AAKER, J.L., WILLIAMS, P. Empathy Versus Pride The Influence of Emotional Appeals Across Cultures PDF

Journal of Consumer Research, Inc.
Empathy versus Pride: The Influence of Emotional Appeals across Cultures

Author(s): Jennifer L. Aaker and Patti Williams
Source: Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 25, No. 3 (December 1998), pp. 241-261
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/209537 .
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Empathy versus Pride: The Influence of
Emotional Appeals across Cultures
JENNIFER L. AAKER
PATTI WILLIAMS*
This research examines the persuasive effect of emotional appeals on members

of collectivist versus individualist cultures. The results of two experiments demon-
strate that ego-focused (e.g., pride, happiness) versus other-focused (e.g., empa-
thy, peacefulness) emotional appeals lead to more favorable attitudes for mem-
bers of a collectivist culture, while other-focused versus ego-focused emotional
appeals lead to more favorable attitudes for members of an individualist culture.
Experiment 2 was conducted to examine the psychological mechanism underly-
ing these effects. The results indicated that the generation of and elaboration on
a relatively novel type of thought (individual thoughts for members of a collectivist
culture, collective thoughts for members of an individualist culture) account for
the persuasive effects found in this research. These results are interpreted within
an ability-motivation framework, and theoretical implications involving cross-cul-
tural persuasion effects are discussed.
A considerable amount of research in consumer behav-

ior has examined how emotions are used in persua-
sion appeals. Researchers have focused on how emotions
cultural orientation and emotion to examine how emo-
tional appeals operate differently across cultures.
In addition, we explore the psychological mechanism
influence affective responses (Batra and Ray 1986), at- underlying the persuasion effects of emotional appeals
tention to the advertisement (Olney, Holbrook, and Batra across cultures. In experiment 1, we demonstrate that the
1991), brand and advertisement memories (Friestad and effect of emotions on attitudes is related to perceptions
Thorson 1993), and attitudes (Edell and Burke 1987). of self and other, which tend to vary systematically across
However, while recent research in cultural psychology cultures. In experiment 2, we examine the moderating
suggests that cultural orientation has a significant effect effect of reference type on the persuasive effect of emo-
on processes of persuasion (Aaker and Maheswaran 1997; tional appeals for members of individualist versus collec-
Triandis 1989) as well as patterns of emotions (Markus tivist cultures and show that the persuasive effects of
and Kitayama 1994; Matsumoto 1989), very little work emotional appeals are mediated by the different type of
has examined the differential effect of emotional appeals thoughts generated and elaborated on by members of the
on persuasion across cultures. A growing interest in the two cultures.
globalization of marketing activities and the cross-cultural
use of advertisements in particular makes this gap in the
literature even more significant (see Han and Shavitt EMOTIONS, CULTURE,
1994). This research attempts to bridge the research on AND THE SELF
Emotions have been viewed as a universal set of inter-
nal processes that are largely hardwired, arising when an
*Jennifer L. Aaker is assistant professor of marketing at the Anderson event that is relevant to the concerns of an individual
School of Management, University of California, Los Angeles, 110
Westwood Boulevard, Box 951481, Los Angeles, CA 90095-1481. Patti occurs (Darwin 1896). Since many concerns are shared
Williams is assistant professor of marketing at the Stern School of across cultures, emotional experiences tend to be cross-
Business, New York University. This research was funded by Jose de culturally similar. In fact, research on emotions has docu-
la Torré and the Center for International Business, Education, and Re- mented universal consensus in evaluations of basic emo-
search at University of California, Los Angeles. The authors thank Susan
Chiu, Loraine Lau, and Durairaj Maheswaran for their comments on tions such as evaluation, activity, and potency (e.g.,
earlier drafts, and particularly Ivy Fei, Sally Lee, and Bernd Schmitt, Osgood, May, and Miron 1975), as well as specific emo-
the BAT Chair of Marketing at China Europe International Business tions such as anger, fear, empathy, and surprise (e.g.,
School in Shanghai (China), for their help in data collection. Finally, Matsumoto 1989). However, although the recognition
the authors extend great amounts of thanks to Bob Burnkrant, Debbie and experience of many emotions appears to be cross-
MacInnis, and three JCR reviewers.
culturally robust, significant differences exist as well.
241
q 1998 by JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH, Inc. Á Vol. 25 Á December 1998
All rights reserved. 0093-5301/99 / 2503-0003$03.00
/ 9h10$$de01 11-17-98 09:17:00 cresa UC: Con Res

242 JOURNAL OF CONSUMER RESEARCH
These differences tend to be attributed to systematic cul- levels of arousal, flow, or integration (e.g., Batra and Ray
tural variations in the concerns of individuals, which arise 1986; Edell and Burke 1987; Holbrook and Batra 1987;
from distinct self-construal patterns (Triandis 1993). Kamp and MacInnis 1995; Stout, Homer, and Liu 1990).
Despite this increased interest in the effect of emotions
Differences in Self-Construal in Individualist on persuasion, however, differences in emotions based
on their primary referent of focus have not been examined
versus Collectivist Cultures in consumer behavior research. The recognition of this
Individualism-collectivism is a cultural-level variable distinction in cultural psychology has led to the terms
referring to the extent to which members of a culture tend ‘‘ego-focused’’ and ‘‘other-focused,’’ which refer to ‘‘the
to have an independent versus interdependent construal degree to which specific emotions systematically vary in
of the self (e.g., Hofstede 1980).1 In individualist cultures the extent to which they follow from, and also foster
(e.g., the United States, Australia, and Canada), an inde- or reinforce, an independent versus interdependent self ’’
pendent self-construal, which refers to the self as compris- (Markus and Kitayama 1991, p. 235). Ego-focused emo-
ing a unique set of internal attributes including motiva- tions (e.g., pride, happiness, frustration, anger) tend to
tions, traits, and values, tends to be fostered. In contrast, be associated with an individual’s internal state or attri-
in collectivist cultures (e.g., China, Japan, and Taiwan) butes, to the exclusion of others, and are consistent with
an interdependent self-construal, which refers to the self the need for individual awareness, experience, and expres-
as inseparable from others and social context, tends to be sion. In contrast, other-focused emotions (e.g., empathy,
fostered. peacefulness, indebtedness, shame) tend to be associated
As a result of these distinct self-construals, the con- with others in a social context or close others (i.e., family,
cerns of members of individualist versus collectivist cul- friends, coworkers, political or religious groups, social
tures often vary. Individualists tend to be concerned with class, or an ideological or national entity that is centrally
separating one’s self from others, displaying qualities of important to the individual’s self-definition [Triandis
uniqueness and not being influenced by others. Conse- 1994]) and are consistent with the need for unity, har-
quently, the personal and subjective part of one’s emo- mony, and the alignment of one’s actions with those of
tional experience, to the exclusion of others, is salient. another.2
Collectivists tend to be concerned with affiliating with Importantly, cultural orientation appears to influence
close others, maintaining connectedness, and blending the the ability to recognize these two emotion types due to
self/other boundary (Singelis 1994). Consequently, the different levels of accessibility of ego-focused versus
interpersonal and intersubjective aspects of emotional ex- other-focused emotions across cultures. More specifically,
perience are salient. In this light, ‘‘the self-structure func- acknowledging certain emotions is discouraged in some
tions as an individualized orienting, mediating, interpre- cultures, resulting in lowered levels of accuracy in their
tive framework giving shape to what people notice and identification (Matsumoto 1989). Similarly, research on
think about, to what they are motivated to do and to the self demonstrates that culturally self-relevant versus
how they feel and their ways of feeling’’ (Markus and self-irrelevant emotions tend to be easier to recognize
Kitayama 1994, p. 92). since there is a greater presence of cognitive categories
with which to appraise and process them (Markus, Mo-
reland, and Smith 1985). Lazarus (1982) argues that this
Persuasion Appeals and the Distinction cognitively based appraisal process, which tends to occur
between Ego-Focused and Other-Focused automatically, involves the recognition of certain aspects
Emotions of a stimulus situation as emotionally relevant to an indi-
vidual. Thus, culturally derived knowledge structures can
A growing amount of research has examined the role be utilized in the appraisal process, driving the recogni-
of emotions in consumer behavior (cf. Holbrook and tion of which aspects in a situation are self-relevant and
Hirschman 1982). This work has primarily distinguished consequently likely to be emotionally significant for the
between emotions based on their content, valence, and individual. As a result, having an interdependent versus
independent self emphasizes particular domains of con-
cern, leading to different levels of accessibility of ego-
1
Individualism-collectivism has been treated as a dichotomous cul- focused versus other-focused emotions, and thereby in-
tural level variable by many researchers and as an individual difference
variable (e.g., idiocentrism-allocentrism, independent-interdependent)
by others. In this research, we focus on individualism-collectivism as a
2
cultural variable rather than an individual difference variable for two It should be noted that the ego-focused versus other-focused emotion
reasons. First, the cultural level conceptualization is consistent with variable differentiates between emotions that otherwise may be per-
Hofstede (1980) and Triandis (1989), which provide the basis for ceived as similar if one were considering only valence or arousal. For
theory development. Second, the within-culture variance of these con- example, although anger and shame are similarly negative and arousing,
structs tends to be small relative to the between-culture variance (Tri- anger tends to be less interpersonally engaged than shame. Similarly,
andis 1993). Thus, the theoretical predictions can be better tested by while happiness and empathy are both positive and moderately arousing,
treating individualism-collectivism as a dichotomous cultural level vari- empathy tends to be more interpersonally engaged than happiness (Ki-
able. tayama and Markus 1995).

EMOTION AND CULTURE 243
fluencing the accessibility patterns of both emotional ap- the frequency with which they felt the emotions in every-
praisal and arousal (Frijda and Mesquita 1994). day life. American participants reported greater frequency
To clarify the distinction between ego-focused and of experiencing socially disengaged emotions (e.g., pride,
other-focused emotions, consider the following story: A anger), while Japanese participants reported greater fre-
graduate student lost an award competition, unsuccess- quency of experiencing socially engaged emotions (e.g.,
fully appealed it, and subsequently failed to get an aca- friendly feelings, feelings of indebtedness).
demic job. Soon after, he entered his graduate program Finally, the literature on emotions and persuasion dis-
office and shot his advisor, the person who handled the criminates between the recognition of emotions depicted
appeal, several bystanders and himself (as cited in Morris in advertisements and the felt emotional responses that
and Peng [1994]). What emotions will a reader of this such depictions can evoke. The recognition of the emotion
story feel most intensely? In individualist cultures, the depicted in an appeal tends to represent a cognitively
personality traits or internal attributes of the student tend based appraisal process and does not necessarily lead to
to be highlighted (e.g., ‘‘very bad temper,’’ ‘‘darkly dis- arousal or the actual experience of emotion (Arnold
turbed man’’; Morris and Peng 1994, p. 958), which 1960). However, emotional appeals tend to be created
may result in relatively more intense feelings of anger or to evoke emotional reactions in consumers that, in turn,
disgust than in collectivist cultures. In collectivist cul- influence attitudes (Holbrook and Batra 1987). In the
tures, others in the social context or the situation in which present set of experiments, we examine the cultural differ-
the student found himself tend be highlighted (e.g., ‘‘did ences in the ability to appraise certain types of emotional
not get along with his advisor,’’ ‘‘isolation from Chinese appeals as culturally relevant. As a result, we focus on
community’’; Morris and Peng 1994, p. 958), which may the types of emotions depicted in advertising appeals
result in relatively more intense feelings of understanding rather than the emotional responses evoked in response
or empathy than in individualist cultures. to those appeals.
Similarly, consider a scenario in which an individual
wins a prize in a competitive contest. Ellsworth (1994)
suggests that more intense feelings of pride for excelling Cultural Differences in Ability: Differential
may be experienced if the winner is from an individualist Effectiveness of Ego-Focused and Other-
versus collectivist culture, while more intense feelings of Focused Emotional Appeals
guilt for having been helped by others and gaining the
focus of attention may be experienced if the winner is In this research, we posit that the cultural differences
from a collectivist versus individualist culture. in accessibility of emotion types may lead to differential
In both scenarios, the relative felt intensity of these levels in the ability to recognize and experience these
emotions differs across cultures due to a varying focus emotions, thereby affecting their effectiveness in persua-
of attention typically held by members of individualist sion contexts. Specifically, the heightened accessibility of
cultures (where the primary referent tends to be the dis- ego-focused emotions in individualist cultures, or other-
tinct self) versus collectivist cultures (where the primary focused emotions in collectivist cultures, should increase
referent tends to be close others and the social situation; the ability of members of such cultures to process incom-
cf. Smith et al. 1993). For example, when the referent of ing appeals relying on those emotions. Thus, we predict
focus is a blocked individual goal or an abridged individ- that ego-focused versus other-focused emotional appeals
ual right, thereby highlighting the disengagement of the should have greater influence on attitudes for members
self from others, anger tends to be felt. In contrast, when of individualist cultures, and other-focused (vs. ego-fo-
the referent of focus is others in a situation or a collective cused) emotional appeals should have greater influence
goal that has been aided, thereby highlighting the syn- on attitudes for members of collectivist cultures.
chrony between the self and others, empathy tends to be Further, we suggest that the psychological mechanism
felt. underlying these effects is the difference in self-construal
However, although this research suggests that cultural patterns, which should be reflected in the types of
differences in the relative accessibility of the two emotion thoughts generated by members of the two cultures in
types exist, two points should be noted. First, there is persuasion contexts. Specifically, because members of in-
considerable overlap concerning cross-cultural percep- dividualist versus collectivist cultures tend to differ in
tions of what emotions are self-focused and other-focused their perceptions of the self, and because certain emotions
(Matsumoto et al. 1988). Second, the differential levels vary in the extent to which they access these perceptions,
of accessibility of the emotion types not only lead to the nature of thoughts evoked by the two emotional appeal
cultural differences in felt intensity, they lead to variation types should vary systematically for members of the two
in the relative frequency with which the two emotion cultures. Persuasive appeals relying on ego-focused, as
types are experienced across cultures. To illustrate, Kitay- opposed to other-focused, emotions should lead to more
ama, Markus, and Kurokawa (1991) gave college stu- favorable attitudes for members of individualist cultures
dents in the United States and Japan a number of labels because they access the independent self (self-as-distinct-
for emotions, some indigenous to America and others from-others), which can be measured by the number of
indigenous to Japan, and asked the participants to rate generated individual thoughts (i.e., thoughts relating to

the self as a distinct individual). In contrast, appeals rely- on attitudes and thoughts is examined. Thus, experiment
ing on other-focused, as opposed to ego-focused, emo- 1 relies on a 2 (emotional appeal type: ego-focused vs.
tions should lead to more favorable attitudes for members other-focused) 1 2 (cultural orientation: individualism
of collectivist cultures because they access the interdepen- vs. collectivism) between-subjects design.
dent self (self-in-relation-to-others) and thus can be mea-
sured by the number of generated collective thoughts (i.e., Method
thoughts relating to close others). Therefore, we suggest
that the attitudes toward an appeal relying on an ego- Participants were undergraduates recruited from an
focused or other-focused emotion are mediated by the American university (n Å 60; mean age Å 21.52, female
nature of cognitive responses. Specifically, Å 75 percent, all were born and raised in the United
States, 87 percent were Caucasian) and a Chinese univer-
H1a: Members of individualist cultures will have sity (n Å 90; mean age Å 19.12, female Å 63 percent,
more favorable attitudes when exposed to ego- all were born and raised in Shanghai, 100 percent were
focused versus other-focused emotional ap- native Chinese) to participate in a new brand study for
peals. $5 and 10 rmb, respectively. The beer product category,
H1b: Members of collectivist cultures will have which is relevant for participants in both cultures, was
more favorable attitudes when exposed to selected because both ego-focused and other-focused
other-focused versus ego-focused emotional emotional advertisements could be created. In the cover
appeals. story, participants read the following excerpt:
H2a: For members of individualist cultures, the re- A large-scale beer manufacturer is planning to introduce
lationship between ego-focused appeals and a new brand of beer to the U.S. (China) market—named
Ohio Flag. We would like to know what you think about
attitudes will be mediated by individual it before it is introduced. In the last month, the manufac-
thoughts. turer has asked consumers to taste the beer and list the
H2b: For members of collectivist cultures, the rela- attributes that make this new brand of beer unique from
other beers they have tried. You will be asked to read some
tionship between other-focused appeals and
of their statements to give you a feel about what Ohio Flag
attitudes will be mediated by collective beer is like. Then, we will give you an example of the
thoughts. potential print advertising message created for Ohio Flag.
We want to know both your feelings and thoughts about
EXPERIMENT 1 the beer as well as the advertisement.
Overview To enhance the realism of the cover story, participants

were given consumer excerpts that included five one-
The objective of experiment 1 is to examine whether sentence quotes, all of which favorably described the beer
different types of emotional appeals produce asymmetric on an attribute pretested to be important across cultures
persuasion effects for members of collectivist versus indi- (bottle design, taste of beer, number of calories, aroma,
vidualist cultures and to determine the extent to which and level of carbonation). For example, participants read
attitudes toward ego-focused versus other-focused emo- that one consumer felt that ‘‘the carbonation is just
tional appeals are mediated by individual versus collective right—not too fizzy, but it has zip.’’ We created posi-
thoughts. To achieve these objectives, we use two positively valenced appeals, both in terms of emotion and
tively valenced emotions (which varied across condi- content, for two reasons. First, since most advertisements
tions) to create advertising appeals with positively va- are created with the goal of approach versus avoidance,
lenced content (which remained constant across external validity is heightened. Second, the reliance on
conditions). In experiment 1, the two appeals evoked positively valenced emotions in particular reduces the po-
pride (ego-focused emotion) or empathy (other-focused tential of a confound between cultural accessibility and
emotion), which were selected for two reasons. First, the valence. To illustrate, Markus and Kitayama (1994) note
research on emotion and culture suggests that they are that anger is a negative emotion for collectivists, not only
strong examples of ego-focused and other-focused emo- because of its valence but because of a feeling of per-
tions (Markus and Kitayama 1994). Pride tends to in- ceived disengagement from others—which may be an
volve one’s internal attributes as the primary referent and emotion that is less accessible for collectivists versus indi-
fosters independent feelings, separation from others, and vidualists.
distinctiveness. In contrast, empathy tends to involve oth- Next, participants were given the print advertisement
ers’ feelings or attributes as a primary referent, fostering in which the positively valenced emotional appeal was
friendly feelings, feelings of affiliation, and connected- manipulated, followed by a series of questions regarding
ness. Second, both pride and empathy are used in advertis- participants’ thoughts and attitudes toward the advertise-
ing appeals in collectivist as well as individualist cultures ment and brand. Participants were then given an unrelated
(Aaker, Stayman, and Hagerty 1986; Mueller 1987). The five-to-seven-minute filler task (in which they were asked
influence that these two types of emotional appeals have to list likable and unlikable celebrities who were highly

relevant to the product categories of automobiles and den- moving; Cronbach’s a Å .93), as well as 37 filler emo-
tal care products), followed by demographic questions. tions. Each message depicted the intended emotion
Then, participants were asked if they drank beer (1 Å yes, (F ( empathy ) Å 12.02, p õ .01; F ( pride ) Å 3.02, p õ .05),
2 Å no); if yes, how frequently (1 Å more than once a and no differences across cultural orientation were found
week, 2 Å once a week, 3 Å once a month, 4 Å once a (F õ 1). In addition, when American and Chinese partici-
year, 5 Å less than once a year); and to rate their knowl- pants rated the brand name, Ohio Flag, on the pride-
edge of beer (1 Å extremely limited, 5 Å extensive).3 related and empathy-related emotions, no significant ef-
Finally, participants completed a set of manipulation fects involving the depicted emotions and culture were
checks and Singelis’s (1994) Independent-Interdependent found (F’s õ 1).
Scale.
Dependent Variables
Attitudes. Participants completed three attitude ques-
Independent Variables tions involving the advertisement (1 Å bad, not at all
Cultural Orientation. Past research on cultural orien- likable, unfavorable; 7 Å good, likable, favorable) and
tation suggests that the United States tends to be highly brand (1 Å bad, not at all likable, unfavorable; 7 Å good,
individualistic and China tends to be highly collectivistic likable, favorable). In addition, participants were asked
(Hofstede 1980). Therefore, university subjects in the how much they liked the brand of beer (1 Å extremely
United States and China, matched in demographic profile, dislike, 7 Å extremely like), would they try this brand
were recruited to participate in this experiment. The origi- of beer (1 Å definitely no, 7 Å definitely yes), and would
nal questionnaire was drafted in English, then translated they buy this brand of beer the next time they saw it in
into Chinese. Accuracy of the Chinese version was veri- a store (1 Å definitely no, 7 Å definitely yes). An average
fied via a back-translation procedure using external trans- of these responses led to a three-item advertisement atti-
lators (Hui and Triandis 1985). tude index (Cronbach’s a Å .95) and a six-item brand
attitude index (Cronbach’s a Å .86).
Emotional Appeal Type. To manipulate emotional Cognitive Responses. Two sets of independent raters,
appeal type, two print advertisements were created. They two American raters for the individualist participants’
were made to be as similar as possible, varying only in thoughts and two Chinese raters for the collectivist parti-
the target emotion. In the pride appeal, participants read, cipants’ thoughts, categorized cognitive responses. Amer-
‘‘Acing the last exam. Winning the big race. Receiving ican raters coded the thoughts in English, while Chinese
deserved recognition. Ohio Flag Beer. Celebrating life’s raters, both of whom were bilingual but born and raised
accomplishments.’’ In the empathy appeal, participants in Shanghai, coded the thoughts in Chinese. To ensure
read, ‘‘Reminiscing with old friends. Enjoying time to- that both sets of raters coded the thoughts similarly, all
gether with family during the holidays. Relaxing near the were trained in cognitive response analysis and given a
fire with best friends. Ohio Flag beer. Celebrating the series of examples of each thought type. Both sets of
relationships that matter most.’’ raters coded the common set of examples similarly and
To ensure that these appeals were perceived as de- were encouraged to ask the authors any questions of clari-
picting the target emotion in both cultures, a pretest was fication when they coded subsequent thoughts (Brislin
conducted whereby American (n Å 10) and Chinese (n 1980).
Å 10) participants were asked to ‘‘please indicate how Adopted from Meyers-Levy and Peracchio (1996) and
much the following emotions describe the advertisement Sujan, Bettman, and Baumgartner (1993), cognitive re-
for Ohio Flag beer, by circling one number for each word sponses were coded in terms of individual thoughts
below’’ for each appeal (1 Å not at all, 7 Å very (thoughts relating to the self as a distinct individual; any
strongly). Drawing on Frijda (1986) and Edell and Burke thought that included the use of ‘‘me’’ or ‘‘I’’ as the
(1987), this list included three pride-related emotions primary subject; e.g., ‘‘I could really imagine myself try-
(proud, confident, excited; Cronbach’s a Å .90) and three ing this beer’’) and collective thoughts (thoughts relating
empathy-related emotions (warmhearted, emotional, to just close others; any thought that included family
members or friends as the primary subject; e.g., ‘‘My
mom could appreciate this brand’’). In cases where both
3
Although the drinking age differs in the United States and China individual and collective thoughts were included in a sen-
(the drinking age in the United States is 21; no drinking age exists in tence (e.g., ‘‘My friends and I would love this beer’’),
China), no differences in product category knowledge or relevance coders double coded the thoughts as individual and collec-
between the two samples was found. Approximately 65 percent of
the Chinese participants and 80 percent of the American participants tive.4 Finally, product-related thoughts (e.g., ‘‘The beer
drink beer; both drink it approximately once a week (modal response).
In addition, Chinese participants’ self-reported knowledge of the beer
category is similar to that of American participants (XV collectivist Å 2.64, 4
Lin (1981) notes that the Chinese (vs. English) language relies on
XV individualist Å 2.74; F õ 1). Finally, an additional set of analyses was a fewer number of pronouns because of the ability to create sentences
run excluding American participants under the age of 21. The pattern that consist of only the predicate, rather than the subject and predicate.
of results with this subset mirrored that found with the overall American The subject (e.g., a pronoun) may not be mentioned because it is either
sample. impossible or unnecessary (e.g., if the pronoun ‘‘she’’ was used in a

seemed of high quality’’), advertising-related thoughts F Å 6.36, p õ .01).5 No other significant effects were
(e.g., ‘‘The images in the ad were really nice’’), and found.
irrelevant thoughts (thoughts that were theoretically
meaningless; e.g., ‘‘Where would I buy the beer?’’) were Attitudes. An ANOVA on attitude toward the adver-
also coded. However, since they were not involved in tisement yielded no significant main effects. Hypothesis
the hypotheses, they are not mentioned further. Interrater 1a, which suggested that members of individualist cul-
agreement was high (95 percent agreement for Chinese tures have more favorable attitudes when exposed to ap-
coders, 91 percent for American coders). When discrep- peals relying on ego-focused versus other-focused emo-
ancies existed, coders were instructed to discuss them tions, was not supported. Further, Hypothesis 1b, which
until a consensus was formed, a process that typically suggested that members of collectivist cultures have more
took less than a minute. favorable attitudes when exposed to appeals relying on
other-focused versus ego-focused emotions, was not sup-
ported.
Results However, a significant interaction was found on both
attitudes toward the advertisement (F Å 17.20, p õ .001)
The hypotheses were tested based on a 2 (emotional and brand (F Å 12.13, p õ .001), which yielded results
appeal type) 1 2 (cultural orientation) between-subjects in the opposite direction of what was predicted. Members
analysis of variance (ANOVA). Three covariates were of the individualist culture had more favorable advertise-
used (separately) in each analysis reported below: prod- ment attitudes when exposed to appeals relying on the
uct category usage, frequency of usage, and self-rated other-focused emotion (XV Å 5.08) than ego-focused emo-
category knowledge. None of the covariates was signifi- tion (XV Å 3.87; F Å 16.73, p õ .001). Further, members
cant in the analyses, so they will not be discussed below. of the collectivist culture had more favorable advertise-
Unless otherwise specified, df Å 1, 147. ment attitudes when exposed to advertising appeals rely-
ing on the ego-focused emotion (XV Å 4.83) than the other-
Manipulation Checks. The results of a two-way AN- focused emotion (XV Å 4.10; F Å 4.08, p õ .05).
OVA indicated that the emotional-appeal-type manipula- Analysis of brand attitudes revealed the same pattern
tion worked as expected. When asked to indicate the ex- of results, with members of the individualist culture re-
tent to which the emotions describe the Ohio Flag beer porting more favorable brand attitudes when they viewed
advertisement, participants rated the empathy appeal (XV the advertising appeal featuring the other-focused versus
Å 4.93) higher than the pride appeal (XV Å 4.26) on ego-focused emotion (F Å 11.97, p õ .01), and members
empathy-related emotions (Cronbach’s a Å .87; F of the collectivist culture exhibiting marginally more fa-
Å 3.64, p õ .05). Similarly, participants rated the pride vorable brand attitudes when viewing the advertising ap-
appeal (XV Å 5.39) higher than the empathy appeal (XV peal featuring the ego-focused versus other-focused emo-
Å 4.48) on pride-related emotions (Cronbach’s a Å .93; tion (F Å 2.81, p õ .09). This unexpected pattern of
F Å 5.12, p õ .05). Moreover, the advertising appeals results is discussed below (see Fig. 1).
were generally perceived as being either ego-focused or
other-focused as intended. As expected, the pride appeal Cognitive Responses. To examine the extent to which
evoked more individual thoughts (XV Å .64) than did the the relationship between ego-focused appeals and atti-
empathy appeal (XV Å .46; F Å 2.77, p õ .05). The tudes is mediated by the number of individual thoughts
empathy appeal evoked marginally more collective for members of individualist cultures, four analyses were
thoughts (XV Å .35) than the pride appeal (XV Å .24; F conducted (for both AAD and AB ): (a) individualist parti-
Å 1.60, p õ .10). No other significant effects were found. cipants have more favorable attitudes when exposed to
To ensure that the individualism-collectivism cultural an ego-focused versus other-focused emotional appeal;
variable was tapped through the use of American versus (b) ego-focused versus other-focused emotional appeals
Chinese participants, an interdependence-independence lead to more individual thoughts; (c) individual thoughts
index was created by averaging the 31 items of the lead to more favorable attitudes; and (d) ego-focused
Singelis (1994) scale (e.g., ‘‘I feel it is important for me versus other-focused emotions are not a significant pre-
to act as an independent person,’’ ‘‘It is important for me dictor of attitudes in a model that includes both emotional
to maintain harmony within my group,’’ ‘‘My personal appeal type and thought type (Baron and Kenny 1986).
identity, independent of others, is very important to me’’; A conceptually similar set of analyses was conducted to
Cronbach’s a Å .90). Consistent with Hofstede (1980), determine if the relationship between ego-focused appeals
American participants (XV Å .41) received higher indepen-
dent scores than did Chinese participants (XV Å 0.22;
5
Note that Singelis (1994) conceptualizes independence and interde-
pendence as two individual-level dimensions. However, in this research,
a factor analysis of the 31 items yielded only one factor, which may
prior sentence or context, the pronoun would not need repeating). How- have been due to limited sample size or insufficient situational variability
ever, the relative usage of pronoun types (e.g., ‘‘I’’ vs. ‘‘we’’) is similar in the items to reflect distinct independent and interdependent dimen-
across the two cultures (Comrie 1981). sions.

FIGURE 1
EXPERIMENT 1 RESULTS
and attitudes is mediated by the number of collective other-focused emotion (XV Å .33; F Å 3.27, p õ .05).
thoughts for members of collectivist cultures. Further, the number of collective thoughts did not differ
As highlighted above in the failed support for Hypothe- for the two emotional appeal types for members of the
sis 1a and Hypothesis 1b, the first criterion was not sup- collectivist culture (F õ 1) but was higher for members
ported; rather it was reversed. Further, the remaining cri- of the individualist culture when exposed to the appeal
teria (b– d) received no support (p’s ú .10). Therefore, evoking the other-focused (XV Å .39) versus ego-focused
the predicted mediation process was not supported. emotion (XV Å .07; F Å 4.98, p õ .05).
However, in line with the results involving attitudes, a To further examine this pattern of results, an ad hoc
systematic pattern did occur with individual and collec- mediation test was conducted on the reverse relationship
tive thoughts, but in the opposite direction of what was predicted in Hypotheses 2a and 2b. First, we examined
expected. The number of individual thoughts did not dif- the extent to which the relationship between ego-focused
fer in the two emotional appeal type conditions for mem- appeals and attitudes is mediated by the number of indi-
bers of the individualist culture (F õ 1) but was higher vidual thoughts for members of collectivist cultures. Con-
for members of the collectivist culture when exposed to sistent with analysis a, collectivist participants had more
the appeal evoking the ego-focused (XV Å .80) versus the favorable attitudes when exposed to an ego-focused ver-

sus other-focused emotional appeal ( bA ( AD ) Å .60, p cused emotions were more persuasive for members of
õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .41, p õ .01). Consistent with analysis individualist cultures. In addition, the predicted mediation
b, ego-focused versus other-focused emotional appeals process did not occur. Instead, attitudes toward other-
led to more individual thoughts for collectivists ( bA ( AD ) focused emotional appeals appear to be mediated in part
Å .92, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .52, p õ .01). Consistent with by collective thoughts for individualists, while attitudes
analysis c, individual thoughts led to more favorable atti- toward ego-focused emotional appeals appear to be medi-
tudes for collectivists ( bA ( AD ) Å .16, p Å .01; bA ( B ) ated by individual thoughts for collectivists.
Å .16, p õ .01). Finally, in partial support of analysis Thus, although the predicted differences in ability may
d, individual thoughts was a marginally significant pre- exist across cultures, another mechanism appears to drive
dictor of attitudes ( bA ( AD ) Å .72, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .37, p the results observed in experiment 1. In particular, other
õ .07), and ego-focused emotional appeal was a signifi- antecedents that affect the processing of appeals may be
cant predictor of attitudes ( bA ( AD ) Å .48, p õ .01; bA ( B ) more important. One such antecedent is motivation to
Å .34, p õ .01). process persuasive messages (MacInnis and Jaworski
Next, we examined the extent to which the relationship 1989; MacInnis, Moorman, and Jaworski 1991).
between other-focused appeals and attitudes is mediated
by the number of collective thoughts for members of
individualist cultures. Consistent with analysis a, individ- Motivation versus Ability: Cultural
ualist participants had marginally more favorable attitudes Differences in the Effectiveness of Emotional
when exposed to an other-focused versus ego-focused Appeals
advertising appeal ( bA ( AD ) Å.73, p õ .05; bA ( B ) Å .49, p
õ .07). Consistent with analysis b, other-focused versus Previous research suggests that the emotions pride and
ego-focused emotional appeals led to marginally more empathy are used in advertising appeals in both cultures.
collective thoughts for individualists ( bA ( AD ) Å .46, p However, the relative frequency with which they are used
õ .06; bA ( B ) Å .47, p õ .06). Consistent with analysis in the two cultures may vary. If so, relative differences
c, collective thoughts led to significantly more favorable in the levels of novelty of these appeals may exist across
attitudes for individualists ( bA ( AD ) Å .39, p õ .04; bA ( B ) cultures. Appeals involving other-focused versus ego-fo-
Å .36, p õ .01). Finally, in support of analysis d, collec- cused emotions may be relatively more novel in individu-
tive thoughts were marginally significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .32, p alist cultures, while appeals involving ego-focused versus
õ .09; bA ( B ) Å .37, p õ .03), but other-focused emotional other-focused emotions may be relatively more novel in
appeal was not significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .59, p õ .12; bA ( B ) collectivist cultures. Encountering either cosmetically or
Å .34, p õ .21) when predicting attitudes. substantively novel stimuli can increase motivation to
Together, these results provide some support for the process messages (Goodstein 1993). Novel stimuli,
notion that the relationship between ego-focused emo- which are often operationalized via the use of unique
tional appeals and attitudes may be partially mediated by executional elements within an advertisement (e.g., un-
individual thoughts for collectivists, while the relationship usual cinematography; Alsop 1988), automatically cap-
between other-focused emotional appeals and attitudes ture attention (Berlyne 1960), thereby increasing the like-
may be mediated by collective thoughts for individualists. lihood that individuals will switch from relatively
automatic modes of processing to more strategic modes
Discussion in an attempt to resolve any ambiguity of the stimulus or
to understand its novel properties (Grunert 1996).
Previous research has focused on differences in the Perhaps more important, novel stimuli have a second-
relative accessibility of cognitive categories for ego-fo- ary effect: beyond increasing elaboration at an absolute
cused and other-focused emotions across cultures due to level, novel stimuli change the nature of elaboration. For
differences in self-construal. This variation in accessibil- example, Oliver, Robertson, and Mitchell (1993) show
ity implies a differential ability to recognize and experi- that novel stimuli provoke a different kind of elaboration
ence one type of emotional appeal as opposed to the (e.g., imaginal rather than analytical). In this light, there
other, suggesting that individuals are experts at processing are two components of the novel stimulus that are critical
emotions that are relevant to their self-construal, doing to the process underlying the results found in experiment
so in a relatively automatic manner (Grunert 1996). 1: (1) the amount of elaboration and (2) the nature of
Based on this premise, experiment 1 was conducted to the elaboration. That is, the novel stimulus (other-focused
determine the differential levels of effectiveness of ego- emotional appeals for individualists, ego-focused emo-
focused versus other-focused emotional appeals on atti- tional appeals for collectivists) may lead to an increased
tudes of members of individualist versus collectivist cul- motivation to elaborate on the appeal. However, the in-
tures. In contrast to the expected results that would follow creased elaboration is specific in nature; the thoughts elab-
from cultural differences in ability, however, appeals rely- orated on are novel (collective thoughts for individualists,
ing on ego-focused versus other-focused emotions were individual thoughts for collectivists) and positively va-
more persuasive for members of collectivist cultures, lenced (because the appeal contained positively valenced
while appeals relying on other-focused versus ego-fo- content and emotions). Thus, an increased amount of

elaboration on a positively valenced stimulus generates In contrast, self-referencing should not enhance the per-
positively valenced thoughts, leading to more favorable suasive effect of other-focused emotional appeals for
attitudes (Haugtvedt and Petty 1992). In contrast, when members of individualist cultures, which was accompa-
individuals encounter a more common or typical advertis- nied by an increased number of collective thoughts in
ing appeal, they may be less likely to spontaneously elab- experiment 1. Rather, inducing members of individualist
orate (Goodstein 1993), reducing the likelihood that cultures to think of relationships with close others should
novel, positively valenced thoughts would arise and more enhance the persuasive effect of other-focused emotions.
favorable attitudes would result. We call this manipulation ‘‘other-referencing,’’ which re-
In sum, although members of individualist cultures may fers to the process by which an individual is explicitly
have a differential ability to process ego-focused versus encouraged to consider significant others (operationalized
other-focused emotional appeals, they may process the as close friends or family members) when processing
appeals in a relatively automatic manner due to higher information. Previous research has shown that the refer-
levels of familiarity with such stimuli. In contrast, when encing of a close other, about whom a well-articulated
they encounter a positively valenced appeal that is novel memory structure has been developed, results in outcome
(e.g., based on other-focused emotions), they may be- patterns similar to those found with self-referencing
come motivated to engage in a particular type of elabora- (Bower and Gilligan 1979). Thus, other-referencing
tive processing, thereby generating novel (i.e., collective) should lead to an increase in collective thoughts for mem-
and positively valenced thoughts and more favorable atti- bers of individualist cultures and an enhanced persuasive
tudes. Similarly, for members of collectivist cultures, the effect of other-focused emotions.
presentation of a positively valenced appeal that is novel In sum, if members of collectivist cultures elaborate on
may capture attention and result in the activation of rela- individual thoughts when exposed to ego-focused versus
tively inaccessible but available knowledge structures other-focused emotional appeals, explicitly encouraging
representing the self-as-distinct-from-others (i.e., individ- self-referencing should enhance the effects found in ex-
ual thoughts). Increased elaboration on this novel, posi- periment 1. Collectivists should have more favorable atti-
tively valenced stimulus should lead to more favorable tudes when viewing ego-focused emotional appeals that
attitudes. Experiment 2 was conducted to determine if induce self-referencing (as opposed to other-referenc-
this mechanism underlies the results of experiment 1. ing), while no such effect should result for members
of individualist cultures who should automatically self-
Examining the Psychological Mechanism: reference across conditions. Similarly, members of indi-
Self- versus Other-Referencing vidualist cultures should have more favorable attitudes
when viewing other-focused emotional appeals that in-
To examine the extent to which elaboration on novel duce other-referencing versus self-referencing, while no
thoughts explains the results found in experiment 1, we such effect should result for members of collectivist cul-
introduce the variable, referencing type (self- vs. other- tures who are likely to automatically other-reference
referencing), and examine its moderating effect on across conditions.
thought type. Self-referencing refers to the process of Further, given the novel thought type mechanism, atti-
relating incoming information to aspects of the self-struc- tudes toward the emotional appeal should be mediated
ture stored in memory, such as internal traits or personal by thought type. Therefore, the set of results involving
experiences (Burnkrant and Unnava 1995; Meyers-Levy cognitive responses found in experiment 1 should be rep-
and Peracchio 1996). Manipulations such as the use of licated. In addition, referencing type should moderate this
second-person verbal information (‘‘You’’) in advertis- process such that attitudes toward an ego-focused emo-
ing copy is enough to prompt significant self-referencing tional appeal that induce self-referencing should be medi-
(Debevec and Romeo 1992). This manipulation makes ated by individual thoughts for members of collectivist
the self-structure salient, increasing the likelihood that cultures. In contrast, attitudes toward an other-focused
individuals will relate the persuasion information to their emotional appeal that induces other-referencing should
self, and leads to increased elaboration and recall of the be mediated by collective thoughts for members of indi-
stimulus (Bower and Gilligan 1979). vidualist cultures.
Results of experiment 1 indicate that the persuasive H3a: Members of individualist cultures will have
effect of ego-focused versus other-focused emotional ap- more favorable attitudes when exposed to
peals on members of collectivist cultures is accompanied other-focused emotional appeals that induce
by an increase in individual thoughts. If elaboration on other-referencing, as opposed to self-referenc-
these individual thoughts accounts for the increase in fa- ing.
vorable attitudes of collectivist cultures when exposed
to ego-focused emotional appeals (which are positively H3b: Members of collectivist cultures will have
valenced), directly encouraging them to consider them- more favorable attitudes when exposed to ego-
selves as unique individuals, via self-referencing, should focused emotional appeals that induce self-
further prime these relatively inaccessible knowledge referencing, as opposed to other-referencing.
structures and enhance the effects found in experiment 1. H4a: For members of individualist cultures, the re-

lationship between other-focused emotional focus (Chiasson, Dube, and Blondin 1996). In fact, based
appeals, which induce other-referencing ver- on data from 15 cultures, Matsumoto (1989) found that
sus self-referencing, and attitudes will be me- people with more independent versus interdependent
diated by collective thoughts. selves were more likely to correctly identify emotional
expressions of happiness. For people with interdependent
H4b: For members of collectivist cultures, the rela- selves, positive emotional expressions tend to be used as
tionship between ego-focused emotional ap- public actions in the service of maintaining interpersonal
peals that induce self-referencing versus harmony and, therefore, are not regarded as particularly
other-referencing and attitudes will be medi- diagnostic of inner feelings of happiness. Peacefulness
ated by individual thoughts. was chosen as the basis for the other-focused emotional
appeal because it fosters relational, social emotions of
EXPERIMENT 2 modesty, harmony, and restraint (Triandis 1994). Fur-
ther, collectivist participants report experiencing emo-
Overview tions related to peacefulness more frequently than individ-
The objective of experiment 2 is to assess the robustness ualist participants (Kitayama et al. 1991). Second, both
of the results of experiment 1 and examine the psychologi- happiness and peacefulness have been used in advertising
cal mechanism underlying the unexpected effects. Conse- appeals in collectivist as well as individualist cultures
quently, three changes were made from experiment 1. First, (Hong, Muderrisoglu, and Zinkhan 1987; Mueller 1987).
the moderating effect of referencing type on the persuasive
effect of emotional appeal type on attitudes of members of Pilot Experiment
the two cultures is examined. Thus, experiment 2 relies on
a between-subjects design: 2 (emotional appeal type: ego- Overview. The focus of experiment 2 is to examine
focused vs. other-focused) 1 2 (cultural orientation: indi- the effect of self- and other-referencing on the elaborative
vidualism vs. collectivism) 1 2 (referencing type: self- effects found in response to the emotional advertising
referencing vs. other-referencing). appeals used in experiment 1. However, implicit in exper-
Second, to ensure generalizability, experiment 2 relies iment 2 is also an attempt to determine whether emotional
on another advertisement type (involving a visual picture appeal types can be made malleable by crossing emotional
in the appeal), another product category (film), and an- appeal type with referencing type. For example, while
other set of ego-focused and other-focused emotions. Film pride embedded in appeals has traditionally been treated
was selected as the product category based on the similar as ego-focused, can an appeal that focuses on being proud
criteria outlined in experiment 1. First, both ego-focused of close others (e.g., family and friends) be characterized
and other-focused emotional advertisements could be cre- as other-focused? To address this question, a pilot experi-
ated for film. Second, film tends to be a relevant product ment was conducted where experiment 1 was replicated
for participants in both cultures.6 Third, the referencing with one important change: the referent of focus in the
type manipulation can be enhanced by highlighting photo- pride and empathy appeals was manipulated to be other-
graphs of an individual versus a collective group. Finally, focused and ego-focused, respectively. If emotional ap-
film tends to be a relatively more utilitarian product cate- peal type varies with a change in the referent of focus,
gory than beer (Ratchford 1987, app.). Since advertise- the pattern of results found in experiment 1 should be
ments for self-expressive product categories (e.g., beer) eliminated. Further, such results would provide justifica-
may vary more than utilitarian product categories across tion for manipulating referencing type to alter the focus
cultures, noise accounted for by possible cultural variation of the emotion depicted in experiment 2 stimuli.
in product category advertising appeals may be reduced.
Happiness and peacefulness were selected as the basis Method. Participants were undergraduates recruited
for the ego-focused emotion and other-focused emotional from an American university (n Å 30; mean age Å 20.12,
appeals, respectively, for two reasons. First, Markus and female Å 60 percent, all were born and raised in the
Kitayama (1994) suggest they are strong examples of the United States, 87 percent were Caucasian) and from a
focal emotion types. Happiness tends to involve one’s Chinese university (n Å 30; mean age Å 19.73, female
(vs. others’) internal feelings of pleasure as a referent of Å 50 percent, all were born and raised in Shanghai, 100
percent were native Chinese) to participate in a new brand
study for $5 and 10 rmb, respectively. All aspects of the
6
As in experiment 1, participants were asked to complete a set of
procedure remained the same with the exception that the
product familiarity and usage questions. Approximately 89 percent of referent of focus in the pride versus empathy appeals
the Chinese participants and 84 percent of the American participants changed. In the pride appeal, participants read, ‘‘Your
use film. Both Chinese and American participants use film approxi- friend just aced an exam. Your sister just won a race. They
mately once a month (modal response). In addition, Chinese partici- receive deserved recognition. Ohio Flag Beer. Celebrating
pants’ self-reported knowledge of the film category was similar to that
of American participants (XV collectivist Å 2.48, XV individualist Å 2.86; F õ 1), their accomplishments.’’ In the empathy appeal, partici-
suggesting that film is a relatively familiar and relevant product category pants read, ‘‘Reminiscing with old pictures. Enjoying
across cultures. time alone conjuring up memories. Relaxing near the fire,

smiling. Ohio Flag beer. Celebrating you—who matters First, participants read an advertisement for Watson Color
most.’’ Film that depicted happiness or peacefulness and con-
tained three positively valenced attributes pretested to be
Results. The pilot analysis involved a 2 (emotional important across cultures (high quality of color, sharp
appeal type) 1 2 (cultural orientation) between-subjects texture of photograph, inexpensive). Then, participants
ANOVA. Unless otherwise specified, df Å 1, 57. provided their thoughts and attitudes about the advertise-
The results of a two-way ANOVA indicated that the ment and the new brand. After a 15-minute unrelated filler
emotional appeal manipulation worked as expected. Parti- task (same as in experiment 1), participants completed a
cipants rated the empathy appeal (XV Å 5.08) higher than set of questions that included demographic information,
the pride appeal (XV Å 4.04) on empathy-related emotions product usage information, manipulation checks, and
(Cronbach’s a Å .87; F Å 5.00, p õ .03). Similarly, Singelis’s (1994) independent-interdependent scale.
participants rated the pride appeal (XV Å 5.92) higher than
the empathy appeal (XV Å 4.83) on pride-related emotions
(Cronbach’s a Å .90; F Å 3.85, p õ .05). Moreover, Independent Variables
the advertising appeals were generally perceived as being Cultural Orientation. Collectivism-individualism was
either ego-focused or other-focused as intended with the operationalized in the same way as in experiment 1. Simi-
new manipulations. Specifically, when asked to rate the larly, the original questionnaire was drafted in English,
extent to which these photographs made them focus on translated into Chinese, and back-translated using external
their own self (‘‘Rate the extent to which the photograph translators (Hui and Triandis 1985).
made you think about yourself/your personal experi-
ences’’; r Å .86; Burnkrant and Unnava 1995) or others Emotional Appeal Type. Appeals that depicted happi-
(‘‘Rate the extent to which the photograph made you ness and peacefulness were created by selecting photo-
think about family or friends/experiences with family or graphs that were pretested to depict the emotions. In a
friends’’; r Å .83), participants rated the empathy appeal pretest, 25 participants (n Å 12 American participants, n
(XV Å 4.60) higher than the pride appeal (XV Å 3.19; F Å 13 Chinese participants) were asked to indicate how
Å 8.36, p õ .01) on the self-referencing measures. Fur- much the following emotions describe 20 photographs,
ther, they rated the pride appeal (XV Å 4.90) higher than by circling one number for each word (1 Å not at all, 7
the empathy appeal (XV Å 3.33; F Å 9.44, p õ .01) on Å very strongly; 10 daytime photographs, 10 dusk-time
the other-referencing measures. No other significant ef- photographs). Drawing from Frijda (1970) and Edell and
fects were found. Burke (1987), this list included three happiness-related
As predicted, an ANOVA on attitude toward the adver- emotions (happy, cheerful, delighted; Cronbach’s a
tisement (Cronbach’s a Å .95) yielded no significant Å .89), three peacefulness-related emotions (calm,
effects. That is, in contrast to the results in experiment peaceful, serene; Cronbach’s a Å .93), and 20 filler emo-
1, members of the individualist culture did not have more tions. Of the 20 photographs, the four that most strongly
favorable attitudes when exposed to the empathy appeal depicted one emotion over the other were selected (all
when it was self-referencing (XV Å 3.96) than when ex- p’s õ .05). In the happiness condition, the photograph
posed to the pride appeal when it was other-referencing featured a beach scene at midday (12:00 P.M. ); in the
(XV Å 3.48; F õ 1). Further, members of the collectivist peaceful condition, the photograph featured the same
culture did not have more favorable attitudes when ex- beach at sunset (5:30 P.M. ). The photographs were equally
posed to the pride appeal when it was other-referencing well liked (F õ 1), and no cultural differences were
(XV Å 3.65) than when exposed to the empathy appeal found (F õ 1). Participants also rated the brand name
when it was self-referencing (XV Å 4.08; F õ 1). The ‘‘Watson’’ on the happiness-related and peacefulness-re-
identical pattern occurred for attitude toward the brand. lated emotions; it depicted equal levels of happiness and
In sum, these results suggest that emotional appeal type peacefulness, and no cultural differences were found (F’s
can be altered by varying the referent of focus and provide õ 1).
support for the use of the self-referencing and other-refer- This visual manipulation of emotional appeal type was
encing manipulations in experiment 2. enhanced by two verbal manipulations. First, the banner
at the top of each advertisement read ‘‘Capture the Happi-
ness (Peacefulness).’’ Second, the advertising copy read,
Method ‘‘The sound of the surf crashing on the beach, the happy
cheers of children running in the water, and the bright
Undergraduate students were recruited from an Ameri- light of the sun shining overhead,’’ or ‘‘The sound of
can university (n Å 72; mean age Å 22.15, female Å 50 waves gently lapping onto the shore, the soft cries of
percent, all were born and raised in the United States, 81 birds flying overhead, and the quiet beauty of the sun
percent were Caucasian) and a Chinese university (n setting over the water.’’
Å 79; mean age Å 19.82, female Å 43 percent, all were
born and raised in Shanghai, 100 percent were native Referencing Type. To encourage self- or other-refer-
Chinese) to take part in a study evaluating a new product encing, the photos featured an individual alone (see Fig.
and its advertisement for $5 and 10 rmb, respectively. 2) versus several people together (who appeared to be

FIGURE 2
EXAMPLE OF STIMULI: HAPPINESS, SELF-REFERENCING, U.S. SUBJECTS

FIGURE 3
EXAMPLE OF STIMULI: PEACEFULNESS, OTHER-REFERENCING, CHINESE SUBJECTS
close friends or family; see Fig. 3). To avoid introducing encing manipulation was enhanced through two changes
confounds, the same photographs were used for both the in the advertising copy: (1) at the beginning of the adver-
Chinese and American participants. Therefore, the photo- tisement, the copy read, ‘‘Remember the day by yourself
graphs were taken so that the faces of the individuals (with your family and friends) at the beach’’; and (2) at
were not visible, making it impossible to determine their the end of the advertisement, the tag line read, ‘‘Capture
ethnicity. Finally, the self-referencing versus other-refer- Your (The) Feelings (of Friendship).’’

The pretest sample described above rated the extent tural orientation interaction involving the self-referencing
to which these photographs inspired self-referencing (r check (F Å 3.56, p õ .07); individualist participants (XV
Å .83) or other-referencing (r Å .87). The four photo- Å 4.76) reported higher ratings on the self-referencing
graphs selected significantly prompted self- or other-ref- check than did collectivist participants (XV Å 3.73), which
erencing as intended (all p’s õ .05). is consistent with individualism-collectivism literature on
self-construal differences (Triandis 1989).
Finally, the results of an ANOVA with cultural orienta-
Results tion as the dependent variable showed only a significant
The hypotheses were tested based on a 2 (emotional main effect: American participants (XV Å .45) received
appeal type) 1 2 (cultural orientation) 1 2 (referencing higher independent scores than did Chinese participants
type) between-subjects ANOVA. Three covariates were (XV Å 0.02; F Å 2.92, p õ .05). No other significant
used (separately) in the analysis reported below: product effects were found.
category usage, frequency of usage, and self-rated cate- Attitudes. An ANOVA on the advertisement attitude
gory knowledge. Only product category usage was sig- index yielded no significant main effects. However, a
nificant (for both AAD and AB ) but did not interfere with significant interaction between emotional appeal type and
the tests of the hypotheses and will not be discussed fur- cultural orientation was found (F Å 11.83, p õ .01).
ther. Unless otherwise specified, df Å 1, 145. A planned comparison indicated that advertising appeals
relying on ego-focused (XV Å 5.06) versus other-focused
Manipulation Checks. The results of the three-way
(XV Å 4.10) emotional appeals were more effective for
ANOVA indicated that the emotional appeal worked as
collectivists (F Å 8.88, p õ .01). Further, other-focused
expected. When asked to indicate how much the follow-
(XV Å 5.00) versus ego-focused (XV Å 4.34) emotional
ing emotions describe the appeal, participants rated the
appeals were more effective for individualists (F Å 4.69,
peacefulness appeal (XV Å 4.75) higher than the happiness
p õ .05). This pattern of results suggests that the findings
appeal (XV Å 3.68) on the peacefulness-related emotions
of experiment 1 relying on pride and empathy appeals
(Cronbach’s a Å .93; F Å 6.90, p õ .01). Similarly,
generalize to other ego-focused and other-focused emo-
they rated the happiness appeal (XV Å 5.16) higher than
tional appeals.
the peacefulness appeal (XV Å 3.56) on happiness-related
More important, the two-way interaction was qualified
emotions (Cronbach’s a Å .86; F Å 30.58, p õ .05).
by a significant three-way interaction (F Å 5.33, p
In addition, however, a marginally significant emotional
õ .05). The pattern of results is consistent with Hypothe-
appeal type 1 cultural orientation effect occurred (F
sis 3a. Members of individualist cultures had more favor-
Å 3.64, p õ .06), whereby collectivist participants (XV
able attitudes when exposed to other-focused emotional
Å 3.11) versus individualist participants (XV Å 4.00) re-
appeals that induce other-referencing (XV Å 5.77) than
ported lower ratings on happiness-related emotions for the
self-referencing (XV Å 4.27; F Å 11.49, p õ .01). How-
peacefulness appeal. However, since equally high ratings
ever, Hypothesis 3b was not supported. Members of col-
were found on the happiness-related emotions for the hap-
lectivist cultures did not have more favorable attitudes
piness appeal across the cultures, this significant differ-
when exposed to ego-focused emotional appeals that in-
ence should not affect the results of the experiment. No
duce self-referencing (XV Å 5.10) versus other-referencing
other significant effects were found.
(XV Å 5.03; F õ 1). This result will be discussed below.
Suggesting that the emotional appeals were perceived
In addition, members of the individualist culture had
as ego-focused or other-focused as intended, a significant
more favorable attitudes when exposed to an other-fo-
main effect of emotional appeal was found for both indi-
cused emotional appeal that encouraged other-referencing
vidual thoughts (F Å 5.72, p õ .02) and collective
(XV Å 5.77) than to an ego-focused emotional appeal that
thoughts (F Å 3.51, p Å .05). The happiness appeal
encouraged self-referencing (XV Å 4.47; F Å 9.30, p
led to more individual thoughts (XV Å .94) than did the
õ .01). Further, members of the collectivist culture had
peacefulness appeal (XV Å .60), while the peacefulness
more favorable attitudes when exposed to an ego-focused
appeal led to more collective thoughts (XV Å .94) than did
emotional appeal that induced self-referencing (XV Å 5.10)
the happiness appeal (XV Å .40).
than to an other-focused emotional advertisement that in-
Further, the manipulation check for referencing type
duced other-referencing (XV Å 4.06; F Å 5.43, p õ .05).
worked as expected. Participants reported higher ratings
As in experiment 1, the cultural orientation and emo-
on the self-referencing checks (r Å .87) when exposed
tional-appeal-type interaction on the brand attitude index
to the self-referencing appeal (XV Å 4.25) than the other-
was significant (F Å 6.84, p õ .05), and the pattern of
referencing appeal (XV Å 3.59; F Å 3.75, p õ .05). Simi-
means paralleled those found with advertisement atti-
larly, a marginally significant effect occurred for other-
tudes. This two-way interaction was qualified by a mar-
referencing, where participants reported higher ratings on
ginally significant three-way interaction (F Å 2.77, p
the other-referencing checks (r Å .81) when exposed to
õ .10), again reflecting the same pattern of means as
the other-referencing appeal (XV Å 4.26) versus the self-
found in the advertisement attitude index (see Table 1).
referencing appeal (XV Å 3.71; F Å 3.30, p õ .07). The
only other significant effect was a referencing type 1 cul- Cognitive Responses. The same coding scheme used

TABLE 1
EXPERIMENT 2 DEPENDENT MEASURES AS A FUNCTION OF EMOTIONAL APPEAL TYPE,
CULTURAL ORIENTATION, AND REFERENCING TYPE
Ego-focused emotional appeal (happiness) Other-focused emotional appeal (peacefulness)
Self-referencing Other-referencing Self-referencing Other-referencing
Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist

Dependent measures culture culture culture culture culture culture culture culture
Attitude toward the ad (AAD) 5.03 4.47 5.10 4.17 4.14 4.27 4.07 5.77
Attitude toward brand (AB) 4.60 4.72 4.63 3.98 3.93 4.50 4.07 5.33
Individual thoughts 1.20 1.21 .80 .42 .36 .95 .35 .74
Collective thoughts .65 .05 .50 .35 .68 .15 .65 1.11
Total thoughts 4.25 3.63 3.65 4.85 4.42 3.45 3.70 4.47
NOTE.—Higher means indicate more positive attitudes and greater numbers of self-related, other-related, and total thoughts. Cell sizes range from n Å 33 to
n Å 40.
in experiment 1 was used here. Interrater agreement was .54, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .46, p õ .01). Finally, in partial
high (94 percent agreement by Chinese coders, 89 percent support of analysis d, collective thoughts were marginally
by American coders); discrepancies were resolved significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .34, p õ .07; bA ( B ) Å .39, p õ .02),
through discussion. while other-referencing was significant for AAD ( bA ( AD )
Collective Thoughts. To test the extent to which novel Å 1.18, p õ .01) but not for AB ( bA ( B ) Å .46, p Å .26)
thoughts mediated attitudes by members of the two cul- in a model that included both emotional appeal type and
tures, two sets of mediation tests were conducted. First, thought type. These results provide support for the prem-
we examined the extent to which the relationship between ise that the relationship between other-focused emotional
other-focused emotional appeals and attitudes is mediated appeals that induce other-referencing and attitudes may
by collective thoughts for members of an individualist be mediated by collective thoughts for members of indi-
culture, as found in experiment 1. Consistent with analysis vidualist cultures.
a, individualist participants had marginally more favor- Individual Thoughts. Two sets of mediation tests also
able attitudes when exposed to an other-focused versus were conducted with individual thoughts. First, we exam-
ego-focused emotional appeal ( bA ( AD ) Å .33, p õ .07; ined the extent to which the relationship between ego-
bA ( B ) Å .25, p õ .10); consistent with analysis b, other- focused emotional appeals and attitudes is mediated by
focused versus ego-focused emotional appeals led to mar- individual thoughts by members of a collective culture,
ginally more collective thoughts for individualists ( bA ( AD ) as found in experiment 1. In support of analysis a, collec-
Å .22, p õ .06; bA ( B ) Å .22, p õ .06); consistent with tivist respondents had marginally more favorable attitudes
analysis c, collective thoughts led to more favorable atti- when exposed to an ego-focused versus other-focused
tudes for individualists ( b ( A ) AD Å .54, p õ .01; bA ( B ) emotional appeal ( bA ( AD ) Å .96, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .61, p
Å .46, p õ .01); and consistent with analysis d, collective õ .06). Consistent with analysis b, ego-focused versus
thoughts were significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .49, p õ .01; bA ( B ) other-focused emotional appeals led to more individual
Å .43, p õ .01), but other-focused emotional appeals thoughts for collectivists ( bA ( AD ) Å .64, p õ .01; bA ( B )
were not significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .22, p õ .21; b ( B ) Å .16, Å .64, p õ .01). Consistent with analysis c, individual
p õ .29) in a model that included both emotional appeal thoughts led to more favorable attitudes for collectivists
type and thought type. ( bA ( AD ) Å .62, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .50, p õ .02). Finally,
Second, we tested Hypothesis 4a, which suggests that in partial support of analysis d, individual thoughts were
the relationship between other-focused emotional appeals marginally significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .43, p õ .07; bA ( B ) Å .41,
that induce other-referencing and attitudes is mediated by p õ .08), while ego-focused emotional appeals were mar-
collective thoughts for members of individualist cultures. ginally significant for AAD ( Å .68, p õ .07) but not for
In support of analysis a, individualist respondents had bA ( B ) ( Å .35, p õ .32) in a model that included both
more favorable attitudes when exposed to an other-fo- emotional appeal type and thought type.
cused emotional appeal that induced other-referencing Second, we examined Hypothesis 4b, which suggests
( bA ( AD ) Å 1.50, p õ .01; bA ( B ) Å .83, p õ .04). Consistent that the relationship between ego-focused emotional ap-
with analysis b, other-focused emotional appeals that in- peals that induce self-referencing and attitudes is medi-
duce other-referencing led to more collective thoughts for ated by individual thoughts for members of collectivist
individualists ( bA ( AD ) Å .96, p õ .02; bA ( B ) Å .96, p õ cultures. Counter to analysis a, collectivist respondents
.02). Consistent with analysis c, collective thoughts led did not have more favorable attitudes when exposed to
to more favorable attitudes for individualists ( bA ( AD ) Å an ego-focused emotional appeal that induced self-refer-

TABLE 2
EXPERIMENT 2 TESTS OF THE MEDIATING EFFECTS OF THOUGHT TYPE ON ATTITUDES
Individualist culture Collectivist culture

(collective thoughts) (individual thoughts)
Dependent variable Independent variable coefficient coefficient
Emotional appeals on AAD:

AAD Emotional appeal .33/ .96**
Thoughts Emotional appeal .22/ .64**
AAD Thoughts .54** .62**
AAD Emotional appeal, thoughts .22, .49** .68/, .43/
Emotional appeals on AB:
AB Emotional appeal .25/ .61/
Thoughts Emotional appeal .22/ .64**
AB Thoughts .46** .50**
AB Emotional appeal, thoughts .16, .43** .35, .41/
Referencing type on AAD:
AAD Referencing type 1.50** .06
Thoughts Referencing type .96* .40
AAD Thoughts .52** .88**
AAD Referencing type, thoughts 1.18**, .34/ .44, .93**
Referencing type on AB:
AB Referencing type .83* .03
Thoughts Referencing type .96* .40
AB Thoughts .46** .80**
AB Referencing type, thoughts .46, .39* .37, .85**
NOTE.—A difference between means t-test was conducted to examine the decrease in beta coefficients in the tests of mediation (all p’s õ .01).
/
p õ .10.
*p õ .05.
**p õ .01.
encing ( bA ( AD ) Å .06, p õ .89; bA ( B ) Å .03, p õ .94). vides further support for the finding that other-focused
Counter to analysis b, ego-focused emotional appeals that versus ego-focused emotional appeals are more persua-
induced self-referencing, as opposed to other-referencing, sive for members of an individualist culture, while ego-
did not lead to more individual thoughts for collectivists focused versus other-focused emotional appeals are more
( bA ( AD ) Å .40, p õ .15; bA ( B ) Å .40, p õ .15). Consistent persuasive for members of a collectivist culture. The
with analysis c, individual thoughts led to more favorable mechanism driving these effects appears to be the genera-
attitudes for collectivists ( bA ( AD ) Å .88, p õ .01; bA ( B ) tion of and elaboration on a novel thought type resulting
Å .80, p õ .01). Finally, in support of analysis d, individ- from the stimulus: more favorable attitudes resulted for
ual thoughts were significant ( bA ( AD ) Å .93, p õ .01; bA ( B ) other-focused emotional appeals by members of individu-
Å .85, p õ .01), while self-referencing was not significant alist cultures when other-referencing (vs. self-referenc-
( bA ( AD ) Å .44, p õ .29; bA ( B ) Å .37, p õ .39) when ing) and collective thoughts appeared to mediate the rela-
predicting attitudes in a model that included both emo- tionship between advertising appeals and attitudes.
tional appeal type and thought type. However, no support was found for Hypothesis 3b,
In sum, although the results provide support for the which suggested that attitudes will be more favorable for
premise that the relationship between ego-focused emo- ego-focused emotional appeals when members of collec-
tional appeals and attitudes is mediated by individual tivist cultures are induced to self-reference, or Hypothesis
thoughts for collectivists, they do not provide support for 4b, which suggested that the relationship between ego-
Hypothesis 4b (see Table 2). Although the results indi- focused emotional appeals that induce self-referencing
cate that individual thoughts lead to more favorable atti- and attitudes is mediated by individual thoughts for mem-
tudes for collectivists, the missing link is the ability of bers of collectivist cultures. An explanation for these re-
self-referencing to generate those individual thoughts, a sults may lie in the varying meaning of the ‘‘self ’’ across
finding that is discussed below. cultures, and thus what it means for members of collectiv-
ist cultures to ‘‘self-reference.’’
Discussion Although individualists consider the self to be who
they are (i.e., their internal feelings and attitudes, distinct
The objective of experiment 2 was to assess the ro- from those of others), collectivists are more likely to
bustness and generalizability of the results found in exper- consider the self to include their family and close friends
iment 1 and to examine the mechanism underlying these (i.e., in-group’s feelings and attitudes; Triandis 1989).
effects. The pattern of results found in experiment 2 pro- Consequently, when induced to self-reference, individual-

ists may think of themselves as unique and distinct from generate thoughts organized around ‘‘we’’ and ‘‘us’’
others, while collectivists may think of themselves in rela- when asked to self-reference.
tion to close others. To examine this possibility, we draw on Triandis (1989)
In support, when members of the two cultures were who distinguishes among ‘‘allocentric’’ thoughts (those re-
asked to free-associate to the word ‘‘me,’’ the most fre- lating to the interaction or interrelationship of one’s own
quent association for American participants was ‘‘I, per- self and close others), and ‘‘idiocentric’’ thoughts (those
son, individual,’’ but for Korean participants it was ‘‘fam- relating to only the self as an individual) and ‘‘group’’
ily, love’’ (Maday and Szalay 1976). Further, when asked thoughts (or collective thoughts; those relating to only close
to list important personal goals, Indian participants in- others).7 Then, we examine the possibility that ego-focused
clude their own good health and the good health of their versus other-focused emotions evoke more idiocentric
families, while American participants are less likely to thoughts for members of collectivist cultures (but not indi-
mention the latter (Roland 1984). Finally, Sampson vidualists), while self-referencing versus other-referencing
(1988) argues that ‘‘although all cultures draw a line evokes more allocentric thoughts for members of collectiv-
between a region defined as belonging intrinsically to the ist cultures (but not individualist cultures).
self and a region defined as extrinsic or outside the self The two sets of raters recategorized participants’ thoughts
and hence belonging to the ‘nonself/other,’ where that based on the new coding scheme. Operationally, the distinc-
line is drawn varies extensively. There are cultures in tion among the three codes was the subject of the thought
which firmly drawn boundaries marking sharp self/non- (McGuire and McGuire 1986). If the subject was the self
self separations define the culture’s indigenous psychol- (i.e., any thought that mentioned only the distinct self or
ogy, and others in which such firm boundaries do not used ‘‘me’’ or ‘‘I’’), the thought was coded ‘‘idiocentric.’’
exist. According to the indigenous psychology currently If the subject was close others (i.e., any thought that men-
dominant in the United States, for example, there exists tioned only family members or friends or used ‘‘they’’ or
a region intrinsic to the person and a region of ‘other.’ ‘‘them’’), the thought was coded ‘‘collective.’’ If the sub-
. . . At the other extreme, we find cultures in which the ject was both the self and others (i.e., any thought that
self/nonself boundary is less sharply drawn and more mentioned family members or friends or used ‘‘us,’’ ‘‘we,’’
fluid’’ (p. 15). ‘‘ours’’), the thought was coded ‘‘allocentric.’’ See Table
This stream of research suggests that the self-structure 3 for examples of thoughts. Interrater agreement was high
is more organized around ‘‘we,’’ ‘‘our,’’ and ‘‘us’’ in (91 percent agreement by Chinese coders, 85 percent by
collectivist versus individualist cultures. If true, self- and American coders), and discrepancies were resolved through
other-referencing manipulations may have similar effects discussion.
for members of collectivist cultures, but different effects The results of an ANOVA on idiocentric thoughts
for members of individualist cultures. Indeed, this expla- yielded a significant main effect for cultural orientation
nation is consistent with the asymmetric pattern of results (F Å 14.80, p õ .01), where more idiocentric thoughts
whereby self- and other-referencing had similar effects were generated by members of individualist (XV Å .79)
on the attitudes and thoughts for members of collectivist than collectivist cultures (XV Å .34). In addition, a signifi-
cultures. For example, participants in the collectivist (but cant emotional appeal type 1 cultural orientation interac-
not individualist) culture increased their individual tion was found (FÅ 9.59, p õ .01), where appeals that
thoughts when they viewed ego-focused versus other-fo- were ego-focused (XV Å .58) versus other-focused (XV
cused emotional advertisements, but the same pattern did Å .10) generated more idiocentric thoughts for members
not result when they were induced to self-reference, rather of collectivist cultures but not for members of individual-
than other-reference. An additional reanalysis of the ist cultures (F õ 1). No other effects were significant.
thought protocols was conducted to examine why this The results of an ANOVA on allocentric thoughts also
pattern of results may have occurred. yielded a significant main effect for cultural orientation
(F Å 14.31, p õ .01), whereby more allocentric thoughts
Examining the Distinction between Idiocentric were generated by members of collectivist (XV Å .79) than
and Allocentric Thoughts individualist cultures (XV Å .34). This main effect was
qualified by a significant referencing type 1 cultural ori-
The research reviewed above suggests that the emo- entation interaction (F Å 4.35, p õ .05), whereby self-
tional appeal type and referencing type manipulations do referencing (XV Å .59) versus other-referencing (XV Å .35)
not tap the same underlying construct for collectivists.
Although ego-focused emotional appeals may be a rela-
tively pure way to highlight the self to the exclusion 7
Conceptually, the main difference between (1) individual and idio-
of others (self-as-distinct-from-others), self-referencing centric thoughts and (2) collective and group thoughts is that idiocentric
may tap the larger self-structure that for collectivists con- and group thoughts are mutually exclusive. In this research, thoughts
sists of elements linking the self to important others (self- that pertained to the interrelationship between the self and close others
were coded as both individual and collective. In the new coding scheme,
in-relation-to-others). Thus, collectivists may generate such thoughts are coded as allocentric. To avoid confusion, we rely on
individual thoughts organized around ‘‘me’’ and ‘‘I’’ Triandis’s terminology, now calling individual thoughts ‘‘idiocentric’’
when exposed to an ego-focused emotional appeal but and add the new thought type ‘‘allocentric.’’

TABLE 3
EXAMPLES OF THOUGHT-CODING SCHEME
Individual/idiocentric thoughts Collective/group thoughts Allocentric thoughts
Individualist respondents ‘‘I remembered how much I love ‘‘The pictures of the families ‘‘I think of memories with old friends
the ocean and how I am and kids playing in the at the beach.’’
always saying I’ll go more water were great.’’
often but never do.’’
‘‘I imagined the sound of waves, ‘‘Contemplating the cheers ‘‘I wonder when we are going to
birds, and the smell of the of children, how much fun play volleyball again—at the
ocean and wished I was there they were having.’’ beach.’’
right now.’’
Collectivist respondents ‘‘There is very beautiful scenery, ‘‘It is necessary and ‘‘My initial feeling was the times I
I hope I can have a chance to wonderful to take the time went to the beach with my
be at a spot like this.’’ relaxing when with the boyfriend and enjoyed the
one you love.’’ peaceful atmosphere of the
ocean.’’
‘‘The picture reminds me of ‘‘My family would like me to ‘‘It reminds me about those days
some very memorable scenes take a leisure time to being together with my friends,
in my life.’’ relieve myself from hard makes me recall with nostalgia.’’
work.’’
generated more allocentric thoughts for members of col- emotional appeals highlight the limited self-structure be-
lectivist but not for individualist cultures (F õ 1). Only cause the referent of focus is self-as-distinct-from-others.
one other effect was significant: emotional appeal type Consistent with this interpretation, Kitayama et al. (1991)
1 referencing type (F Å 6.42, p õ .01), whereby ego- suggest that across cultures, ego-focused emotions tend
focused (vs. other-focused) emotional appeals generated to highlight those unique aspects of the self not contingent
more allocentric thoughts in conditions of self-referencing on others, such as one’s individual desires, motives, abili-
but not other-referencing. Though this effect was not pre- ties, rights, or internal attributes (e.g., individual accom-
dicted, it is consistent with the pattern found above, driven plishment, which invokes pride, or the abridgment of an
by collectivist participants. individual right, which invokes anger). In this light, self-
In sum, although the original cognitive response results referencing may keep the self/nonself boundary blurred
suggest that the referencing type manipulations had iden- for members of collectivist cultures, while ego-focused
tical effects for members of collectivist cultures, this re- emotional appeals may sharpen it.
coding of the thoughts indicates otherwise. Though mem-
bers of collectivist cultures do not generate purely
individual thoughts in response to the self-referencing GENERAL DISCUSSION
manipulation, self-referencing does encourage them to
generate more thoughts of which they are the subject. The objective of this research was to examine the per-
However, these thoughts are allocentric rather than indi- suasive effect of emotional appeal types across cultures
vidual in nature. Thus, self-referencing may affect collec- and explore why such appeals vary in their effectiveness
tivists in the intended direction but not in the same way across cultures. In a set of experiments, we found that
it affects individualists. In hindsight, this finding may not appeals relying on other-focused emotions (e.g., empathy,
be surprising. Triandis (1993) suggests the most im- peacefulness) versus ego-focused emotions (e.g., pride,
portant cognitions are sentences that include ‘‘I,’’ ‘‘me,’’ happiness) led to more favorable attitudes for members
and ‘‘mine’’ for those with an independent self, but sen- of the individualist culture (United States), while appeals
tences that include ‘‘us,’’ ‘‘we,’’ and ‘‘ours’’ for those relying on ego-focused emotions, as opposed to other-
with an interdependent self. What is surprising, however, focused emotions, led to more favorable attitudes for
is that ego-focused emotional appeals lead to the produc- members of the collectivist culture (China). Further, col-
tion of more individual thoughts for members of the collective thoughts mediated attitudes toward other-focused
lectivist culture, even though self-referencing did not. versus ego-focused emotional appeals for individualists,
What is the difference between these two manipulations while individual thoughts mediated attitudes toward ego-
for collectivist participants? focused versus other-focused emotional appeals for col-
One difference may lie in the primary referent of focus lectivists. In experiment 2, we investigated why these
involved in self-referencing relative to ego-focused emo- effects occur and found support for the notion that the
tional appeals. Although the self-referencing manipula- novel types of thoughts generated by the persuasion ap-
tion highlights the larger self-structure because the refer- peals mediated attitudes, thereby driving the attitudinal
ent of focus is self-in-relation-to-others, ego-focused and cognitive responses results.

Motivation versus Ability to Process ing of specific emotions as it relates to processing and
Emotional Advertising Appeals attitude formation. Previous research has suggested that
emotional responses, compared to the recognition of emo-
Previous research has focused on differential levels of tion, result in more positive attitudes toward advertise-
accessibility of ego-focused versus other-focused emo- ments, as well as higher levels of advertisement and brand
tions for members of collectivist versus individualist cul- recall (Stout and Leckenby 1986). However, future re-
tures. Although the original premise of this research was search addressing the felt versus depicted emotion distinc-
that the differences in accessibility should lead to relative tion and measuring both variables is needed to gain a
differences in the ability to recognize, experience, and more complete understanding of the role of emotions in
thus be persuaded by ego-focused versus other-focused persuasion across cultures.
emotional appeals in the two cultures, instead the pattern Further, the antecedents of these emotion types may
of results for both experiments suggest that a motivation be examined. For example, the frequency of specific emo-
process was operating. That is, the relative novelty of tions may vary across cultures; because of the extent to
the appeals in the two cultures induced higher levels of which they are socially embedded and therefore rein-
motivation to process the message. forced in a given culture, some may be repressed while
Might the current experimental situation be responsible others are encouraged. Alternatively, the frequency of
for the motivationally driven results observed? The self- specific emotions may vary because some are biologically
structure has been conceptualized as a dynamic entity, diminished, stemming from more basic, hardwired differ-
such that different aspects of the self will be salient in ences across cultures. Insight into the antecedents of emo-
different situations. Thus, while the interdependent self tions would allow researchers to understand the extent to
tends to be most dominant in collectivist cultures, mem- which certain types of emotional appeals may become
bers of such cultures can and do sample aspects of the more prevalent over time—and perhaps less persua-
independent self under certain situations (Triandis 1989). sive—as cultural norms change.
Encountering an ego-focused emotional appeal may be
one way to prompt members of a collectivist culture to
access aspects of the independent self. Importantly, how- Broadening the View of Emotional
ever, such appeals may be most relevant to them when Advertising Appeals
viewed in private rather than in the presence of others,
when elements of the self-as-distinct-from-others may be The role of emotion in persuasion appeals has received
accessed without social risk. Similarly, other-focused ap- growing interest in consumer behavior research. Much of
peals may be most effective when experienced privately this work has focused on developing a typology of emo-
for members of an individualist culture, when elements tional responses that varies in valence and arousal. For
of the self-in-relation-to-others may be accessed without example, one emotional response is characterized by
any public diminishment of the self as a unique individual. highly arousing positive emotions, another represents
This possibility suggests that the effectiveness of such milder positive emotions, and the third represents nega-
appeals may vary by media type. The appeals in the cur- tive emotions (termed ‘‘warm,’’ ‘‘upbeat,’’ and ‘‘nega-
rent research were print-based and viewed individually, tive’’ in Edell and Burke [1987]; Burke and Edell [1989];
which may have heightened the degree to which these see also Batra and Ray [1986] for a related typology).
less dominant aspects of the self were sampled. Future In this article, we suggest another important dimension
research may examine the effects of media type or view- that typifies emotional appeals: referent of focus. Impor-
ing situations that are more public. tantly this dimension broadens the dominant Western
view of emotions beyond the typical three-factor structure
Distinction between Felt and Depicted and a focus on valence and arousal to examine how self-
Emotions construal can affect the persuasive effect of emotional
appeals. However, future research is still needed to exam-
Throughout this research, we focused on the recogni- ine the extent to which referent of focus can be applied
tion of emotions depicted in advertisements and the differ- to the basic three-factor structure of emotions found in
ential effects such emotional depictions have on members persuasion appeals and, more broadly, the extent to which
of individualist versus collectivist cultures. Since depicted the three-factor structure of emotional appeals is general-
and felt emotions are not always identical and the recogni- izable across cultures in order to better understand the
tion of an emotion depicted in an appeal does not neces- extent to which persuasion appeals are differentially ef-
sarily lead to the experience of an emotion (Stout, Homer, fective across cultures, and the specific role of emotion
and Liu 1990), one limitation of the current work is the in appeals across cultures.
absence of measured felt emotional responses to the dif-
ferent advertising appeals. As a result, we offer little in-
sight into the possible motivational effect of felt emo- [Received February 1997. Revised May 1998. Robert
tional responses on the target advertisement, nor the link E. Burnkrant served as editor, and Deborah MacInnis
between recognition of an emotional appeal and the feel- served as associate editor for this article.]

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Empathy versus Pride: The Influence of Emotional Appeals across Cultures

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This research examines the persuasive effect of emotional appeals on members

A considerable amount of research in consumer behav-

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Overview To enhance the realism of the cover story, participants

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Ego-focused emotional appeal (happiness) Other-focused emotional appeal (peacefulness)

Self-referencing Other-referencing Self-referencing Other-referencing

Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist Collectivist Individualist

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Individualist culture Collectivist culture

Emotional appeals on AAD:

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Individual/idiocentric thoughts Collective/group thoughts Allocentric thoughts

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REFERENCES (1986), The Emotions, New York: Cambridge Univer-

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