowledge construction in
science.

Although there are Maya Ajq’ijab specialized and recognized as dream interpreters 30, hardly anything
of this is locally documented due to the oral tradition of knowledge transmission. Anthropologist
Barbara Tedlock is amongst the few who documented the Maya system of dream interpretation. 31
Most documented Maya knowledge describes the Maya calendar and cosmovision. However, as
Nana Marina said, hardly any of these documents are written by the Maya themselves:

“There are many written interpretations of the Maya calendar and cosmovision,
which are not original. Our abuelos 32 don’t write or read, but they tell the stories of
the Popol Vuh33, they tell how everything emerged. Our abuelos have the Popol Vuh
in their memory. That is the oral tradition from our ancestors which we still have until
now. There are many written books by investigators, by anthropologists. It is
valuable, because everything that is written is the memory of our abuelos, but these
documents remain invisible. So, our intention at the moment, we have started to
work already, is the compilation of the embodied ancestral memory.”

30
Outi mentioned an Ajq’ij in Momostenango as a dream interpreter specialist.
31
See: (1) Tedlock, B. (1987). Dreaming and dream research. In B. Tedlock (Ed.), Dreaming: anthropological and
psychological interpretations, pp. 1-30. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.; and (2) Tedlock, B. (1981).
Quiché Maya dream interpretation, Ethos, 9(4), 313-330.
32
Abuelos translates as grandparents.
33
The Popol Vuh is the book of the Maya on the Creation of life. Tata Mariano explained the Popol Vuh as
“the Bible of the Maya”. The Popol Vuh is a Spanish translation of one of the few original documents
on the Maya cosmovision which had not been destroyed by the Spanish conquistadores.
31
The quote above illustrates the active role of Maya Ajq’ijab in gathering the ancestral knowledge
which they wish to bring into the world. Molesky-Poz (2006) reported similar findings among Ajq’ijab
in her extensive study in Guatemala. The oral tradition of Maya knowledge transmission is
increasingly complemented by a compilation of Maya literary production, which is explored by Arias
(2013).34 According to him, this emergence in native written Maya literature is driven by a pursue of
local Ajq’ijab to own and decolonize Maya literature. However, Nana Marina indicated that all
written documents on Maya knowledge are valuable, including the non-native written and
interpreted literature. Therefore, it seems that Nana Marina’s motivation to gather the ancestral
Maya knowledge is not driven by the pursue to decolonize Maya literature. However, the Ajq’ijab in
this study take an active role in the revitalization of Maya traditions which raises questions regarding
their underlying socio-political motivations. According to Dietz (2011), socio-political movements
could find an avenue to strengthen group identity when (re-)appropriating indigenous knowledge.
Therefore, it is interesting to know how local Ajq’ijab make use of anthropological work in the
revitalization of Maya traditions.

34
Calixta Gabriel Xiquín examples a native Maya Ajq’ij and cultural anthropologist who contributes
to the compilation of scientific Maya literature. For her work, see: Xiquin, C.M. (2009). Espiritualidad Maya: Ri
Reqalem kisamaj ri ajk’exelom chuqa’ ri ajq’ija’. Impreso en Guatemala, C.A, por textos y formas impresas
[printed in Guatemala, C.A. for texts and printed forms] [book based on MA thesis from 1999, Universidad
Rafael Landivar, Guatemala.]

32
 V.2 Cross-cultural knowledge transmission
V.2.1 Embodied experience and knowledge transmission

17th of February or 2 Kawok35 (Notes from my personal diary)

“It is the last day of the Maya abdominal massage course and I was looking forward to my first
Temazcal experience to finish the course. After lunch, we came together at the Sanctuary in San
Marcos, a retreat space overlooking Lake Atitlán. We picked the herbs with Doña and Mariu while
they informed us on the medicinal properties of the plants. While my fellow course-students were
sharing their experiences with the course, I was helping Doña Dominga to prepare the herbal bath for
the Temazcal in the kitchen, as shown in the photo below.

Photo 9. Doña Dominga preparing the herbal bath for the Temazcal

I was happy to help her and listen to the intriguing stories which she shared on her experiences as a
comadrona. Also, I was able to ask her some more questions for my study with less people around.
After about half-an-hour, the herbs were prepared and we were ready to enter the Temazcal. The
small, round-shaped stone building offered space for a maximum of 5 people. Before we started,
Mariu practiced her flute which she played in the Temazcal to invoke the presence of guiding spirits,
as she said (see photo 10)

35
2 Kawok in the Mayan calendar combines the number of duality with the Nahual of the midwife.
33
Photo 10. Doña Dominga and Mariu before we enter the Temazcal. Mariu is practicing the flute which she
played in the Temazcal to invoke the presence of the ancestral spirits.

As we all settled down in the Temazcal, I paid great attention to Mariu’s introducing words. She asked
for guidance and healing of our bodies, spirits and hearts. Doña Dominga spoke with a soft, fully
concentrated tone:

“Thank you, Ajaw, for receiving this knowledge via my dreams. Thank you, for
sharing these practices, this sacred work.”

Mariu poured the herbal water over the hot stones to heat up the temperature. A fresh, flowery smell
filled up the Temazcal and entered my longs as I took a deep breath. Doña Dominga started to give
the first massage. I closed my eyes and focused on the sensations in my body. Soon, my right hand
started to shake involuntarily and lifted up in the air. I looked at my hand, and realized that I did not
direct these movements. I focused on my breath. Warm, tingling sensations rushed up to my right
arm, and passed via my hand to my fingertips. Impulsively, my fingertips started to strongly tap my
skin as my hand moved over several body parts. I thought by myself: “wow, what is happening?” I
could not stop my hands from moving. However, I stopped thinking and surrendered to the process as
it felt like a lot of tension got released from my body. Now and then I looked at my fellow course-
mates. Seemingly, everyone was in their own meditative state. It felt like my hands were guided as
they moved towards my belly and started the abdominal massage as taught during the course. I felt a
tense, pulsating knot under my fingertips just below my ribs, which Mariu and Doña Dominga
described as “the heart of the stomach” 36. My fingers started to massage this area and forcefully
pushed this knot towards my belly button. A rather intense and not so pleasant feeling. This has been
a central teaching during the course. Up until that moment, I practiced on fellow course-participants
36
“The heart of the stomach is tension found around the aorta going down the abdomen. It should be felt
around the navel in the center of the body. When tension accumulates here, the heart of the stomach is pushed
up, causing imbalances in the body which could result in indigestion and headaches. During the abdominal
massage, this tension is worked and released and “the heart” pushed down, where it should be found
when the body is in balance.” (Mariu, abdominal massage course)
34
and did not fully embody the technique. I felt a strong pulse in the center of my belly-bottom and
realized that the “heart of the stomach” moved towards its central position. A rush of heat passed
through my body followed by an outbreak of laughter. “Now I get it”, I thought by myself. “This is
whole essence of the course”. Tears of happiness and a sense of release rolled down my cheeks. By
this time, everyone received their last abdominal massage and Mariu said: “Lieke, you are the last
one. Are you ready?” I lied down on the warm, damp stone bench in the Temazcal. I completely
relaxed and was ready for the last massage by Doña Dominga. Mariu stroke my body with a bundle
of medicinal herbs. This will help you to release the energy”, she said. “What just happened?” I asked
myself. Maybe I don’t need to understand it. I realized that the connection which I felt was what
Mariu has been talking about. I remembered what she said at the start of the course: “the technique
[of the massage] is empty without the connection to source. This connection is what I want you to
learn, and to give thanks for.” I think I get what she meant now. I felt energized and fully relaxed as I
left the Temazcal. When I looked up, a little blue hummingbird flew by. Doña Dominga smiled at me,
and said: “Los abuelos estaban con usted37”.

V.2.2 Reflections on positionality: ‘Going native’

“Anthropologist who come back from fieldwork with extraordinary experiences and start writing the
results of their anthropological work have several options”, as Goulet & Miller (2006:225) state. One
of the often-chosen options is to leave aside all of their personal experiences during their study of
the native American world. I did not choose for this option, as I realized that this experience aids to
better understanding of the embodied learning experiences of Maya healing. According to Goulet &
Miller (2006:222), such experiences add to the validity of the native American perspectives on
knowing.

In order to conduct an ethnography of dialogical anthropology, the investigator needs to step outside
of the cultural rules governing his beliefs and behaviours, as stated by Kleinman (1980:26). This
highlights the necessity of a flexible research position to adjust to unforeseen circumstances in the
field. It illustrates how a participative research approach can add valuable insights into emic ways of
knowing. In addition, it understates the importance of sensations and emotions as integral parts of
knowledge transmission. I hereby highlight the importance of not seeing the personal experiences of
the researcher as a ’native experience’.

Anthropologists have been warned about ‘going native’ in the field and have been advised to keep a
certain distance to their research population (Glesne, 1999). It could be argued that I positioned
myself as too closely engaged with the studied subject. Therefore, to more distantly observe this
embodied experience of knowledge transmission, I reflect upon the extensive description in my
personal diary two months after the occasion. Hereby, I aimed to separate my personal experience
from my role as a researcher. I treated this part of the experience as lived by a research informant,
rather than identifying myself with the experience. This helped me to more objectively evaluate the
sensations which were an integral part of the knowledge transmission.

V.2.3 Sharing Maya healing traditions with ‘cultural others’

37
Translates as “the abuelos were with you”.
35
 “Our sacred fire tells us that there is no age, there is no skin colour, there are no
frontiers. We are all human, we are all equal. We all have the same blood colour. We
all have the same smile. We are one. The spirituality is not only for the Maya. It is of
humanity, it is of the universe.” (Nana Marina – during the Wayeb)

As Nana Marina expressed, the Maya in this study openly share their healing traditions and
spirituality. Also during the Maya ceremony at San Kujil where I was the only foreigners amongst
local Maya (see section IV.2), I was welcomed by Ajq’ij Nana Andrea. MChe told me that since 1999,
the Maya started to open up to foreigners. When I asked Tata Pedro and Doña Dominga why they
started to openly share their knowledge, they both said that they received this message via their
dreams from the Mayan ancestors. In addition, Doña Dominga said: “When I die, it will get lost [the
knowledge]. That is why I taught it to Mariu”. MChe felt that this opening even increased with the
start of a new cycle in time in 2012, which was interpreted by many Westerners as “the end of the
world”. As Mark said: “After 2012 it [the Maya cosmovision] is waking up again.” Molesky-Poz
(2006:13) noted similar findings in her interviews with Ajq’ijab from the Guatemalan highlands. She
speaks of a public emergence of Maya spiritual practices: “For the Maya, things are hidden, revealed,
hidden, revealed”. She states that “the time of secretly practicing Maya traditions has passed”
(2006:20). However, the Maya elders in this study mentioned to notice resentment from their local
communities when they shared knowledge with foreigners. Mariu stated that Doña Dominga is being
judged as she shared her practices with foreigners:

“She doesn’t like to be seen [when she is teaching foreigners], because of respect she said.
She is a little uncomfortable about doing it outside for example, because she knows there are
people working here from town and then they talk about her. It is a small town you know.
They judge her a lot. Whenever somebody opens up to foreigners, they are actually judged
quite a lot.”

The Maya Ajq’ijab in this study are also judged when they open up to foreigners. However, this does
not hold them back from sharing their traditions, as Nana Marina’s quote indicates: “The criticism on
our work [of sharing their traditions with people worldwide] strengthens us to unify”. The judgements
come from Ajq’ijab who do not like to share Maya practices cross-culturally. To better understand
the viewpoint of these Maya elders, it is recommended to include Maya healers who criticize cross-
cultural sharing of Maya traditions in future research. However, as ‘cultural others’ anthropologists
might not be in the best position to study this. Therefore, it is recommended to substitute the
external anthropologist for native anthropologists. This could contribute to a more complete
representation of Maya healers in Guatemala. In this study, I only encountered Maya healers who
were open to share Maya healing traditions with foreigners.

36
 V.2.4 The contribution of cultural brokers
My research informants indicated that the interest from foreigners in Maya healing and spirituality
contributes to the revaluation of Maya healing practices. As Mariu explained about Doña Dominga’s
work: “the locals do not value her work anymore. That’s also why I am doing this course.” In her
work, Mariu helps to preserve Doña Dominga’s teachings:

“I am serving as a bridge and as a way to revalue the Mayan culture that is being
lost, for a way to have that passed somehow, you know. Doña Dominga is really
beautiful and has been open to share her knowledge with me and she is actually
really grateful. Sometimes she tells me: “you know, when I die, you are going to be
here.” And I am like: wow, don’t say that”.

Photo 11. Mariu in the middle, bridges Maya healing knowledge between Doña Dominga on the right
and a course participant on the left. Photo by Julie Sarah © (used with permission)

The photo above captures Mariu transferring Doña’s teachings to western students. In the course,
Mariu integrates the more intuitive Maya abdominal massage with biomedical knowledge:

“I also want to teach you guys a little more thing that I know from anatomy, that she
doesn’t know from anatomy. She doesn’t know what she’s touching, it’s all intuitive.
Now, she is learning more you know. Because she is really into learning Spanish and
doctors have taught her a little bit of anatomy so now she knows some. But usually it
is all so intuitive. So, I will share a little bit about this and if you know what you’re
touching it is actually really good.”

As illustrated, Mariu interlinks Doña’s intuitive teachings and modern ways of learning based on an
objectified anatomy and biomedical oriented reading materials. Core techniques were learned via
experiential practice and observation which are in line with Maya ways of learning. The photo below,

37
taken by Julie Sarah, pictures Doña Dominga and Mariu in this process during the Maya abdominal
massage course.

Photo 12. Doña Dominga practices the abdominal massage while Mariu is watching.
Photo by Julie Sarah © (used with permission)

Julie Sarah also made records with the objective to create a mini-documentary of the course. She
expressed that this was her way to honour Maya traditions and raise awareness of the importance to
preserve these traditions. Modern technologies as used by cultural brokers thus contribute to
knowledge transmission and the revalorization of Maya healing traditions. Local Maya Ajq’ijab in this
study also made use of modern technologies to document their traditions, as the photo below
illustrates. Here, Tata Mariano and one of the Maya elders’ daughter record how the Ajq’ijab prepare
the sacred fire ceremony during the Wayeb.

38
Photo 13. Maya elders prepare the sacred fire for the ceremony at the ceremonial cave 8 Kan during the
Wayeb. Tata Mariano and one of the Maya elders’ daughters document the process.

39
Molesky-Poz (2006:53) cites Ajq’ij Doña Marta on the use of film for sharing Maya traditions:

“Our ancestors had glyphs. We should leave something for our children. We should
use contemporary technology. The ancestors’ words are a memory for future
generations. If we make this movie, we will leave these ideas when we leave the
earth, and our children will see this material.”

This emphasizes the local recognition and valuation of the role of modern technology for the transfer
of Maya healing. The application of modern technology is preferably done in a ceremonial context, as
the following quote of Maya Ajq’ij Doña Marta illustrates (Molesky-Poz 2006:54):

“We need a ceremony to purify the machines. Before filming, we need to ask the
Nahuales, the guardian spirits, to protect the work. We need to ask them for the
message to be strong, so the viewer can feel this ‘call’ to be within the spirituality of
life.”

The Maya HipHop band Balam Ajpu has a similar effect with their music which they describe as a
“tribute to the 20 Nahuales”. Balam Ajpu performed in sacred fire ceremonies during the Wayeb and
tours internationally to spread knowledge of the Maya cosmovision laid down in the lyrics of their
songs. During an interview Mark emphasized the importance of their work, as follows:

“If you see what they are doing, mixing the Maya cosmovision into rap, into HipHop.
Getting it out there. And this is again, like getting things across to the younger
generation. I think it is a really exciting time to be here. So many bridges are being
made, between cultures, younger generations, revalorization of the local culture. And
they [Balam Ajpu] are already a step ahead, because they are already talking
Kiche’an, Kaqchikel or Tz’utujil.”

In addition, he mentioned that Balam Ajpu is a great inspiration for local Maya youth. Mark himself
also contributes to knowledge transfer of the Maya cosmovision. On his website, he writes daily
about the energies of the days in the Maya Tzolkin calendar, which results in their global spread. He
explained:

“Part of it was like making my prayers to a digital altar, if that makes sense. And
even through that, my knowledge expanded every ceremony, every idea.”

This illustrates another transformation of the Maya knowledge transmission due to modern
technologies used by cultural brokers. In my study cultural brokers also function as linguistic
translators during ceremonies. Furthermore, cultural brokers aided with financial contributions
which enabled Maya healers to broaden their knowledge. Comadrona Candida explained that
foreigners made it financially possible for her to study at a nursing school:

“I met a Dutch couple. And they told me: "What do you want to do?". I want to go
study, but I don't have the money for it. Let's do it, they said. We will help you to
mediate the money. They asked me: "You are a comadrona. What do you want to
serve this path?" I said: "I want to support my gift. I have a gift and I want to follow
that. I want to learn something new. I want to learn more than what I envision and
what I dream about. I want to continue." So they started to help me to get my
nursing school. And I achieved it. I was way happier and I wanted to continue my

40
 work even more, because now I could do injections, I could take the digital blood
pressure, I could do inner touching. I could do so many new things. This was a big
happiness in my life and I started to cry. And I said: "I want to work in a clinic later. I
want to attend births. And this has been my dream for a very long time. And now it
became reality. I have the nursing diploma, but I identify myself as a comadrona”.

Candida’s story illustrates how western educational styles and Maya ways of learning come together.
However, she was the only Maya healer in this study who followed official education. This does not
deny that Candida strongly identifies with her Maya roots as a comadrona. She works in a maternity
clinic in San Juan, where local women give birth with the assistance of local comadronas. The clinic is
equipped with modern birthing facilities and a Maya Temazcal. Photo 14 shows the picture of Casa
Materna in San Juan la Laguna which I took before the interview with Candida.

Photo 14. Casa Materna in San Juan La Laguna where modern facilities are combined with traditional
birthing facilitated by comadronas

Mark occasionally does Maya ceremonies in his garden with local and foreign friends. He told me
how his young Maya neighbours reacted when they noticed all the foreigners coming to do Maya
ceremonies:

“Wow, so everyone here comes to do all these ceremonies and is interested to learn
from our culture. There must be something valuable in it.”

In a sense, Mark as a western Maya healer and cultural broker contributes to revalue Maya traditions
among the youth. Similar findings are reported by Toelken (1996:6), in his study of “white-
shamanism” among the Navajo tribe:

“Now the whites are admitting that our stories are important and that we ought to
listen to them. This is a significant change. If the whites are going to know about our
stories, then it’s even more important for our young people here to listen to them,
too.

41
According to Mark, westerners are usually in a better position than local Maya to spread Maya
healing practices. He stated:

“As white western people, we have the ability to travel, we have the resources to
move around, we have the ability to move these things and take this knowledge, take
this understanding and take these ceremonies out into the world in a way that the
West can digest it. This is something which I see, if I had a mission, this is something
which I see that I can help people.”

Mark hereby emphasized his role as a cultural broker and translator of Maya teachings to the West.
In this way, he contributes to the global spread and revitalization of Maya traditions. Outi related the
initiation of western Maya healers to knowledge transcendence by the Mayan ancestors:

“The Mayan ancestors are very smart to transcend their knowledge in the western
bodies, because the westerners in general have better opportunities to transcend the
knowledge. So westerners tap into the collective consciousness of the Maya.”

Maya elders Tata Pedro and Nana Marina travel globally to transfer knowledge of the Maya
cosmovision. However, most Maya elders said that they are not able to go abroad to disseminate
Maya knowledge.

V.2.5 Western Maya Ajq’ij and cultural appropriation

The initiation of western Maya healers raises questions regarding the appropriation of Maya
practices. Therefore, I asked Mark how he is perceived by the local Maya community. He answered
the following:

“I was talking to somebody about this the other day. Cultural appropriation I think,
isn’t that? Like we are dressing up like Indians kind of thing and what we are doing in
that. We constantly question ourselves whether we are worthy of it. Like what have I
done to deserve this, you know. Am I good enough, pure enough, clean enough, am I
knowledgeable enough. And then my teacher [Don Rigoberto from Momostenango]
phones me up and he came to ask if me and my wife would be the Patrinos for his
sister in law. So it is kind of like being a spiritual godparent of a new day keeper. And
for me that is like, right, okay. There must be something about my energy which is
correct, if people like, I mean they live in THE spiritual centre of the Kiche’ people, and
yet they chose to ask us to take on that role.”

This level of recognition by Maya elders from Momostenango, known as ‘the spiritual heart centre of
Maya culture’, shows their approval of Mark’s role as a Maya Ajq’ij. In addition, he also receives
positive reactions from other local Maya:

“I got a lot of indigenous friends and indigenous day keeper friends. And it is really
really interesting, because they say “what we see is that there are not enough people
that are being born in our culture that are choosing to be interested in it. So we are
really glad that you can do that.” And that is a big thing for me. Especially like going

42
 up to Momostenango, wearing a Momostecan headscarf 38, I mean, that is like
really? Am I going to do that? And Don Rigo [his teacher] is like: you have got your
bundle. You are fully authenticated to be here and do this.”

Also Outi said that she received positive reactions from local Maya when they saw her in her
traditional day keeper outfit. She clarified that the Maya do not discriminate between
cultures, but rather recognize someone ‘by their heart’. According to her, this explains the
acceptance of western Ajq’ijab by local Maya communities:

“If you have a pure Maya heart, they recognize you and they truly welcome you. They
don’t look at whether you’re Maya or not. They look at your heart and that’s what
they recognize. They [local Maya] were actually really thankful when they saw me in
my day keeper clothes and thanked me for my work, for continuing their tradition.”

Mark received similar responses from local Maya, as they said:

“Thank you so much for keeping our culture alive. Thank you so much for translating
our culture so that other people can understand it better. Thank you for being a
bridge between cultures.” (…) “When we made the ceremony for the Festival of
Consciousness, I made my prayers in English, Ingrid made them in Spanish and Isaias
and Isabell made them in Kaqchikel. And so, we are bridging. Not only two women
and two men, but the three main languages of San Marcos all coming together in a
ceremonial thing. Like a community ceremony. So, it is really nice the way it works.”

In our modern times, outsiders’ pursuit of healing through native spirituality has been criticized as
misappropriate and disconnected from the realities of native communities (Aldred, 2000; Jenkins,
2004; Snavely, 2001; Valaskakis, 1997). However, this does not seem to be the case in this study.
Mark and Outi receive supportive responses from local Maya. This indicates that local Maya accepted
their spiritual practices and that they are connected to Maya reality. Gómez-Barris (2012:76) remains
sceptical about the possibility of real cultural exchange that is not symmetrical. According to her
cultural appropriation often leads to assimilation and incorporation. However, the Maya perceive
change as part of their tradition. Therefore, the modern influences which transform the Maya
tradition of knowledge transmission do not seem to be negatively perceived by the Maya.

Similar processes of ancient knowledge transmission are happening among other Native-American
cultures. In the Sacred Valley in Peru for example, “white shamans” transmit ancient spiritual
traditions and the underlying cosmovision to their mainly western apprentices (Gómez-Barris, 2012).
Hill (2008) critiqued that westerners can never become native shamans even though they are
initiated as such. However, as the Maya do not discriminate on the basis of ethnicity, Hill’s
observation does not hold for western Maya Ajq’ij.

38
To wear a Momostecan headscarfs is an important symbol of Maya Ajq’ijab
43
 V.3 Intergenerational knowledge transmission
V.3.1 Young Maya ‘wisdom keepers’
Knowledge of Maya healing runs through Tata Pedro’s family as his family consists of three
generations of Maya healers. One of his daughters, Nana Marina, is Ajq’ij and two of his 13-year old
grandchildren (Antonio and Caty) are learning about the Maya healing. 39 Adriana shared her
experience during the Wayeb in 2012:

“His grandson is already learning how to smoke the tobacco during ceremonies 40.
There was a picture of the boy holding the cigar in his mouth, smoking it. By then, he
was 8 years old. That was such a powerful image for me, because in our culture it is
so strange to see a boy with a cigar in his mouth. In that context though it was so
sacred. And this boy has a really magical energy. And the attention that the boy has
towards Tata Pedro. You could see that he is always looking, you know. Where is he,
what is he doing, and he is always paying a lot of attention to all his movements and
everything that he is doing. And also, he is very respectful and he is there in a very
present manner, always waiting for signals.”

As Adriana described, Tata Pedro’s grandson was learning by participative observation during sacred
fire ceremonies, complemented with learning-by-doing when he was smoking the sacred tobacco.
Later, I discovered that Adriana was talking about Antonio, who is one of the young Maya ‘wisdom
keepers’ in this study. One afternoon, I was invited to do a Temazcal ceremony at Nana Marina’s
house. After the Temazcal, I met Tata Pedro’s grandchildren Antonio and Caty and we started talking
about the Maya cosmovision. I was impressed by their knowledge about Maya healing and asked
them how they learned about this. They stated that Tata Pedro and Nana Marina teach them a lot
about the Maya cosmovision. Also Caty told me that she learns through observation during
ceremonies with Tata Pedro:

“We accompanied him in the ceremonies. We observe how he works, but if he looks
at us he would not tell us what to do, never. The words [said during the ceremony]
have to rise from yourself. We do not imitate his words and we need to find our own
words.”

Thus, Caty and Antonio get their knowledge through the traditional Maya way of learning -learning
through observation and learning-by-doing, complemented by oral teachings from the elders, as
described in section II.4.1. Caty also mentioned that dreams are important aspects of learning: “We

39
Antonio and Caty are cousins. They both live at Nana Marina’s house, which is next to Tata Pedro’s
house. Tata Pedro lives with some of his daughters, but not all of them practice Maya spirituality. Antonio
said: “They are religious, they are Catholics. They do not believe in Maya spirituality. They do not want
anything to do with it. But they respect it, because they live in the same house.”

40
Ajq’ijab smoke (pure) tobacco or puros “to speak to the body, to speak to the spirit”, as Tata Mariano
explained. The energy of the tobacco serves as a spiritual purifier to release negativity, according to him.
Ajq’ijab receive messages in the smoke of the tobacco and can read and interpret these messages. Tata
Mariano refers to this as “reading the energies”. For the Maya, smoking pure tobacco has a significant
spiritual meaning, as among other native American tribes. (See Godlaski, 2013 on the use of tobacco
among native American tribes and its sacred significance).
44
are already receiving the messages in our dreams”. Antonio shared the dreams he had when he was
9 years old, wherein he received information about his mission in life 41:

“I received a dream wherein I was given cacao beans and where I was told that I
would start to work with the cacao 42. It was a dream about the abuelo Maximón
[one of the Maya Gods, called the ‘Great Grandfather’] who is there with us at the
sacred altar. He told me a lot. He spoke to me and I received his words. While he was
talking, he gave me the seven cacao beans in my hand. That day when I woke up, I
had to clean the abuelo [Maximón] as how I always do that. 43 There at the altar, I
encountered the seven cacao beans in real life. It first happened in my dreams and
then it happened in real life. After I cleaned the abuelo, I connected myself with him.
The next day my dream continued. I dreamt that I was taken on a walk with the
abuelo and we went to a very beautiful place. Then, we arrived at a stone table. The
abuelos were there, the elderly. They showed me the seven cacao beans. When they
did that, faces appeared in the cacao beans. Every single bean had a face and every
bean had a message for me. They explained me about every single one of the seven
cacao beans.

The first bean was about the peace that I am going to bring. The second cacao bean
informed me on the help that I am going to offer to the people in my town. The third
one explained me how I am going to raise the spirituality among my people. The
fourth cacao bean showed me how to get rid of bad spirits, as that is going to be part
of my work. The fifth one was for continuing the guidance of the younger ones who
are following me, to be a leader in my society. The sixth cacao bean represented the
change that I will bring in the town. I was told that I can change with words, that I
can encourage the people to practice Maya spirituality. I am going to help a lot of
people to get rid of their bad habits and addictions. To put them on their feet and to
help them on the road of Saq’ Be’ 44. The last cacao bean showed me where I will do
my work and consults. It showed me where I could connect myself. Those are the
dreams about the seven cacao beans that I have been given. These cacao beans, I
have them here with my abuelo. I have my seven cacao beans here at the altar with
Maximón.”

This story that was shared by Antonio illustrates his role in the continuation of Maya spirituality in his
community. Hereby, he was informed that he will be a leader for younger generations in his society.
Tata Pedro already stated that “the Maya spirituality and healing traditions will never disappear,
because our ancestors will always live on”. Although all Maya healers acknowledged a loss of
traditional Maya knowledge, most elders claimed that there is an increase in the number of young
Maya healers, as Dolores said: “When I left the United States, I was worried that it would get lost. But
no, there are many young people coming and there are many young people who are healers.”
However, Mark stated that many young Maya who are born with the gift of a Maya healer do not
41
Antonio had written these dreams in his diary and can therefore easily recall them.
42
Nana Marina described cacao as “the food of the Gods”. She explained that cacao beans are very sacred for
the Maya and are often used in ceremonies as offerings to the ancestors. The Maya traditionally use cacao
for its medicinal purposes in the form of 100% pure, raw cacao drinks.
43
Antonio explained later that cleaning abuelo Maximón is a daily ritual, to show respect to the abuelo.
Maximón has a statue on the altar in their house amongst several other sacred items. He said that the cleaning
ritual brings him in a meditative state, during which he spiritually connects with the abuelo.
44
Saq’ Be’ in Maya language translates as ‘the white road’ or the Milky Way in English. It is a reference to
the spiritual path of one’s life.
45
choose to follow this path, as it means taking great responsibility for the community. In addition,
there is a preference for biomedicine over traditional medicine. Doña Dominga confirmed this.
Antonio and Caty receive support from their family when practicing Maya spirituality, which
stimulates them to follow their mission as they stated. Caty shared: “Our grandparents helped us to
interpret our dreams and slowly we started to interpret our dreams ourselves.” However, not all
young Maya have this support from their family, as their parents are not familiar with Maya
spirituality. Luis explained:

“The youth is not directly connected with our culture, with our country and the Maya
cosmovision. Many things are getting lost at the moment […] The majority does not
know their Nahual. Around 75% does not know, 25% knows. Because? Because their
parents don't practice it either. They don't tell them, they don't explain them. But
when someone's energy [Nahual] is conformed it starts to come out and the heart
starts to open and that is when you start learning.”

Intergenerational knowledge transmission within families is intended to keep new generations

grounded in the history of their culture and to provide a link to their past (Newman & Hatton-Yeo,
2008). However, as Luis indicated, this transmission gets blocked when parents do not practice Maya
traditions. According to Mark, there is a generational gap in the practice of Maya spirituality:

“That generational gap, you know, when we extrapolate that into people doing the
ceremonies. We have got the old men and the old women who are in their 60s or 70s
or so. Then, we have got the young ones who are in their 20s. There are not that
many in their 40s, very few. And so, it is waking up again. The people are coming
back to it.

Hereby, Mark referred to a rise in the number of young local Maya Ajq’ijab compared to the
generation of their parents. Caty related this rise to an increased acceptance of Maya spirituality
among local communities, which was verified by Luis and Dolores. Caty stated:

“It is already rising, slowly [the practice of Maya spirituality]. Now, I am discovering
new Tata’s [Ajq’ij] here in the town. At the moment it is more respected, slowly
everyone has their spirituality and is getting in touch with the cosmovision. There is
not a lot of it though, the culture has already lost a lot.”

Antonio mentioned that in every classroom in the Catholic school of San Pedro there is a Mayan
calendar, which at least signals an increased acceptance of Maya spirituality. According to Fischer
and Brown (1998), the rise in number of Ajq’ijab is due to a decline of public discrimination of Maya
spirituality. The research indicates that teachings on the Maya cosmovision are being incorporated
within the educational curriculum at schools around Lake Atitlán. For example, Dolores stated that
school children in Santiago Atitlán are now taught about the Maya cosmovision as part of the
educational curricula. She said: “The children have homework about the Nahuales.” She highlighted
this as a modern development. Traditionally, knowledge about the Maya cosmovision is not
transmitted in schools however. The sacred fire ceremony with the schoolgirls from San Marcos at
San Kujil (see section IV.2) exemplifies a fusion of Maya ways of learning and modern-day education.
However, whether this kind of knowledge transmission of the Maya cosmovision raises the
popularity of Maya traditions among the youth must be verified.

46
Local Maya express concerns about authenticity in relation to the increase of Ajq’ijab (Molesky-Poz,
2006:88). These concerns relate to insufficient preparation of some Ajq’ijab and misuse of their
position for personal gain. For example, Molesky-Poz cites a Maya elder saying: “I think about 35%
[of Ajq’ijab] are not well prepared. They are too young, don’t know the counting of time and lack
understanding. The problem now is it is becoming a popular thing” (Molesky-Poz, 2006:89). This
imperils the authenticity and quality of Maya spiritual work. As a result, a new question emerges:
Who evaluates the authenticity of Maya Ajq’ijab? A question which goes beyond my research.

47
 VI Conclusion
The aim of this study was to understand the knowledge transmission of Maya healing around Lake
Atitlán, Guatemala. The dialogical anthropology approach was applied to this study. The research
was driven by my fascination with the continuation and preservation of Maya healing traditions. My
research is marked by my effort to balance participation in and observation of the transmission of
Maya healing practices. This study was specifically directed towards the underexposed field of
intergenerational and cross-cultural knowledge transmission in the context of cultural continuation.
My aim is to add new insights to our knowledge of how Maya healing is transmitted in present-times
Hereby, the role of cultural brokers and their appropriation of Maya knowledge is discussed from the
emic perspective of Maya healers. The study shows that intergenerational knowledge transmission
has taken new contemporary forms, which are contingent upon the inroads of westernization and
modernity around Lake Atitlán. The contribution of cultural brokers in this process is discussed. These
actors play a role in the revalorization of Maya traditions on the local as well as on the global level.

Maya healing encompasses ancestral knowledge transmitted via the ancestral world. Knowledge is
accessed via dreams, visions and sensibilities that make it possible to tune into messages conveyed
through the interconnectivity with nature. Metaphysical knowledge becomes a living reality for Maya
healers which helps them to master Maya healing. Modern science is highly suspicious towards the
transmission of knowledge through dreams and spiritual connectedness. This study also attempts to
widen the perspective on what is reliable knowledge and how this can be constructed and
transmitted. To do justice to Maya healing and its transmission, researchers must be flexible and
develop a keen eye for the Maya cosmovision. Close engagement with research informants
contributes to valuable insights into emic ways of knowing. This study pleads for emotional
connectivity when studying the construction and transmission of knowledge with respect for an emic
point of view.

The knowledge transmission of healing practices among contemporary Maya testifies of the
adaptivity and flexibility of Maya traditions. Teachings on the Maya cosmovision and participation in
sacred fire ceremonies are part of the educational curriculum. However, nowadays traditional ways
of learning are complemented by modern educational forms. School children around Lake Atitlán are
educated in the Maya cosmovision as part of their school curriculum. In the case of midwifes,
traditional ways of learning are complemented by knowledge acquired in modern nursing schools
and from biomedical doctors. The integrated Maya abdominal massage course is an example of such
a blending of modern and traditional learning. Hampshire & Owusu (2013) reported similar findings
on the transformed ways of knowledge transmission in the practices of traditional healers in Ghana.

Cultural brokers play an important role in facilitating cross-cultural knowledge transmission and
increase the accessibility of Maya knowledge for westerners. They function as ‘educational
intermediaries’, as Szasz (2001:19) states. Cultural brokers contribute to the global transmission of
Maya healing traditions in different ways than local Maya healers, as emphasized by my research
informants. Hereby, they help Maya elders in their current pursue of cultural continuation and
florescence of Maya traditions. Cultural brokers transform the mainly oral tradition of knowledge
transmission with the help of modern technologies, such as videography, Maya HipHop music,
websites that explain and illustrate the Maya cosmovision, the Maya calendar and offer
learning courses in Maya healing. This contributes to a revalorization of Maya traditions among local
Maya and stimulates intergenerational knowledge transmission and cultural continuation. It also
48
helps Maya healers in their aspirations to globally spread their traditions. The western Ajq’ij that are
part of this study are fully authorized and acknowledged by local Maya communities and Maya elders
to practice Maya healing. Even more, local Maya are grateful to them for continuing their traditions
and bringing it out into the world. Therefore, the cross-cultural transmission of Maya healing is
appreciated by the local Maya around Lake Atitlán. Further research is required to verify this among
different Maya populations in Guatemala.

Despite attempted destruction of Maya culture by colonialism, knowledge of Maya healing traditions
is still transmitted (Molesky-Poz, 2006). This is confirmed by the Maya healers of this study.
According to them, the Mayan ancestors will always continue to find ways to transfer their
knowledge from the ancestral world. Maya healers told that nowadays people are still born with the
gift and the call to become a Maya healer. However, due to influences of globalization less young
Maya choose to follow this call nowadays. Maya healers are of the opinion that engagement with the
Maya cosmovision from a young age especially contributes to the continuation of Maya healing
within the cycles of time that are endless according to Maya knowledge. This study pleads for action-
oriented research in medical anthropology in close engagement with local Maya healers. This could
be helpful in strife for the continuation of Maya healing traditions among younger Maya
generations45.

Especially Maya Ajq’ijab take active roles in the transmission of Maya traditions within and outside of
the Maya populations, as active leaders of the Maya revitalization movement. It is of importance for
the researcher not to identify with the socio-political objectives of the local populations (Dietz, 2011).
To combine the necessary dialogical and collaborative orientation of research in accordance with
local populations, the methodological strategy as developed by Dietz (2011) 46 is recommended for
future studies that promote cultural continuation of Maya traditions.

The study indicates that tourists’ interest in Maya spirituality positively affects the valorisation of
Maya traditions among local communities. To prevent development of Maya spiritual practices into a
tourist attraction, it is prerequisite to guard authenticity of the traditions. Also, valuing and restoring
dignity of Maya beliefs should be pursued with engagement of Maya communities. In contemporary
Maya life around Lake Atitlán, a bridge is formed between tradition and modernity. This bridge brings
different cultures, generations and knowledge systems together, which creates a path towards the
preservation and rejuvenation of Maya healing traditions.

45
See Ross (2016) for examples of successful intergenerational teaching strategies among a native American
Ojibwe community.
46
See Dietz (2011) for the methodology called the ‘doubly reflexive ethnography’, developed for intercultural
anthropological research. This methodology was specifically designed for anthropologists to overcome
identification with the objectives of local populations.

49
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 Appendices

Appendix 1
The 20 Nahuales and 13 energies of the Maya Tzolkin calendar

Here, I describe the 20 Nahuales and 13 energetic tones as explained by the Maya Ajq’ijab in this
study. According the Ajq’ijab, the combination of Nahuales and the energies relate to the energies of
the days and manifest into the physical reality. I mainly draw upon the explanations of Ajq’ijab Nana
Marina and Tata Pedro during fire ceremonies in combination with interpretive help from MChe and
Mark’s website. Variation in description exists among Ajq’ijab, as the personal experiences and
received information via connection with the Nahuales differs. The general description of the 20
Nahuales and 13 energetic tones are described below. The 13 numbers can be read separately from
the 20 Nahuales. After the 13th number, a new cycle or trecena starts again with number one (as
figure 2 illustrates).

1 B’atz = the first Nahual and the beginning of a new cycle of 13 days. The
Nahual of creation and creative expression. B’atz is the monkey spirit animal.
Number 1 is representative of the new birth, the beginning.

2 E’ = the road; the physical and spiritual journey through life via the sacred white road
or the milky way, el Saq’ Be’. It is the discovery and exploration of life. E’ is the spirit of
the mountain lion. Number 2 represents duality and polarity.

3 Aj = the Nahual of authority and leadership, acquired through wisdom and respect. Aj
represents the corn. Number 3 represents an unstable, electrically moving energy. It is a
proper energy to bring internal balance and stability, rather than external.

4 Ix = represents the energy of the spirit of Mother Earth, the feminine energy and
power. The animal totem is the jaguar. Number 4 represents stability in the physical
reality and the four cardinal points.

5 Tz’ikin = the vision and ability to see the bigger picture from the view of the eagle,
which is the animal totem of Tz’ikin. Representative of higher knowledge and dreams.
Number 5 represents the hand with the five fingers, relating to work.

6 Ajmak = the Nahual of forgiveness and the ancestors, with the animal totem of the
bees. Number 6 represents ultimate stability and flow.

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7 N’oj = the Nahual of logical thought, intelligence and intellect, giving rise to ideas and
solution. It represents the human brain. A day associated with divination. Number 7
represents balance and overview on situations.

8 Tijax = Tijax is the day of the healer, carrying the masculine energy. It represents the
obsidian blade and the knife, which cuts of all which no longer serves. Tijax is a good
day for healing ceremonies. Number 8 is the number of wholeness.

9 Kawok = the Nahual of the female healers and the midwife. Kawok helps to clear
destructions from the birthing process. Number 9 is the number of the divine feminine.

10 Ajpu = Ajpu is the Nahual of the divinity in the physical world. It also represents the
sun. Number 10 represents the energy of collaboration and manifestation.

11 Imox = the Nahual of the collective consciousness and dreams; the great ocean and
waters of thought. The animal totem is the crocodile. Number 11 has a high,
directionless energy.

12 Iq’= the Nahual Iq’ represents the breath of life; the wind. It gives rise to mental
inspiration, enhances communication and sudden change. Number 12 represents
totality.

13 Aq’ab’al = Aq’ab’al is the Nahual of conception. It is the dawn: the period between
the darkness and the light, during which ancestral knowledge is passed on via the
dream world. Number 13 is the final number of the cycle, representing the spirit world.

1 K’at = the Nahual of ‘the web’ and the connection. It represents the bundling and
gathering of ideas or projects. As number 13 has passed, a new trecena begins with
number 1.

2 Kan = the representation of power and knowledge. It is the animal totem of the snake,
which stands for powerful life-force energy and spiral movements.

3 Kame = represents symbolical death and internal transformation. It initiates spiritual

re-birth.

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4 Kej = the Nahual Kej represents strength and the natural world. The animal totem related to Kej is
the deer or the horse, which stand for strength and stability.

5 Q’anil = Q’anil represents the energy of ripening and abundance. Q’anil is also the
bright light in the world, which is often carried by the people under this Nahual. The
animal totem of Q’anil is the rabbit.

6 Toj = Toj is the energy of the offering and the payment. It is the Nahual of the sacred
fire to express gratefulness.

7 Tz’I = Tz’I stands for justice and unconditional love. The dog is the totem
animal of Tz’i.

Figure 2. The 20 Nahuales and 13 numbers in cyclical rotation, making up the 260-days of the Maya Tzolkin
calendar. Accessed at 22/6/2016, via https://www.doaks.org/resources/online-exhibits/the-ancient-future-
mesoamerican-and-andean-timekeeping/maya

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 Appendix 2
Overview research informants47

Name Role in this research Ethnicity Age Contribution

Tata Pedro Ajq’ij Tz’utujil Maya 75 years Participant observation during
(also called Member of the High from sacred fire ceremonies
Corazon del Council of Maya elders San Pedro (Informal) follow-up conversations
lago48) from Lake Atitlán Information about the Maya
cosmovision

Nana Marina Ajq’ij Tz’utujil Maya 30-40 Participant observation during

(Tata Pedro’s from years sacred fire ceremonies
daughter) San Pedro (Informal) follow-up conversations
Information about the Maya
cosmovision

Antonio & Caty Young Maya ‘wisdom Tz’utujil Maya 13 years Oral life history on
(Tata Pedro-& keepers’ from (intergenerational) knowledge
Nana Marina’s San Pedro transmission
family)
Tata Mariano Ajq’ij Kiche’ Maya In his 40s Participant observation during the
from Wayeb
Mazatenango Information about the Maya
cosmovision

Nana Andrea Ajq’ij Tz’utujil Maya 30-40 Participant observation during the
from San years fire ceremony at 9 Kawok
Juan la Observing intergenerational
Laguna knowledge transmission

Doña Dominga Comadrona Kaqchikel In her 70s Participant observation during

Herbalist Maya from Maya abdominal massage course
San Marcos Oral life history

Candida Lesbia Comadrona Tz’utujil Maya 30-40 Oral life history

from San years
Juan la
Laguna
Dolores Cultural keeper & tour Tz’utujil Maya 40-50 Oral life history
guide in Santiago Atitlán from Santiago years Informal conversations during tour
Ajq’ij Atitlán through Santiago Atitlán (historical
background)
Luis Pablo Bone healer Kaqchikel 34 years Oral life history
TukTuk driver Maya from Informal conversations during the
47
Research informants are named according their personal preference after informed consent
48
‘Corazon del lago’ translates as the Heart of the lake’. This name is given to Tata Pedro Cruz by members
of the High Council of Mayan elders of Lake Atitlán, due to his connection with Lake Atitlán

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 San Pablo tour through Santiago Atitlán
Mark Ajq’ij English 52 years Oral life history after attending a
Founder of the Maya (Lives near sacred fire ceremony
astrology website San Marcos) Follow-up contact
Cultural broker
Gatekeeper

Outi In the initiation process for Finnish Informal conversations during &
Ajq’ij after tour through Santiago Atitlán
Cultural broker
Cultural anthropologist Follow-up contact
Mariu Massage therapist Ladina In her 30s Teaching Maya abdominal
Cultural broker Guatemalan massage course with Doña
Dominga

Adriana Cultural broker Ladina In her 40s Informal conversations

Gatekeeper Guatemalan Helping to explain the Maya
cosmovision
Translation of cultural and
symbolic concepts regarding the
Maya cosmovision

MChe Cultural broker Ladino In his 30s Informal conversations

Member of Balam Ajpu Guatemalan Helping to interpret and explain
(Maya HipHop band) the Maya calendar

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 Appendix 3
Programme of the Wayeb

Mayan Day Gregorian Time - PLACE ACTIVITY

date
13 NOJ 15 Ceremony Center 13 NOJ in OPENING of the Sacred Fire
February Cerro Tzankujil, San Marcos L.L.
Wednesday 10:00 a.m.

Casa Tata Pedro in San Pedro L.L. Julian-Gregorian Calendar Talk

- 15:00 OPENING of the Sacred Fire
1 TIJAXX February Ceremonial Center 4 Naoj in TREATMENTS for all types of
16 Tikb'al'ya, Land path to Santiago Healing
Thursday in San Pedro L.L. 9:30 a.m. RESOLUTION of problems
PERSONAL CONSULTATIONS
House of Tata Pedro in San Pedro
L.L. - late night TEMASCAL

2 KAWOQ February Tata Pedro House in San Pedro TOUR at ceremonial sites
17 L.L. - 8:00 am WOMEN'S Day, Rain, Lightning
Friday
3 AJPU 18 Ceremony Center 8 KAN, near Tobacco Workshop
February Yoga Forest in San Marcos L.L. -
Saturday 9:30 am
4 IMOX 19 Lakeside location 8:00 am Bring swimsuit
February Water Ceremony: Hidden Forces
Sunday
0:00 HRS Closure of the Sacred Fire
5 IIQ 20 Winds Ceremony New Charger of the Year in the
February Sacred site 13 TOOJ, Tzan´kucha HAAB Agricultural Calendar
Monday between San Pedro and San Juan

Table 2. Programme of the Wayeb as sent by MChe

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 Appendix 4
Flyer of the Maya abdominal massage course

Photo 16. Flyer of the Maya abdominal massage course as spread through San Marcos (personal
contact information is covered)

The extra course information as provided by Mariu:

“This introduction course to Maya Abdominal Massage gives you the training to perform this ancestral
healing technique on yourself, deepening the connection to our bodies. It also offers direct contact to the
foundation of Maya healing, a space to connect and immerse yourself in this divine art of service so you
can then offer it to others, as done by the Maya midwives. It is a highly effective healing modality that is
used for many different pathologies and brings balance back to the body, physical, emotional and
energetic. It is used for men and children as well and specifically for women after giving birth, to help the
uterus contract back to its original position. The abdomen is a power house of emotions, for many women
there is also trauma stored in our body, from sexuality or just being a woman! Reconnecting to our body
and listening to it allows us to heal. We must reconnect to our uterus! We will also take a peek into Doña
Dominga's life, a local midwife from San Marcos who will share her knowledge with us. She learns through
her dreams and direct connection to nature, plants and God. We will use local plant medicine to make
vaginal steam baths. We will learn to make our own home-made heating balm for the massage, using the
finest oils to treat our bodies with only the best! Students receive a treatment of three massages during
the course, and the last day we receive the massage in a Temazcal ceremony. The Temazcal is a
traditional wet sauna. You will receive a hand woven faja (long fabric) that is used with the massage.

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Course is three days, over the course of a week. Monday 10 AM - 5 PM, Wednesday 10 AM - 5 PM &
Friday 9 AM - 5 PM”.

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 Appendix 5
List of oral life history interview questions
In all oral life history interviews, I started with the question to share their life story with me. The
Maya healers often referred to this as ‘mi camino’ or the path they walked as a Maya healer.
Therefore, I started to refer to their camino as a Maya healer. In most cases, the Maya healers
started to include stories about their knowledge acquisition on Maya healing practices. As a semi-
structured interview, I noted the following research questions to guide the conversation in case the
research questions did not come up. In addition, I added new questions when after conversations
new important topics came up. However, in most conversations it was not necessary to apply the
question list, as the topics were covered in the natural course of the conversations.

Knowledge transfer on Maya healing practices

1. Podriá decirme algo sobre su camino hacia su trabajo como curandero/curandera? – Could
you tell me something about your path towards your work as a healer?
a. Cuando empezó tu iniciación? – When did your initiation start?

2. Tenías maestros o abuelos que te enseñaron? – Did you have any teachers or grandparents
who taught you?
a. Como hicieron eso? – How did they do that?

3. Las enseñanzas vinieron a través de sueños o intuition? – Did teachings also come through
via dreams or intuition?
a. Recuerdas la primera vez que tuviste los sueños? Cuántos años tenías? – Do you
remember the first time that you had such a dream? How old were you?

4. Habian libros sobre la cosmologia Maya antes de que llegaran los Españoles? – Were there
books on the Maya cosmology before the Spanish arrived?
5. Cual es tu Nahual? – What is your Nahual?
6. Pienses que la sabidura de las tradiciones esta perdiendo? – Do you think that the knowledge
of the traditions is getting lost?

Younger generations and Maya healing

1. Crees que todavia naces los bebes con la misión de convertirse en curandero Maya? – Do you
think that still babies are born with the mission of becoming a Maya healer?
a. Como es la respuesta de la familia en estes casos? – How is the response of the
family in these cases?
b. Su(s) niña(s), ellas reciben los mensajes en sus sueños tambien? – Do your children
receive messages through dreams as well?
c. Tu enseñas la(s) niña(s) de aprender las practicas de curar? – Do you teach your
children Maya healing practices?
d. Pienses que aprenden mas en sus sueños o de tu? – Do you think that they learn
more in their dreams or via you?

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 2. Crees que los jovenes todavía estan interesada en la practica de curación Maya? Porque
si/no? – Do you think the youth is still interested in practicing Maya healing? Why?
3. Hay nuevos generationes de curanderos Mayas? – Are there younger generations of Maya
healers?
4. Como piensen tus amigos sobre ustedes y las practicas de espiritualidad Maya? – How do
your friends think about you and the Maya spirituality that you practice? [to the young
‘wisdom keepers’]

Cross-cultural transmission of Maya healing

1. How did your interest in the Maya culture and cosmology start? [Mark and Outi]
2. How did you meet your teacher?
a. How does he/she teach you?
3. Do you mainly learn from your teacher or do you also receive teachings via dreams?
4. What is the role of intuition in your work?
5. How was the Ajq’ij initiation process?
6. How are you perceived by local Maya as a Western Maya guide? [cultural appropriation]
a. Do they respect you for your work? [cultural appropriation]
7. Do local Maya come to you for ceremonies or healing?
8. Are you in contact with younger local Maya here as well?
a. How do they perceive you?
9. How does the tradition of Maya healing come together with your own insights and
experience?
10. Do you spread the knowledge of Maya healing in some way? Why?

General questions on Maya healing

1. Qué differentes tipos de ceremonias hay? – What different types of ceremonies exist?
2. Hay muchos ceremonias por las locales aqui? - Are there many ceremonies held for the locals
here?
3. Como es la aceptación para practicar de curación Maya publicamente en este momento? –
How is the acceptance of openly practicing Maya healing at the moment?
4. Crees que los locales prefieren los hospitales o los curanderos Mayas? Porque? – Do you
think that the locals prefer to go to the hospitals or to the Maya healers? Why?

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 Appendix 6
Observation categories

Sacred fire ceremonies

1. Collaboration with younger Maya generations and intergenerational knowledge

transmission (‘leaning by doing’)
2. Engagement of younger Maya during ceremonies
3. Role of cultural brokers during the ceremonies
4. Participants during the ceremony and their cultural backgrounds
5. Ritual music
6. Teachings and explanations during the ceremony by the Ajq’ijab
7. Ceremonial offerings used and sequence of the ceremony
8. Responses and “messages” from the fire or from nature 49
9. Personal emotions during ceremonies (in personal diary to reflect on personal
experiences and ‘separate’ it from the research experience)
10. Location of sacred fire ceremonies
11. Length of the ceremonies
12. Cross-cultural knowledge transmission of Maya cosmovision

Maya abdominal massage course

1. Collaboration between Mariu and Doña Dominga

2. Cross-cultural knowledge transmission of Maya healing
3. Personal learning experience of knowledge transmission
4. Prayers by Doña Dominga during the course
5. Location of the course
6. Participants of the course
7. Apprenticeship learning

Oral life history interviews with Maya healers

1. Research setting & atmosphere

2. Length of the interview
3. Facial expressions of the informant
4. Intonations and changes in voice or speech of the informant
5. Notable body gestures
6. Expressed emotions of the research informant & personal emotions
7. Indicative mood of the research informant

49
Interpreted as such by the Ajq’ijab
66