dy·nam·ics

/dīˈnamiks/
plural
 2.the forces or properties which stimulate growth, development, or change within a system or process:"the dynamics of
changing social relations"

Local government in the Philippines

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Local government hierarchy in the Philippines. The dashed lines emanating from the president means that the president only
exercises general supervision on local government.

Map of the Philippines showing provinces

Philippines

Officially local government in the Philippines, often called local government units or LGUs, are divided into three
levels – provinces and independent cities; component cities and municipalities; and barangays. In one area, above
provinces and independent cities, is an autonomous region, the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Below
barangays in some cities and municipalities are sitios and puroks. All of these, with the exception of sitios and
puroks, elect their own executives and legislatures. Sitios and puroks are often led by elected barangay councilors.
Provinces and independent cities are organized into national government regions but those are administrative
regions and not separately governed areas with their own elected governments.
According to the Constitution of the Philippines, the local governments "shall enjoy local autonomy", and in which
the Philippine president exercises "general supervision". Congress enacted the Local Government Code of the
Philippines in 1991 to "provide for a more responsive and accountable local government structure instituted through a
system of decentralization with effective mechanisms of recall, initiative, and referendum, allocate among the
different local government units their powers, responsibilities, and resources, and provide for the qualifications,
election, appointment and removal, term, salaries, powers and functions and duties of local officials, and all other
matters relating to the organization and operation of local units." [1]

Contents

 1Levels of local government

o 1.1Autonomous Regions
o 1.2Provinces
o 1.3Cities and municipalities
o 1.4Barangays
 2Offices
o 2.1Legislatures
o 2.2Elected officials
o 2.3Offices that are common to municipalities, cities and provinces
 3Responsibilities
 4Creation and modification of local governments
 5See also
 6References

Levels of local government[edit]

Main article: Administrative divisions of the Philippines
Autonomous Regions[edit]
Main article: Regions of the Philippines
Autonomous regions have more powers than other local governments. The constitution limits the creation of
autonomous regions to Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras but only one autonomous region exists:
the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). In 2001, a plebiscite in the ARMM confirmed the previous
composition of the autonomous region and added Basilan (except for the city of Isabela) and Marawi City in Lanao
del Sur. Isabela City remains a part of the province of Basilan despite rejecting inclusion in the ARMM. A Cordillera
Autonomous Region has never been formed because no plebiscite has received the required support.
An autonomous region is governed by the regional governor and a legislature such as the ARMM Regional
Legislative Assembly.
Provinces[edit]
Main article: Provinces of the Philippines
Outside the lone autonomous region, the provinces are the highest-level local government. The provinces are
organized into component cities and municipalities. A province is governed by the governor and a legislature known
as the Sangguniang Panlalawigan.
Cities and municipalities[edit]
Main articles: Cities of the Philippines and Municipalities of the Philippines
Municipal government in the Philippines is divided into three – independent cities, component cities, and
municipalities (sometimes referred to as towns). Several cities across the country are "independent cities" which
means that they are not governed by a province, even though like Iloilo City the provincial capitol might be in the city.
Independent city residents do not vote for nor hold provincial offices. Far more cities are component cities and are a
part of a province. Municipalities are always a part of a province except for Pateros which was separated
from Rizal to form Metro Manila.
Cities and municipalities are governed by mayors and legislatures, which are called the Sangguniang Panlungsod in
cities and the Sangguniang Bayan in municipalities.
Barangays[edit]
Main article: Barangay
Every city and municipality in the Philippines is divided into barangays, the smallest of the Local Government Units.
Barangays can be further divided into sitios and puroks but those divisions do not have leaders elected in formal
elections supervised by the national government.
A barangay's executive is the Punong Barangay or barangay captain and its legislature is the Sangguniang
Barangay, composed of barangay captain, the Barangay Kagawads (barangay councilors) and the SK chairman. The
SK chairman also leads a separate assembly for youth, the Sangguniang Kabataan or SK.

Offices[edit]
Local governments have two branches: executive and legislative. All courts in the Philippines are under the Supreme
Court of the Philippines and therefore there are no local-government controlled judicial branches. Nor do local
governments have any prosecutors or public defenders, as those are under the jurisdiction of the national
government.
The executive branch is composed of the regional governor for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao,
governor for the provinces, mayor for the cities and municipalities, and the barangay captain for the barangays. [2]
Legislatures[edit]
The legislatures review the ordinances and resolutions enacted by the legislatures below. Aside from regular and ex-
officio members, the legislatures above the barangay level also have three sectoral representatives, one each from
women, agricultural or industrial workers, and other sectors.[2]

Level of
Legislature Composition[2] Head
government

 total of 24 members:[3]
o Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao (excluding Cotabato City), Sulu:
Regional 6 each, 3 elected from each assembly district
Autonomous Assembly
Legislative
region o Basilan (except Isabela City), Tawi-Tawi: 3 each, elected at- speaker
Assembly[a]
large
 Sectoral representatives
Province Sangguniang  varies, as of 2019:[3] Vice governor
Panlalawigan[b] o Cavite: 16 SP members, 2 elected from each district
o Cebu: 14 SP members, 2 elected from each district
o Batangas, Isabela,[c] Negros Occidental and Pangasinan:
[d]
 12 SP members, 2 elected from each district
o All other provinces of the first and second income classes:
[e]
 10 SP members, with seat distribution among districts varying.[f]
 o Provinces of the third and fourth income classes:[g] 8 SP
members, with seat distribution among districts varying.[f]
o Provinces of the fifth and sixth income classes: 6 SP
members, 3 per district
 President of the provincial chapter of the Liga ng mga Barangay
 President of the provincial chapter of the League of Councilors
 President of the provincial federation of the Sangguniang Kabataan
 Sectoral representatives
 varies, as of 2019:[3]
o Manila and Quezon City: 36 councilors, 6 elected from
each district
o Davao City: 24 councilors, 8 elected from each district
o Antipolo, Cagayan de Oro, Cebu
City, Makati, Muntinlupa, Parañaque, Taguig, Zamboanga City: 16
councilors, 8 elected from each district
o Bacoor, Calbayog, San Jose del Monte, and all other cities
in Metro Manila: 12 councilors, 6 elected from each district
Sangguniang o Samal, Sorsogon City: 12 councilors, 4 elected from each
City Vice mayor
Panlungsod[h]
district
o Bacolod, Baguio, Batangas
City, Biñan, Calamba, Dasmariñas, General Santos, Iligan, Iloilo
City, Imus, Lapu-Lapu, Lipa, San Fernando (La
Union), Tuguegarao: 12 councilors, elected at-large
o All other cities: 10 councilors, elected at-large
 President of the city chapter of the Liga ng mga Barangay
 President of the city federation of the Sangguniang Kabataan
 Sectoral representatives
 varies, as of 2016:[3]
o Pateros, Metro Manila: 12 councilors, 6 elected from each
district
Sangguniang o All other municipalities: 8 councilors, elected at-large
Municipality Vice mayor
Bayan
 President of the municipal chapter of the Liga ng mga Barangay
 President of the municipal federation of the Sangguniang Kabataan
 Sectoral representatives
Sangguniang  7 members elected at-large Barangay
Barangay  Sangguniang Kabataan chairperson captain
Barangay Sangguniang
Sangguniang
 7 members elected at-large Kabataan
Kabataan
chairperson

1. ^ The boundaries of ARMM assembly districts are coterminous with the existing congressional districts, except for the 1st Assembly
District of Maguindanao (which excludes Cotabato City and the Lone Assembly District of Basilan (which excludes Isabela City).
2. ^ Provinces that comprise a single congressional district are divided into two SP districts. For provinces comprising
multiple congressional districts, boundaries of SP and congressional districts are coterminous, with the exception of the following:
• Independent cities which are not allowed by law to participate in electing provincial officials are excluded from SP districts.
• The cities of Biñan and San Jose del Monte, despite forming their separate congressional districts, remain part of the 1st SP
district of Laguna and the 4th SP district of Bulacan.
3. ^ Santiago City is excluded from the 4th SP district of Isabela.
4. ^ Dagupan is excluded from the 4th SP district of Pangasinan.
5. ^ Independent cities excluded from provincial elections: 
• Naga from Camarines Sur—3rd
• Tacloban from Leyte—1st
• Ormoc from Leyte—4th
• Cotabato City from Maguindanao—1st
• Puerto Princesa from Palawan—3rd
• Angeles from Pampanga—1st
• General Santos from South Cotabato—1st.
6. ^ Jump up to:a b The manner of seat distribution varies, per Republic Act No. 7166: [4]
• For provinces comprising multiple congressional districts and need no boundary adjustments due to independent cities being excluded: each
district receives the same number of members first, then any remainder will get assigned to the districts with higher population counts.
• For provinces comprising multiple congressional districts but have district boundary adjustments: seats are distributed according to the
population size of each SP district after factoring out the independent cities.
• For provinces comprising a single congressional district: seats are usually distributed equally between the two SP districts drawn by
COMELEC, although proportional allocation exists in cases where geography and circumstance have resulted in grossly uneven SP district
population distributions (e.g. Benguet's and Sarangani's SP districts).
 7. ^ Butuan is excluded from the 1st SP district of Agusan del Norte.
8. ^ The number of city council members and districts varies per city, as determined by different statutes. For cities comprising multiple
congressional districts, boundaries of city council districts are coterminous with congressional districts, with the exception of the Legislative
district of Taguig-Pateros which encompasses the 2nd SP district of Taguig and the 1st and 2nd SB districts of Pateros. By law, some cities
that are not divided into multiple congressional districts are specifically divided into two (Bacoor, Calbayog, Las
Piñas, Malabon, Mandaluyong, Muntinlupa, Navotas, Pasay, Pasig, San Juan, San Jose del Monte, Valenzuela) or three (Samal, Sorsogon
City) city council districts.

Elected officials[edit]
All elected officials have 3-year terms, and can only serve a maximum of three consecutive terms before being
ineligible for reelection.[5]

LGU Official Minimum age (18 is the voting age[6])

Regional governor 35 years old on election day[7]

Regional vice governor Same as regional governor

Autonomous region

Regional legislative assembly

21 years old on election day[7]
member

Governor 23 years old on election day[5]

Provinces Vice governor Same as governor

Sangguniang Panlalawigan member Same as governor

Mayor Same as governor

Vice mayor Same as governor

Highly urbanized cities

Sangguniang Panlungsod member

Same as governor
(Councilor)

Mayor 21 years old on election day

Same as independent component and component

Independent component and Vice mayor
city mayor[5]
component cities

Sangguniang Panlungsod member Same as independent component and component

(Councilor) city mayor

Municipalities Same as independent component and component

Mayor
city mayor

Vice mayor Same as independent component and component

city mayor
 Sangguniang Bayan member Same as independent component and component
(Councilor) city mayor

Punong Barangay 18 years old on election day

Barangay kagawad Same as Punong Barangay

Barangay
Sangguniang Kabataan chairperson 15 to 21 years old on election day*

Sangguniang Kabataan member Same as Sangguniang Kabataan chairperson*

*a Sangguniang Kabataan official who has surpassed 21 years of age while in office is allowed to serve for the rest of
the term.[2]
Offices that are common to municipalities, cities and provinces [edit]
There are 21 offices in a government, whether it is municipal, city or provincial. There are some mandatory and
optional offices to the government.

Municipalit Cit
Office Head Province
y y

Office of the Secretary to the Sanggunian Secretary to the Sanggunian √ √ √

Treasurer's Office Treasurer √ √ √

Assessor's Office Assessor √ √ √

Accounting Office Accountant √ √ √

Budget Office Budget Officer √ √ √

Planning and Development

Planning and Development Office √ √ √
Coordinator

Engineer's Office Engineer √ √ √

Health Office Health Officer √ √ √

Office of the Civil Registry Civil Registrar √ √ X

Office of the Administrator Administrator √ √ √

Office of the Legal Services Legal Officer ? √ √

Office of Agricultural Services/Office of the Agriculturist Agriculturist ? ? √

Social Welfare and

(Office of) Social Welfare and Development Office √ √ √
Development Officer

Environment and Natural

(Office of) Environment and Natural Resources Office ? ? ?
Resources Officer

Office of Architectural Planning and Design Architect ? ? ?

Office of Public Information Information Officer ? ? ?

Office for the Development of Cooperatives/Cooperatives

Cooperatives Officer X ? ?
Development Office

Population Office Population Officer ? ? ?

Veterinary Office/Office of Veterinary Services Veterinarian X √ √

(Office of) Public Safety Office Public Safety Officer ? ? ?

(Office of) General Services Office General Services Officer X √ √

Legend:
√ - Mandatory
? - Optional
X - Not Applicable
Source: Local Government Code of 1991[8]

Responsibilities[edit]
Among the social services and facilities that local government should provide, as stipulated in Section 17 of the Local
Government Code, are the following:

 facilities and research services for agriculture and fishery activities, which include seedling nurseries,
demonstration farms, and irrigation systems;
 health services, which include access to primary health care, maternal and child care, and medicines,
medical supplies and equipment;
 social welfare services, which include programs and projects for women, children, elderly, and persons with
disabilities, as well as vagrants, beggars, street children, juvenile delinquents, and victims of drug abuse;
 information services, which include job placement information systems and a public library;
 a solid waste disposal system or environmental management system;
 municipal/city/provincial buildings, cultural centers, public parks, playgrounds, and sports facilities and
equipment;
 infrastructure facilities such as roads, bridges, school buildings, health clinics, fish ports, water supply
systems, seawalls, dikes, drainage and sewerage, and traffic signals and road signs;
 public markets, slaughterhouses, and other local enterprises;
 public cemetery;
 tourism facilities and other tourist attractions; and
 sites for police and fire stations and substations and municipal jail.
Creation and modification of local governments [edit]
As a matter of principle, higher legislative entities have the power to create, divide, merge, abolish, or substantially
alter boundaries of any lower-level local government through a law or ordinance, all subject to approval by a majority
of the votes cast in a plebiscite to be conducted by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) in the local
government unit or units directly affected. [2] The Local Government Code has also set requisites for creating local
government units.[2] A summary can be found in the table below:

Legislative bodies that can create,

Local
Area Population Income merge, abolish or substantially alter
government
the boundaries of the LGU

₱20 million for the last two

2,000 square
Province 250,000* (2) consecutive years based  Congress^
kilometers*
on 1991 constant prices

₱100 million for the last two

100 square
City 150,000* (2) consecutive years based  Congress^
kilometers*
on 2000 constant prices[9]
₱2.5 million for the last two  Congress
50 square
Municipality 25,000 (2) consecutive years based
kilometers  ARMM Regional Assembly
on 1991 constant prices
 Congress
5,000 (Metro  ARMM Regional Assembly
Manilaand highly  Sangguniang Panlalawigan,
Barangay None urbanized cities) None with recommendation from the
2,000 (rest of the concerned Sangguniang Bayan(s)
country) required
 Sangguniang Panlungsod

*either area or population; meeting only one of these requirements is sufficient

^The ARMM Regional Assembly was conferred by Congress (through Article VI, Section 19 of Republic Act 9054 [7])
the power to create or modify lower-level LGUs under its jurisdiction, including provinces and cities. However,
the Supreme Court's decision on the unconstitutionality of the now-defunct province of Shariff Kabunsuan[10] has
effectively confined the regional assembly's powers to creating or modifying only municipalities and barangays.

See also[edit]
 List of primary local government units of the Philippines

References[edit]
1. ^ "The Constitution of the Republic of the Philippines". www.gov.ph. Archived from the original  on 2016-06-17.
Retrieved 2015-11-12.
2. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f Local Government Code of the Philippines, Book III Archived 2014-10-31 at the Wayback
Machine, Department of Interior and Local Government official website.
3. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Commission on Elections  (18 August 2015).  "COMELEC Resolution No. 9982". Republic of the
Philippines - Commission on Elections. Retrieved  23 May  2017.
4. ^ Congress of the Philippines (26 November 1991).  "Republic Act No. 7166 - An Act Providing for Synchronized
National and Local Elections and for Electoral. Reforms, Authorizing Appropriations Therefor, And For Other Purposes".
Retrieved 23 May 2017.
5. ^ Jump up to:a b c Local Government Code, Book I Archived 2008-05-08 at the Wayback Machine, Department of
Interior and Local Government official website.
6. ^ Quismundo, Terra (29 May 2007).  "Election law must prevail over culture, says Abalos".  Philippine Daily
Inquirer. Retrieved 27 March  2009.
7. ^ Jump up to:a b c Republic Act 9054
8. ^ "Local Government Code of 1991 (Book III: Local Government Units)". Chan Robles Virtual Law Library.
Retrieved November 6,  2010.
9. ^ Republic Act 9009, Chanrobles Law Library.
10. ^ Creation of the province of Shariff Kabunsuan voided Archived 2009-04-01 at the Wayback Machine
 Political dynasties in the Philippines
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Philippines

Political dynasties have long been a feature of the Philippine political landscape. They are typically characterized as
families that have established their political or economic dominance in a province and have coordinated efforts to
move on to involvement in national government or other positions of national political prominence. Political dynasties
usually have a strong, consolidated support base concentrated around the province in which they are dominant.
Members of such dynasties usually do not limit their involvement to strictly political activities, and have been found
participating in business or culture-related activities."
Political dynasties started emerging after the Philippine Revolution when the First Republic of the Philippines was
established. With the decline of Spain's economic power and international prestige in the 19th century, the expansion
of British and American influence around the world, and the political current of emergent nationalism among the
children of the economically enfranchised bourgeois, the power of the peninsulares', or Spanish-born aristocracy
declined propitiously. Following the defeat of the Spanish in the Spanish–American War, the surviving members of
the Spanish or Spanish-sanctioned landholding elite and the newly ascendant merchant elite, who were mostly
foreign expatriates or of Chinese origin, formed a de facto aristocracy to replace the power vacuum the Spanish had
left.
Aristocracy survived and prospered under the American colonial regime, and remained a permanent fixture in
Philippine society even following the independence of the Philippines was finally confirmed following the devastation
of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II. Over the years, political
dynasties continued to adapt, as newer dynasties emerged to fill power vacuums left behind by the extinction of older
dynasties. The majority of the available positions in Philippine government are currently held by members of these
political dynasties. Notable Philippine political dynasties include the Aquino, Marcos, Arroyo, Binay, Duterte, and
Roxas families." There has been a lot of debate regarding the effects political dynasties have on the political and
economic status of Philippine society. Despite the negative reaction of the populace towards political dynasties and
the association between dynastic activities and corruption, [1] it is only prohibited in the members of the youth-
oriented Sangguniang Kabataan.

Contents

 1Definition
 2Philippine laws
 3Statistics of Philippine political dynasties
 4Critical reception
o 4.1Negative
o 4.2Positive
 5Notable Philippine political families
o 5.1Ampatuan
o 5.2Aquino
o 5.3Estrada
o 5.4Marcos
o 5.5Ortega
o 5.6Roxas
o 5.7Duterte
 6See also
 7References

Definition[edit]
Political dynasties refer to family units with members involved in government activities. In the Philippines, political
dynasties refer to groups of politicians who come from the same family. The group in question is usually associated
with a certain province or city, which members of the family have led or represented for successive generations. This
can occur in two ways. One way is for members of a family to occupy a same certain government position in every
term. Once the term of the member of a political dynasty runs out, a relative of the incumbent will run in his stead,
thus ensuring political dominance. The second way is for a number of family members to occupy government
positions at the same time.[1] As of the moment, there are no legal documents or laws that officially define a political
dynasty in the Philippines. There have been bills that attempt to define a political dynasty such as the Anti-Dynasty
Bill. However, such attempt usually miscarry and end in failure, as proven by the defeat of the Anti-Dynasty Bill in
Philippine Congress on February 2, 2016.

Philippine laws[edit]
The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines states in Article II Section 26: "The State shall guarantee equal access to
opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."
Despite the provision in the Constitution, only the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act of 2016 is the only statute that
has been implemented concerning the status of political dynasties in the Philippines. The closest explicit mention of
political dynasties in Philippine law can be seen in Republic Act 7160 or the Local Government Code, where Book I,
Title Two, Chapter 1, Section 43 states the term limit of local government officials. However, it does not include any
limitations on the running of the incumbent's family relations or on the holding of multiple political positions by
members of the same family.
(a) The term of office of all local elective officials elected after the effectivity of this Code shall be three (3) years,
starting from noon of June 30, 1992 or such date as may be provided for by law, except that of elective Barangay
officials: Provided, That all local officials first elected during the local elections immediately following the ratification of
the 1987 Constitution shall serve until noon of June 30, 1992.
(b) No local elective official shall serve for more than three (3) consecutive terms in the same position. Voluntary
renunciation of the office for any length of time shall not be considered as an interruption in the continuity of service
for the full term for which the elective official concerned was elected. (c) The term of office of Barangay officials and
members of the Sangguniang kabataan shall be for three (3) years, which shall begin after the regular election of
Barangay officials on the second Monday of May 1994.
Several bills have been filed in relation to the prohibition of political dynasties, and are currently pending to be
approved by the Congress. Many have called for the Congress to pass the Anti-Dynasty Law, but this bill has been
passed over by each Congress since 1987.
On January 24, 2011, Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago filed Senate Bill 2649 which prohibits political dynasties
from holding or running for elected local government positions. The bill disqualifies the following candidates from
running for local government positions:

 relatives of an incumbent elected official running for re-election up to the second degree of consanguinity,
and are planning to run in the same province in the same election as the elected official
 relatives of an incumbent elected official that holds a national position up to the second degree of
consanguinity, and are planning to run in the province of origin of the elected official
 persons that are not relatives of an elected official that are candidates to the same position in the same
province in the same election but are related to each other up to the second degree of consanguinity.
The bill also prohibits relatives within the prohibited civil degree of relationship of an incumbent from succeeding to
the incumbent's position, except for the positions of Punong Barangay and Sangguniang Barangay.
Three bills were filed in the House of Representatives which are also in relation to the prohibition of political
dynasties, which are similar in content to Senate Bill 2649:

1. House Bill 172 filed on July 1, 2013, by representatives under the Bayan

Muna, Gabriela, ACT, Anakpawis and Kabataan party lists.
2. House Bill 837 filed on July 2, 2013, by Representative Erlinda Santiago of the 1-SAGIP party list.
3. House Bill 2911 filed on September 18, 2013, by Representative Oscar Rodriguez from the 3rd district of
Pampanga.
On December 16, 2013, the House of Representatives Committee on Suffrage and Electoral Reforms agreed to
replace the three House bills into a single bill filed as House Bill 3587.
In 2016, the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Law (Republic Act No. 10742) was signed into law which made some
significant changes to the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK).[2] It changed the age of the council from 15 to 17 years old to
18 to 24 years old and it forbids individuals from seeking a youth council appointment who are closer than the second
degree of consanguinity (have the same grandparents) from any elected or appointed official in the same area. [2]
It is the first Philippine law with an anti-political dynasty restriction for elected positions, as permitted by the
1987 Philippine Constitution.[3]

Statistics of Philippine political dynasties[edit]

Due to the increasing number of political dynasties in the Philippines, majority of the positions in government are held
by politicians that are members of political dynasties. In fact, in the years 1995-2007, an average of 31.3% of all
congressmen and 23.1% of governors were replaced by relatives. In the 1995 elections, of the 83 congressmen
elected on to their third term, 36 of them were replaced by a relative in the succeeding elections. The term "relative"
here referring to anyone with a familial connection such as a wife, a son or daughter, a cousin, etc. In many of these
cases, the people who would eventually go on to take their place had no previous political background or experience
save their familial connection.[4]
In a study done in 2012 by economists Beja, Mendoza, Venida, and Yap, it was estimated that 40% of all provinces
in the Philippines have a provincial governor and congressman that are related in some way. [4] Another 2014 study
done by Querubin of the Department of Politics in New York University indicated that an estimate 50-70% of all
politicians are involved or associated in a political dynasty within the Philippines, including local government units. In
the same study, it was concluded that approximately 70% of all jurisdiction-based legislators in the current Congress
are involved in a political dynasty, with 40% of them having ties to legislators who belonged to as far as 3
Congresses prior. It is also said that 77% of legislators between the ages of 26-40 are also dynastic, which indicates
that the second and third generations of political dynasties in the Philippines have begun their political careers as
well.[5]
In order to analyze patterns of political dynasties within the 15th Congress, categories were formed according to the
number of familial ties each politician had to politicians belonging to previous Congresses:
Category 1: Those with ties to the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th Congress as well as at least one family member elected
into a local government unit between the years 2001 and 2010
Category 2: Those with familial connections to at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress
Category 3: Those who share kinship with at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th dynasty, or at least
one relative with a local government unit (LGU) position from the 2001, 2004, or 2007 elections
Category 4: Those with at least one relation in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress or holding a local government unit
(LGU) position in the elections in between 2001 and 2010
In a population of 229 legislators in the 15th Congress, 155 of them are classified as belonging to the fourth category.
Of those 155, 144 of them also belong to the third category. 84 of the 144 belong in the second category, and of the
84, 10 belong to the first category.[5]

Critical reception[edit]
Various writers wrote articles that analyze and critique politicians that fall under the domain of a political dynasty.
Often, these articles hold these said persons and families in a critical light. [6] Although political dynasties have already
been present in the Philippines for a significant period of time, the public has only recently started clamoring for a
change in system.[7] The public support for the bill against political dynasties has steadily increased because the
president, while part of a dynasty himself, fully supports the passage of the Anti-Dynasty Bill. [8] In a provincial scale,
political dynasties are often held in higher regard- contrasted with dynasties that oversee a wider public, where
reception is mostly negative. A study that used empirical data correlated political dynasty presence with socio-
economic development. This study stated that "this partial correlation coefficient finds a positive relationship between
poverty incidence and the proportion of political dynasties in each province." Although the study found a correlation,
this does not determine whether it is a causal relationship since poverty is multifaceted. [9]
Negative[edit]
One of the more notable theories concerning the negative effects of political dynasties is a political "Carnegie Effect",
named after Andrew Carnegie. The "Carnegie Effect" is based on Carnegie's decision to give all his wealth to non-
family members, where he argues that his son might have less incentive of working hard if he were to be assured of
his father's wealth.[10] This idea of inherited wealth and connections discouraging future generations to work hard can
also be attributed to dynastic politicians. Dynastic politicians have a significant advantage from the start of their
political career They have a statistically higher probability, due to factors like popularity and incumbency advantage,
to win elections when pitted against politicians with no such political networks. Dynastic politicians also have
generally lower educational attainment, because of their reliance on dynastic connections rather than bureaucratic or
academic competence for their position. [11]
There is also significant evidence to suggest that Philippine political dynasties use their political dominance over their
respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or outright bribery of legislators. These kinds of
situations arise as conflicts of interests- political dynasties often hold significant economic power in a province- and
their interests are overrepresented due to dynastic politics. [12] Another negative effect of political dynasties is that
political dynasties tend to be for the status quo and develop interests largely separate from the people they were
supposed to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased
towards defending their own vested economic interests, which presents conflict of interest problems. Political
dynasties also prevent challengers with potentially effective policy ideas from being able to take office, which limits
the capacity for bureaucratic responsiveness and administrative effectiveness and adaptation to new ideas.
Positive[edit]
Political dynasties also have extra incentive to develop their own jurisdictions. Based on Mancur Olson's theory of
political governance or the "Roving Bandits vs. Stationary Bandits" theory, dynastic politicians are more likely to
pursue long-term development oriented strategies since they expect to hold power and benefit from their position for
longer. This is usually set in contrast to non-dynastic politicians who would, under this theory, have less incentive to
develop due to their limited term. Political dynasties can gain benefits either directly or indirectly through their
relatives.[13] Political dynasties are also responsible for the increase in women's political participation in politics.
Female politicians hailing from political dynasties can easily get into politics due to their connections. [13] Political
dynasties have the advantage of continuity. The more control the family has over the government unit, the more
members of the family can occupy positions of power. Political dynasties can use this continuity by promoting and
enacting laws and ordinances that are long term in nature; with only a slim chance of other candidates outside of the
dynasty interfering with the plans.

Notable Philippine political families[edit]

See also: List of political families in the Philippines
Ampatuan[edit]
The Ampatuan family has exercised political crowd control over the Maguindanao region since 2001, with several of
its members holding positions in government. The family's patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., was elected Governor of
Maguindanao in 2001. His sons, Andal Ampatuan Jr. and Zaldy Ampatuan, were the former mayor of Datu
Unsay and former governor of ARMM respectively.[14] 80 members of the Ampatuan family ran for governmental
positions during the 2013 elections.[15] The Ampatuans' rise to power is attributed to support received from former
President Gloria Arroyo.[16] As a result of their connection, the Ampatuans won Arroyo a large majority of votes from
Maguindanao during the 2004 presidential elections. The Arroyo administration's issuance of Executive Order 546
then allowed the Ampatuans to form their own private army, also known as civilian volunteer organizations. [17]
Despite their prominence in Maguindanao, the Ampatuans were generally unheard of outside of the region until the
infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre. They are considered the main suspects behind the massacre that killed 57
people. The victims had been on their way to file the candidacy of Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu for the 2010 elections
when they were stopped by an armed convoy. They were later abducted and murdered; some victims were also
reported to have been raped.[18][19] After the discovery of the mass graves, President Arroyo declared martial law in
Maguindanao.[20] 198 people, including Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Andal Ampatuan Jr., were charged with murder.
[21]
 Charges against some of the suspects have been dropped in the years since. Andal Ampatuan Sr., suspected to
be the mastermind behind the massacre, died on July 17, 2015.[22] The trial remains ongoing today.
Aquino[edit]
The Aquinos are a political family that originated from Tarlac. The dynasty began with Servillano Aquino, a general
during the Philippine Revolution and delegate of the Malolos Congress. His son, Benigno "Igno" Aquino, Sr., was a
Speaker in the House of Representatives during the Second Philippine Republic. He was charged and arrested for
collaborating with the Japanese during World War II. Nowadays, the Aquinos are oftentimes viewed as opponents of
the Marcos family, mainly due to the actions of Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. A former governor of Tarlac who has his
critical views against the Marcoses resulting to a family-political feud. He was imprisoned and was sentenced to
death but was pardoned and exiled to the US by President Ferdinand Marcos for his recovery after suffering from
heart attack. On August 21, 1983, few days upon his recovery and decision to run for presidency, he returned to the
Philippines. Upon leaving the plane, Ninoy was assassinated on the tarmac in the Manila International Airport. An
estimated two million Filipinos attended his funeral procession. After his death, his wife, Corazon Aquino, became
more active in politics. She was a key figure during the People Power Revolution. Cory later became the first female
president of the Philippines after beating Ferdinand Marcos in the snap elections. Her death in 2009 garnered
widespread public support reminiscent of her husband's. Other active politicians from the Aquino family include Paolo
Benigno "Bam" Aquino, the youngest ever senator in the 16th Philippine Congress.
Estrada[edit]
The Estrada political family began with Joseph "Erap" Ejercito Estrada, who began as a successful film actor. The
popularity Estrada gained from acting would prove to be valuable when he pursued a career in politics. He served as
the mayor of San Juan from 1969 to 1986, senator from 1987 to 1992, and vice president from 1992 to 1998. He
later succeeded Fidel to be the 13th President of the Philippines. During his term, Estrada's wife and First Lady, Loi
Estrada, served as senator. Allegations of corruption under his administration led to an impeachment trial, which was
discontinued after the court voted against opening an envelope possibly containing incriminating evidence. This
resulted in the four-day-long Second People Power Revolution.[23] His resignation from presidency was declared soon
afterwards. Despite this, the absolute pardon given by former President Arroyo allowed Estrada to run for and
eventually became the mayor of Manila in 2013.[24]
Many other members of the Estrada family are still active in politics, particularly in San Juan. Among these are his
sons, Jinggoy Estradaand JV Ejercito, who both served as Mayor of San Juan. JV's mother, Guia Gomez, is the
current mayor.[25] Jinggoy Estrada himself has been a member of the Senate since 2004. He is currently under trial for
his alleged involvement in the multi-billion peso pork barrel scam. [26]
Marcos[edit]
The Marcoses are one of the most well-known political families in the Philippines. The dynasty started with Mariano
Marcos, a lawyer from Ilocos Norte who was a member of the House of Representatives back in
1925. Ilocos remains to be the Marcoses’ political stronghold today.
The family was at its most prominent during the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos, son of Mariano Marcos. Ferdinand
is one of the most controversial figures in Philippine history, due to his declaration of martial law and the numerous
alleged human rights violations and alleged rampant corruption of public funds during his rule. He and his father,
Mariano Marcos, were also convicted for the murder of their political rival, Julio Nalundasan, who was killed by a
sniper while brushing his teeth at his home on September 20, 1935. [27] Ferdinand Marcos supposedly declared Martial
law to suppress the widespread of communism and civil strife. However, he used it to suppress dissent, and
consolidate power through the ratification of a new constitution. Marcos family members also held several
governmental positions during this period and were involved in the misuse of public funds. [28] Though they were exiled
as a result of the People Power Revolution, the Marcos family has since regained power and is currently active in
Philippine politics. Imelda Marcos, wife of Ferdinand and former first lady, is currently a district representative of the
second district of Ilocos Norte. Marcos’ daughter, Imee Marcos, is a governor of Ilocos Norte. His son, Ferdinand
"Bongbong" Marcos Jr., was a former senator who was a candidate for vice president in the 2016 national elections.
[29]
 The Marcoses currently cannot set foot in any United States territory because of a contempt judgement regarding
their human rights violations.[30]
Ortega[edit]
The Ortega political clan is believed to be the Philippines' political family with the longest unbroken political rule,
ruling over the province of La Union for over a century. The current progenitor of the Ortega political dynasty is
former governor Manuel "Manoling" Ortega, who served as Governor of the province from 2007-2016. [31]
Roxas[edit]
The Roxas political family started with Manuel Roxas, the fifth president of the Philippines. Before being president, he
served as the governor of Capiz (now named Roxas City). As a descendant of Antonia Róxas y Ureta, he is also
related to the Zobel de Ayalas, a prominent business family. His son, Gerardo Roxas, served as a representative of
the First District of Capiz and senator. His grandson, Mar Roxas, was a former senator and Department of Interior
and local government secretary. He lost the vice presidency in 2010, and lost the presidency in 2016 elections.
Duterte[edit]

 Rodrigo Duterte, President since 2016 (Mayor of Davao City 1988-1998, 2001-2010, 2013–16)
 Sara Duterte, Mayor since 2016 (Vice Mayor 2007-2010, Mayor of Davao City 2010-2013)
 Paolo Duterte, Davao City 1st District Representative since 2019 (Vice Mayor 2013-2018)
 Sebastian Duterte, Vice Mayor since 2019