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Middle  East             Delicious  details  from  Mughal  history  
Central  Asia             The  Mughals  of  India  by  Harbans  Mukhia  
World  Economy
Asian  Economy Reviewed  by  Piyush  Mathur  
Book  Reviews      
Letters                             In  The  Mughals  of  India,  Harbans  Mukhia  -­  a  celebrated  historian
Forum                             from  the  prestigious  Center  for  Historical  Studies  at  Jawaharlal
Nehru  University  (JNU),  New  Delhi  -­  may  well  have  crafted  his
most  successful  claim  to  popularity  outside  the  academy.  In
addition  to  thorough  research  -­  Mukhia  regrets  having  had  to
remove  "some  90%  of  the  references"  he  had  put  in  his  first  draft
to  the  publisher  -­  the  book  is  notable  for  its  wit,
its  gusto,  and  a  freedom  of  expression
increasingly  missing  from  contemporary
academic  writing  (p  xii).  

For  a  book  delivered  "more  than  a  decade"  

after  originally  planned,  there  could  not,
ironically,  have  been  a  more  appropriate  time
for  publication  (p  1).  Although  Mukhia  stays
conspicuously  clear  of  the  current  political
context,  we  cannot  help  but  note  the
significance  of  this  publication  against  the  backdrop  of  the
heightened  Hindu  nationalism  within  India,  on  one  hand,  and  the
enhanced  global  curiosity  about  the  history  of  Islamic  cultures  in
the  wake  of  September  11,  2001,  on  the  other.  For  all  that,  while
the  outstanding  merit  of  this  book  lies  in  its  address  of  key  gaps  in
information  and  popular  confusions  about  the  so-­called  Mughal
period,  its  topical  importance  rests  on  its  implications  for
contemporary  India's  understanding  of  itself  as  a  culture,  society
and  nation.  

Centered  on  the  dynasty  and  the  court,  the  book  forays  into  Indian
-­  in  many  ways  subcontinental  -­  culture  at  large  as  it  evolved
through  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Mughal  Empire  (1526-­1858).  The
scope  of  the  book  is  roughly  reflected  in  the  titles  of  its  four
chapters:  "For  Conquest  and  Governance:  Legitimacy,  Religion,
and  Political  Culture";;  "Etiquette  and  Empire";;  "The  World  of  the
Mughal  Family";;  and  "Folklore  and  the  Mughal  Court  Culture".  The
book  includes  a  chronology  of  all  the  emperors'  reigns  (which  also
tells  us  the  full  names  of  emperors  conventionally  known  to  non-­
historians  by  singular  names);;  an  introduction;;  a  glossary;;  an
extremely  useful  annotated  bibliography  of  selected  books;;  and  a
very  careful,  descriptive  index.  

Unfortunately,  the  book  cannot  lay  claim  to  meticulous

proofreading  (contrary  to  what  Mukhia  himself  would  have  us
believe)  -­  a  problem  only  compounded  by  freelance  proofreader
Helen  Gray's  apparently  thin  knowledge  of  South  Asian,  Persian
and  Islamic  cultures  or  histories.  I  will,  however,  squarely  blame
Blackwell  Publishing  (rather  than  Gray)  for  its  neglect  of  such

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fundamentals  as  proofreading  and  copy-­editing:  The  trail  of  typos
begins  right  from  the  last  line  of  the  first  page  of
"Acknowledgements"  (p  ix);;  both  the  acknowledgement  section
and  the  introduction,  incidentally,  also  deserve  serious  copy-­
editing  for  clarity  and  lucidity.  

The  highlights
Those  hoping  for  a  tight  topical  focus  within  the  Mughal  period  or
a  coherent  political  angle  on  the  part  of  the  author  are  bound  to  be
disappointed  by  Mukhia's  freewheeling  descriptions.  Academic
readers  habituated  to  looking  for  clear  ideological  frameworks  or
articulate  methodological  standpoints  are  likewise  fated  to  get  lost.
While  Mukhia  provides  a  useful,  often  eye-­opening,  introduction  to
the  history  of  historiography  in  India  -­  making  passing  references
to  influences  upon  himself  as  a  historian  -­  he  does  not  claim  to
commit  to  any  particular  scholarly  frame  of  reference  (and  the
narrative  that  follows  also  shows  that  he  is  free  from  the  fetish  of
methodology).  In  light  of  all  that,  Mukhia  should  be  credited,  first
and  foremost,  for  being  honest  and  deferential  to  the  messiness  of
history;;  indeed,  he  has  taken  pains  to  highlight  exceptions  and
contradictions  within  the  history  at  every  level.  

That  entails,  for  a  start,  throwing  light  on  the  term  "Mughal"  itself.
Contemporary  South  Asians  have  little  confusion  as  to  whom  that
term  refers  -­  but  the  early  rulers  of  the  Mughal  dynasty,  Mukhia
points  out,  did  not  consider  themselves  Mughals.  This  Persian
term  -­  "pronounced  'Mughul'  in  Iran"  -­  was  insulting  to  the  early
rulers  as  it  referred  to  Central  Asians  who  spoke  Mongol
languages  and  dialects  and  were  considered  barbarians  by  a
range  of  other  Central  Asians  including  "Turkis,  Uzbegs,
Kirghizes,  Kazaks,  Kipchaks,  Keraits,  and  Naimans"  (pp  1,  2).
These  latter  tribes  nevertheless  exempted  Chingiz  Khan  -­  the
Mughal  par  excellence  -­  from  being  considered  a  barbarian  (p  2).  

"The  dynasty  in  India,"  Mukhia  points  out,  "proudly  traced  its
lineage  from  both  Chingiz  and  Timur,  the  former  as  ancestor  of
Babur's  mother  and  the  latter  as  the  paternal  progenitor,  initially
with  greater  emphasis  on  Chingiz,  later  on  Timur.  In  Babur's  home
in  Uzbekistan,  the  dynasty  proclaimed  its  identity  as  Chaghtais,
descended  from  Chaghta,  son  of  Chingis"  (p  2).  Over  the
centuries,  however,  the  term  "'Mughal'  earned  respect,  dignity
and,  not  least,  pride,  in  its  Indian  association"  (p  5).  

Hereafter,  the  book  captures:  the  inner  fluidity  of  the  various
emperors'  personalities  and  their  distinctive  characters;;  key
distinctions  among  the  political,  personal,  social  and  religious
priorities  of  the  different  emperors;;  the  historical  status  of  many
festivals,  customs  and  etiquettes  traceable  to  the  Mughals  and  still
in  currency  in  much  of  South  Asia;;  the  milieu  and  outstanding
peculiarities  of  the  Mughal  and  "medieval"  Indian  families  as  well
as  courts;;  the  relationship  between  Islam  and  Hinduism  in  the
region  -­  but  especially  the  complex  relationships  of  major
historical  characters  with  their  own  and  other  religions;;  the  co-­
evolution  of  the  court,  the  bazaar  and  other  public  spheres;;  and  a
lot  of  juicy  historical  gossip  about  sexuality,  relationships  and
interpersonal  rivalries  among  members  of  the  dynasty  and
medieval  Indian  noblesse  generally  (with  enough  forays  into  the
life  of  the  commoner).  

Mukhia's  investigations  confirm  certain  popular  assumptions  -­

such  as  the  fanaticism  of  Emperor  Aurangzeb  (reigned  1658-­
1707),  who  justified  his  imprisonment  of  his  father  and  killing  of  his
brothers  by  invoking  "his  concern  for  Islam"  and  blaming  it  on
"their  neglect  of  it"  (p  22).  Aurangzeb  also  gave  a  "general
command  to  demolish  temples  of  the  Hindus  and  at  times  erect
mosques  on  their  debris"  (which  included  the  temples  at  Kasi  and
Mathura;;  p  22).  

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Mukhia's  general  portrayal  of  the  dynasty  is  also  not  far  from  the
popular  assumption  in  contemporary  India  about  Mughal  polity's
Islam-­based  evangelical  overtones.  "If  the  intellectual  and  cultural
ambience  at  the  court  bore  the  impress  of  Islam's  considerable
presence,"  Mukhia  points  out,  "the  rulers  themselves  frequently
invoked  Islamic  idiom  and  jargon  to  legitimize  their  actions"  (p  17).
As  such,  "'the  waging  of  wars  against  kafirs  (infidels),  'elimination
of  kufr  (infidelity)  from  the  land'  at  the  hands  of  the  'armies  of
Islam',  etc,  remained  strongly  expressed  sentiments  by  most
Mughal  rulers",  even  as  "one  strand  of  Muslim  thought  did
emphasize  a  'Hindu  wielding  the  sword  of  Islam'  as  evidence  of
glorification"  of  Islam  (pp  17,  19).  

The  rhetoric  and  specific  actions  aside,  there  were  exceptions

among  the  rulers  -­  and  the  rulers  made  exceptions  even  within
their  own  rules  and  lives.  For  instance,  Babur,  the  first  Mughal
emperor,  "saw  himself  at  times  as  a  practicing  Muslim"  -­  but  "his
practice  ...  was  ...  lightened  by  his  search  for  the  pleasures  of  the
senses:  wines,  composing  of  some  very  sensual  poetry,  music,
flowers  and  gardens,  women,  even  a  young  boy  at  one  time  in  his
youth"  (p  18).  Akbar,  the  third  emperor,  "had  turned  a  devotee  of
the  Sun,  beginning  his  day  with  Surya  Namaskar  ...  an  important
Yogic  practice"  -­  and  he  also  founded  "a  new  order  of  faith"  called
the  Din-­I-­Ilahi  (p  47).  

Jahangir,  the  fourth  emperor,  "was  not  eager  to  demonstrate  his
devout  Islamic  profile,  much  less  in  opposition  to  kufr"  (p  19).
Niccolao  Mannucci,  an  Italian  traveler  to  India  (1656-­1717),
observed  that  "of  all  his  subjects,  [Jahangir]  was  kind  to  everyone
except  the  Muslims"  (p  19).  Mannucci  also  reported  "Jahangir's
fondness  for  pork  and  wine  growing  more  intense  during  the  holy
month  of  Ramazan"  -­  and  his  resolve  to  turn  to  Christianity  upon
implorations  by  the  theologians  to  abstain  from  pork  as  a  Muslim
(p  20).  While  the  emperor  never  acted  upon  his  resolve,  he  did  "let
three  of  his  nephews"  convert  to  Christianity  -­  and  "there  was  a
public  procession  through  the  streets  of  Agra  to  celebrate  their
baptism"  (p  20).  

In  addition  to  providing  the  above  details  and  such,  Mukhia

severely  undercuts  a  contemporary  Indian  stereotype  of  the
Mughals  as  the  introducer  of  moral  or  cultural  puritanism  to  the
subcontinent.  Quite  to  the  contrary,  the  account  suggests  that  with
the  exception  of  Aurangzeb,  the  Mughals  "reveled  in  life's
merriment"  (p  17).  Apart  from  providing  luscious  details  from  their
lives  -­  such  as  major  royal  romantic  overtures  and  sexual  affairs,
including  those  of  such  stern  figures  as  Aurangzeb,  on  one  hand,
and  female  characters  such  as  the  Princesses,  on  the  other  -­
Mukhia  points  to  a  range  of  other  evidence  underscoring  the
playful  dimension  of  the  Mughals.  

For  instance,  "the  names  of  the  Mughal  Princesses  from  the
beginning  to  the  very  end  were  derived  from  the  sensual  pre-­
Islamic  Persian  tradition  rather  than  from  the  Arabic  Islamic
tradition.  Their  names,  such  as  Gulbadan  (Rose  Body),  Gulchihra
(Rose  Faced),  Dildar  Begum  (Jolly  Hearted),  Jahan  Ara
(Adornment  of  the  World),  Raushan  Ara  (Adornment  of  Light),  Zeb
al-­Nisa  (Embellishment  of  the  Female  Body),  celebrate  sensuality
rather  than  religious  piety.  Indeed,  no  Mughal  ruler,  not  even
Aurangazeb,"  Mukhia  asserts,"thought  of  giving  a  religious  name
like  Fatima  or  Khadija  to  their  daughters"  (p  137).  

"In  Babur's  memoirs,"  Mukhia  points  out,  "the  epithet  'chaste'  is
hardly  ever  used  for  a  woman,  young  or  old,  Princess  or
commoner,  and  there  are  several  references  to  convivial  parties  in
open  gardens,  in  which  his  female  relations  participated  alongside
the  men  and  had  their  share  of  intoxication  and  revelry"  (p  128).
This  stood  in  contrast  from  the  "Rajput  investment  of  family  honor
in  their  women's  bodies  and  their  obsession  with  female  sexual

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chastity"  (p  133;;  careful  as  ever,  Mukhia  does  point  out  exceptions
even  among  the  Rajputs).  

From  "Akbar's  time",  however,  "chastity  gets  invested  in  the

female  body  and  is  perceived  entirely  in  sexual  terms,  such  that
even  the  sight  or  thought  of  anything  implicating  the  female  body
was  considered  a  dilution  of  the  purity  of  the  self"  (p  130).  In
Akbar's  reign,  the  harem  "was  reorganized  into  a  fortress-­like
institution"  -­  but  Mukhia  attributes  this  reorganization  to  the
"growing  influence  of  Rajput  cultural  ethos  on  Akbar  ever  since  his
marriage  in  1562  to  the  Rajput  Princess,  daughter  of  Raja  Bhara
Mal  Kachwaha  of  Amber,  now  a  suburb  of  Jaipur"  (pp  132,  133).  

In  fact,  Akbar  "felt  so  gravely  concerned  about  the  chastity  of  his
female  relatives  that  he  denied  them  a  personal  name,  an
individual  identity  ...  open  to  public  gaze"  (p  129).  That  aside,  and
himself  far  from  monogamous,  Akbar  "pleaded  for  monogamy  and
a  certain  age  of  marriage  -­  14  for  girls  and  16  for  boys"  (p  130).
Aggrieved  at  "the  prohibition  of  the  marriage  of  widows  in  the
Hindu  religion,  for  it  caused  them  'grave  hardship'",  he  was  also
"horrified  at"  the  Rajput  practice  of  sati  -­  or  the  (self-­)immolation  of
widows  at  the  funeral  pyre  of  their  dead  husbands  (p  130).  

On  a  different  front,  the  institution  of  harem,  though  stereotypically

linked  to  the  Mughals,  was  in  fact  more  widespread.  "Rai  Puran
Mal  of  Kalinjar  ...  was  reported.to  have  'taken  two  thousand  Hindu
and  Muslim  women  into  his  harem'.  The  Hindu  ruler  of  ...
Thanjavur  ...  too,  had  the  reputation  of  possessing  700  wives  and
15,000  concubines,  going  by  Manucci's  count.  Akbar's  favorite
Rajput  noble  Man  Singh  was  said  by  Jahangir  to  have  possessed
a  similarly  large  harem  with  1,500  'wives'  and  somewhere
between  200  and  300  children  in  his  back  yard"  (p  114).  

On  the  whole,  Mukhia  points  out,  "the  medieval  family  was  not
quite  susceptible  to  clear  definitions  and  tended  to  be  expansive
...  [P]olygamy  within  the  ruling  class  was  the  predominant  practice
[and]  the  number  of  women  in  one's  harem  was  perceived  as  one
of  the  major  symbols  of  the  state's  power  and  grandeur"  (p  114).  

While  Mukhia  maintains  that  patriarchy  prevailed  in  medieval

India,  many  details  regarding  that  society  do  not  quite  match  the
contemporary  image  of  patriarchy  as  a  system.  For  instance,  "in
Mughal  India,  for  identification  of  descent,  reference  was  made  to
the  best-­known  member  of  the  family,  male  or  female"  -­  a  practice
followed  across  religions  and  families  (p  129).  Also  interesting  is
the  fact  that  within  the  dynastic  family,  the  emperor's  mother  held
supreme  sway  inside  the  harem.  "Paying  obeisance  to  one's
mother  was  a  Chingizi  custom.  Mughal  history  is  full  of  stories,
respectfully  told  by  its  chroniclers,  of  the  most  powerful  rulers
standing  before  their  grandmothers  and  mothers  almost  like
cowering  children"  (p  114).  Given  that  Mughal  emperors  had
several  mothers  within  the  context  of  polygamy,  the  personal  life
of  the  emperor  as  a  son  was  liable  to  have  been  particularly
interesting.  

Concluding  remarks
Mukhia's  history  is  full  of  merrily  told,  typically  cross-­checked
anecdotes  strung  together  by  insightful  analyses  that  resist,  even
expose,  modernistic  biases.  The  wide  expanse  of  primary  sources
used  by  the  author  ensures  a  great  deal  of  validity  to  his  account.
While  the  book  is  full  of  details  that  would  interest  a  wide  range  of
readers  for  many  different  reasons,  academic  historians  would
perhaps  find  Mukhia's  (admittedly  brief)  description  and  analysis
of  historiographic  traditions  available  to  medieval  India  most
interesting;;  they  would  particularly  relish  Mukhia's  lengthy  and
persistent  engagement  with  the  accounts  and  ideas  of  Abul  Fazl,
courtier  and  historian  of  Emperor  Akbar.  However,  perhaps  more
colorful  and  irreverent  accounts  of  the  Mughal  court  are  those

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provided  by  the  European  travelers,  especially  Edward  Terry,
Pelsaert,  John  Fryer,  Careri,  Manucci  and  Bernier.  Mukhia  makes
a  great  use  of  those  as  well.  

On  the  whole,  the  book  would  mainly  interest  the  following  groups:
South  Asians;;  those  looking  for  alternatives  to  literary  fiction  for
sheer  entertainment;;  history  buffs;;  savvy  and  curious  international
tourists;;  students  of  Indian,  Islamic,  or  Mughal  art;;  and,  most
certainly,  sociologists  and  cultural  theorists.  (Better  copy-­editing
would  have  gone  a  long  way  in  making  the  book  more  appealing
to  the  non-­academic  reader.)  

The  Mughals  of  India  by  Harbans  Mukhia.  Blackwell:  United

Kingdom,  2004.  ISBN:  0631185550.  Hard  cover;;  210  pages.  

Piyush  Mathur,  PhD,  an  alumnus  of  Jawaharlal  Nehru  University,

New  Delhi,  and  Virginia  Tech,  US,  is  an  independent  observer  of
world  affairs,  the  environment,  science  and  technology  policy,  and
literature.

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