A Woman'S Quest For Spiritual Guidance

A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE

THE ARCHBISHOP IAKOVOS LIBRARY OF
ECCLESIASTICAL AND HISTORICAL SOURCES NO. 11
N.M. VAPORIS, General Editor
A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE:
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
PRINCESS IRENE EULOGIA
CHOUMNAINA PALAIOLOGINA
by
ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO
HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE:
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF
PRINCESS IRENE EULOGIA
CHOUMNAINA PALAIOLOGINA
by
ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO
With an Introduction by
JOHN MEYENDORFF
HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

Brookline, Massachusetts 02146
A WOMAN'S QUEST
FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE

©Copyright 1986 by Hellenic College Press
Published by HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

50 Goddard Avenue
Brookline, Massachusetts 02146
All rights reserved
Cover design by MARY C. VAPORIS
Cover Illustration: Constantinopolitan nuns. Fourteenth century.

Typikon of the Convent of the Theotokos of Sure Hope (-rf\c; BE�aiac;
EA1t i8oC;). Ms. Gr. 35, f. 12, Oxford (after H. Hunger, Reich der neuen
'
Mitte. Graz-Viel1na, 1965, plate 24).
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Irene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologos, Princess, d. ca. 1356
A woman's quest for spiritual guidance: The correspondence of
Princess Irene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina.
(Archbishop Iakovos library of ecclesiastical and historical sources;

no. 11).
Bibliography: p.
1. Spiritual life-Orthodox Eastern authors. 2. Irene Eulogia
Choumnaina Palaiologos, Princess, d. ca. 1356. 3. Nuns-Byzantine
Empire-Correspondence. 4. Byzantine Empire-Princes and prin
cesses- Correspondence. 5. Spiritual directors-Byzantine Empire
Correspondence. 1. Hero, Angela Constantinides, 1926- . II. Title.
III. Series.
BX384.174 1984 248.4'8190943 84-25264

ISBN 0-917653-08-4
ISBN 0-917653-09-2 (pbk.)
Contents
Foreword 9
Abbreviations 11
General Introduction 15
Critical Introduction 21
List of Signs 24
The Correspondence 25
Commentary 103
Indices 155
Index to the Greek Text of the Correspondence 155
Index to Biblical and other Quotations 165
Incipits 166
7
Foreword
The letters of the Princess Irene-Eulogia are a rare personal

testimony by a Byzantine woman of exceptional individuality.
In 1956, in his pioneering study of spiritual direction in Byzan
tium, the late Father Vitalien Laurent drew the attention of
scholars to the unique character of these documents. Today their
value to students of Byzantine monasticism, Byzantine social
history, Byzantine literature, as well as women's studies, is even
more evident than nearly thirty years ago.
In fulfilling the pleasant duty of expressing my thanks to the
distinguished Byzantinists who offered encouragement and
assistance in the preparation of this edition, I must first
acknowledge my debt to Father Jean Darrouzes, A.A. . Father
Darrouzes kindly allowed me to publish this correspondence
which he discovered on a visit to the Library of the Escorial and
later brought to the attention of Father Laurent. I am also in-
I
debted to Father John Meyendorff for encouraging me to edit
the letters and for writing the introduction to this edition. My
special gratitude must go to Professor Ihor Sevcenko who
meticulously reviewed this work at the final stage and made many
improvements. For errors I alone am responsible. Finally, I would
like to thank Father Nomikos M. Vaporis and the Hellenic Col
lege/Holy Cross Press for the courtesy I experienced since the
manuscript came into their hands.
This edition is respectfully dedicated to the memory of Father
Vitalien Laurent, A. A. in grateful acknowledgment of his in
valuable contributions to the study of the Palaiologan era in
general and the Princess Irene-Eulogia in particular.
Angela Constantinides Hero

Center Jor Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
Queens College oj the City University oj New York
9
List of Abbreviations
Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca: J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota

Graeca, 5 vols. (Paris, 1829-33; reprint, Hildesheim, 1962).
Boissonade, Anecdota Nova: J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota Nqva
(Paris, 1844; Hildesheim, 1962).
Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek: R. Browning, Medieval
and Modern Greek, 2nd ed. (London, 1983).
BZ: Byzantinische Zeitschrift.
Delehaye, "Deux typiea": H. Delehaye, "Deux typiea de l'
époque des Paléologues," Acadérnie Royale des Sciences,
des Lettres et des Beaux Arts. Mémoires. Série 2, Classe
des Lettres (Brussels, 1921), vol. 13, fase. 4, 1-212.
Demetrakos, Lexikon: D. B. Demetrakos, MÉyu AEÇtKOV tiiç
'EÀÀllYtKiiç yÀWCHJllÇ, 9 vols. (Athens, 1933-51).
D OP: Dumbarton Oaks Papers.
E O: Échos d' Orient.
Fassoulakis, Raoul-Ral(l)es: S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family
of Raoul-Ral(l)es (Athens, 1973).
Hero, "Irene-Eulogia": A. C. Hero, "Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina
Palaiologina, Abbess of the Convent of Philanthropos Soter
in Constantinople," Byzantinische Forschungen, 9 (1985),
119-47.
Hero, The Letters of Gregory Akindynos: A. C. Hero, Letters
of Gregory Akindynos ( = Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzan
tinae, 21), Dumbarton Oaks Texts, 7 (Washington, D. C. ,
1983).
Janin, Géographie ecclésiastique: R. Janin, La géographie
ecclésiastique de l' empire byzantin. J. Le siège de CP. et le
patriarcat oecuménique. 3, Les églises et les monastères,
2nd. ed. (Paris 1969).
Jannaris, Grammar: A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Gram
mar (London, 1897; reprint Hildesheim, 1968).
Kalothetos, Syngrammata: D. Tsames, ed. , 'Icoall<P KuÀo9Étou
11
12 Princess Irene-Eulogia
L,UyypŒ�.q.ta'ta (Thessalonike, 1980).

Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas: St. 1. Kourouses, MavoUllÀ ra�a
Àuç d'ta Ma't8atoç �1l'tpo1toÀiTI1Ç 'E<pÉaou (1271/2-1355/60)
(Athens, 1972).
Laurent, "Une princesse byzantine au cloître": V. Laurent, "Une
princesse byzantine au cloître. Irène-Eulogie Choumnos
Paléologine, fondatrice du couvent de femmes 'toG <l>tÀav-
8pcù1tou L,w'tf\poç," E O, 29 (1930), 29-60.
Laurent, "La direction spirituelle": V. Laurent, "La direction
spirituelle à Byzance. La correspondance d'Irène-Eulogie
Choumnaina Paléologine avec son second directeur," REB, 14
(1956), 48-86.
Laurent, "Une fondation monastique": V. Laurent, "Une fon
dation monastique de Nicéphore Choumnos. <H f-V KIl � ovYt
TfjÇ 0EO'tOKOU
Mercati, Notizie: G. Mercati, Notizie di Procoro e Demetrio
Cidone, Manuele Caleca e Teodoro Meliteniota ed altri ap
punti per la storia della teologia e della letferatura bizantina
deI secolo XIV, Studi e Testi, 56 (Vatican City, 1931).
Meyendorff, Introduction: J. Meyendorff, Introduction à l'
étude de Grégoire Palamas (Paris, 1959).
Miklosich-Müller: F. Miklosich and J. Müller, Acta et
diplomata Graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, 6 vols. (Vien
na, 1860-90).
Moulton, Grammar: J.H. Moulton, A Grammar of New Testa
ment Greek, III: Syntax (London, 1963).
Papadopoulos, Genealogie: A. Th. Papadopoulos, Versuch einer
Genealogie der Palaiologen, 1259-1453 (Munich, 1938;
reprint, Amsterdam, 1962).
PG: Patrologiae cursus completus, Series Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne.
Previale, "Due monodie": L. Previale, "Due monodie inedite
di Matteo di Efeso," BZ, 41 (1941), 4-39.
PLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit, ed. E.
Trapp (Vienna, 1976-).
RE B: Revue des Études Byzantines.
Salaville, "Formes ou méthodes de prière": S. Salaville,
"Formes ou méthodes de prière d'après un Byzantin du
XIVe siècle, Théolepte de Philadelphie," E O, 39 (1940), 1-25.
A bbreviations 13
Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inédits": Salaville, "Une lettre

et un discours inédits de Théolepte de Philadelphie,"·REB, 5
(1947), 101-15.
Talbot, Faith Healing: A.-M. Talbot, Faith Healing in Late
Byzantium. The Posthumous Miracles of the Patriarch Atha
nasios 1 of Constantinople by Theoktistos the Stoudite
(Brookline, MA, 1983).
Talbot, The Correspondence of Athanasius: A.-M. Talbot, ed.
The Correspondence of Athanasius 1 Patriarch of
Constantinople. Letfers to the E mperor Andronicus II,
Members of the Imperial Family, and Officiais (= Corpus
Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 7) Dumbarton Oaks Texts 3
(Washington, D. C. , 1975).
Verpeaux, Nicéphore Choumnos: J. Verpeaux, Nicéphore
Choumnos, homme d' état et humaniste byzantin (ca.
1250/1255-1327) (Paris, 1959).
Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques": J. Verpeaux, "Notes
prosopographiques sur la famille Choumnos," Byzan
tinoslavica, 20 (1959), 252-66.
General Introduction
Historians have often bemoaned the fact that the great mass
of documents reflecting the life of Christian Byzantium has per
ished either in 1204 or in 1453 when the New Rome was sacked
successively, first by the crusaders and then by the Turks. Among
the writings which remain, and which are still relatively abun
dant for the Palaiologan period (1261-1453), only a small number
reflect the intimate, personal and everyday life of the Byzantines.
Even collections of letters by leading personalities of that period
actually represent, for the most part, examples of literary exer
cise prepared for publication by their authors or their immediate
disciples, with the express purpose of either furthering a religious
cause (e.g. Palamism or anti-Palamism), or simply showing the
rhetorical ability of the author in imitating accepted epi
stolographical standards.
The correspondence between, on the one hand, the nun
Eulogia, daughter of the wealthy intellectual Nikephoros Choum
nos and widow of the Despot John Palaiologos, son of the
Emperor Andronikos II; and on the other, a still youthful monk,
whom the princess, very insistently, was in the process of per
suading to become her new spiritual director, was probably not
destined for publication by the authors. It is found in a single
manuscript now at the Library of the Escorial, which contains
what appear to be autograph letters by several contemporaries,
and which might have served as a personal notebook of Eulogia
herself.
It is the intimate and spontaneous character of the correspon
dence-and also the fact that it involves a woman of influence
which constitutes its documentary importance. Even if, general
ly speaking, women belonging to Byzantine high society had a
more frequent and easier access to education than their Western
15
medieval counterparts, the personality of Eulogia remains excep

tional. Although her education did not equal that of the promi
nent humanists of the time, or that of an Anna Komnene, she
was certainly more literate than the average member male or
female, of the Byzantine imperial family and household} Her let
ters, and those of her newly-found director, contain some im
portant prosopographical data. They also provide a rather vivid
portrait of a willful, energetic and somewhat frustrated woman,
who could have reigned over Byzantium and was still addressed
as basilissa, in spite of her monastic garb. This allows us to im
agine more vividly what it meant for a woman of her background
to live in monastic retirement from the time of her widowhood
at the age of sixteen in 1307 until her death shortly after 1355.
Already studied in a preliminary way by Vitalien Laurent in
1956,' the correspondence is now being published and masterful
ly analyzed by Angela Hero. The editor points to the importance
of the text for the history of the Greek language, and singles out
much concrete information on the persons involved and their his
torical milieu. Seen in the wider perspective of the cultural and
social history of Byzantium in the fourteenth century, the corre
spondence opens an interesting window on the mentality and con
cerns of a personality influential with the court, the church, and
the intellectual circles, which after 1341, were to oppose Palamism.
Whether one considers that the eventual defeat of these circles by
the Palamites was a tragedy, a blessing or a misunderstanding in
terms of the destinies of Byzantine civilization, their role in the
sophisticated, somewhat naive and, at times, astonishingly char
ming life of the Byzantine aristocracy of the Palaiologan era, is
important for the understanding of the society as a whole.
The first general remark which comes to mind after reading
the correspondence is the contrast which exists between its text
and the generally practiced style of monastic spiritual writing of
the same period. Etilogia's director hardly mentions "struggle
against passions," "mental prayer," and the spiritual fruits of
ascetic life, i.e. all the classical topoi which appear profusely,
for example, in the treatise addressed around 1345 by another
'
Laurent, "La direction spirituelle." For the most recent study of Eulogia, her two
known directors, and her role in the hesychast controversy, see Hero, "Irene-Eulogia."
monk, Gregory Palamas, to another nun, Xene, who was in

charge of educating the daughters of Andronikos III. 2 In his let
ters, the director occasionally uses hesychast terminology, 3 but
it is only to justify his personal reluctance to visit Eulogia as often
as she wants, not to teach spirituality as such. Otherwise, as two
well-educated friends, they exchange books and compliments.
Eulogia sends paper and generous monetary gifts. In return she
receives some mild scoldings and social advice concerning her
exaggerated attachment to her family,4 her behavior at a
memorial service,s and her high temper and arrogance.6
The behavior and mentality of Eulogia, as it appears in the
correspondence, illustrates the life of a well-bred and wealthy
Byz,!-ntine forced into accepting monastic tonsure by a family
mishap or political circumstances. There are many contemporary
and similar examples of emperors, or members of the imperial
family retiring to monasteries. In most such cases, the monk or
nun in question was not required to give up much of his (or her)
income or social privileges. The monastic state excluded only the
formal resumption of political power. Thus, Constantinopolitan
convents welcomed widowed princesses-including Eulogia's own
- SIster-in-law, Mary, widow of Michael IX, who died as the nun
Xene-and dethroned emperors, including Andronikos II, who
was tonsured as monk Anthony in 1328. It was not unusual for
such personalities to invest part of their fortune in rebuilding and
later supporting the monastery in which they retired. This allowed
not only for personal comfort, but also for a preservation of social
ties in the capital. In the fourteenth century, the most famous
retiree of this type was the Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos.
Tonsured as the monk Joasaph in 1354, he continued to enjoy
the imperial title and political influence until 1383 when he died.
It is obvious, therefore, that such aristocratic monks, if they were
fulfilling normally the monastic vow of chastity, were not very
/
2
See Gregory Palamas, IJpos rr,v ae/1vorar17v ev /10va(ovaals Sev17v, 7lepl 7la8wv Kal
dperwv Kal 7lepi rwv TlKTO/1eVWV eK "Is Kara vovv aXOAr;s, PG 150. 1044A-1088C.
3
Letter 14, lines 1-4.
'4\
I. Letter
. 19, lines 1-3.
S
6
Letter 18, lines 6-14; Letter 19, lines 7-10.
strict in following the two other traditional vows of monasti

cism-obedience and poverty.
Eulogia's own retirement lasted almost fifty years. As a young
bride of a despot, she never had a real opportunity to exercise
political power, but she was still titled basilissa by friends and
foes alike. The correspondence clearly shows her as very con
scious of her rank. Not only was she in a position to insist that
a monk of some repute, but of no financial means, become her
spiritual director in spite of his obvious reluctance to do so, but
she could also invoke imperial protocol (OUVit8E1U BU01A1Kit) to
refuse the presence in their conversations of a third person, a
saintly monk, uninvited by her and brought in by the director.7
Although this is not stated explicitly in the text, one may sup
pose that the same reason of protocol forbade her to visit her
director herself-a simple solution to her main problem-instead
of demanding his visits to her.
It is a pity that documents available so far do not allow us
to identify Eulogia's director more precisely. Dr. Hero does not
challenge his tentative identification by V. Laurent with Ignatios,
a hesychast and correspondent of Barlaam.8 The identification
appears as a possibility. The director confesses repeatedly his love
for solitude (tlouXiu), but he is also the author of a treatise in
defense of secular education, and he wrote poetry which he sent
to Eulogia.9 He is, rather suprisingly, unfamiliar with the
spiritual writings of Theoleptos of Philadelphia.10 Furthermore,
he has high-positioned friends in Constantinople, including
bishops and the patriarch himself, most probably John Kalekas
(1334-1347).11 The fact that he is known as a hesychast may,
therefore, simply indicate his way of life as a monk outside of
a regular community, but it does not carry ideological implie a
tions.12 Not all Byzantine hesychasts sided with Palamas after
7
� Letter 17, lines 66 -95.
8
See Hero, "Irene-Eulogia," 139-40.
9
IO
II
Letter 17, line 34.
12Por the varied use of the term "hesychast," see my article "Hesychasme: probl�mes de
semantique," Melanges d' histoire des religions oJJerts a H. -Ch. Puech (paris, 1974), 543-47.
1341, and we know that Ignatios did not.

Whatever the,later options of Eulogia and her director in the
cultural and religious crisis which shook Byzantine society in the
middle of the fourteenth century, it is interesting to note that
by 1335-the approximate date of the correspondence-both of
them refer with great respect to spiritual authorities which will
also be highly praised by the Palamites. Indeed, for Eulogia there
never was a greater spiritual father than the Metropolitan
Theoleptos of Philadelphia, who tonsured her and remained her
director until his death in 1322. On the other hand, her new direc
tor and correspondent is the author of writings in honor of
Patriarch Athanasios I (1289-1293-1303-1310),13 whom he
could not have known personally, but whose prestige as an ascetic;
a social reformer, and a spiritual leader, he greatly admired. Fur
thermore, copies of his works on Athanasios were being kept at
the Monastery of Xerolophos, founded by the great ascetic
patriarch. 14 The director was, therefore, in close touch with one
of the hesychastic centers of the capital, where in 1341 the anti
Palamite theologian, Akindynos, will be forced to agree (tem
porarily) with the positions of Gregory Palamas.15 Both
Theoleptos and Athanasios are considered by Palamas himself
to be among the most eminent models of hesychasm. 16 Another
well-known Palamite, Joseph Kalothetos, also enhances the
prestige of Patriarch Athanasios by writing his vita.17
The personal correspondence between Eulogia and the anony
mous young monk, whom she convinces after so much insistence
to become her spiritual director, provides us with a very rare op
portunity to learn more about a Byzantine milieu rather foreign
to theological debates, sincerely pious, but seeing no contradic
tion between the preservation of ancient Greek culture and the
monastic austerity exemplified by Athanasios 1. It appears that
the high echelons of Byzantine society enjoyed this intellectual
13
Letter 1, lines 28-29; Letter 2, lines 18-19.
14
Letter 4, line 6.
15
See my Introduction, 86.
16
See Palamas, Trias 2, 2, 3, ed. J. Meyendorff, Gregoire Palomas, Defense des saints
hesychastes, 2nd. ed. (Louvain, 1974), 99, 323.
17
See commentary on Letter 1, lines 28-29.
peace during much of the reign of Andronikos II (1282-1328).

It is that society which was responsible not only for much of the
literature of this period, but also for financing artistic
achievements of the so-called "Palaiologan Renaissance."18
It is easy to see how the aspirations, the mentality, and the
interests of Eulogia Choumnaina and that of her correspondent
are far from a real "Renaissance." But the subjectivism, the
aspirations to literary perfection-so very imperfect still in the
case of Eulogia-the aristocratic freedom from the strictures of
normal monastic discipline, can perhaps be seen as the signs of
a pre-Renaissance.
The second half of the fourteenth century will be much more
dramatic and divisive intellectually, religiously, socially, and
politically. The "pre-Renaissance" did not evolve into a "true
Renaissance." The activities and writings of Barlaam of Calabria
broke the peace between monks and humanists, whereas Eulogia
used her money and influence against Palamas and his disciples.
It is doubtful that she was ever moved by distinct personal
theological convictions. She was rather more sympathetic per
sonally to the humanistic circles where anti-Palamism was the
strongest. Her party lost the battle, but she did not suffer per
sonal or financial harm. In 1355, after the total triumph of the
Palamites, she was still in a position to donate a Macedonian
estate to the Monastery of Saint John Prodromos on Mount
Menoikion.19 The monastic zealots who took over the patriar
chate after the victory of Kantakouzenos in the civil war of
1341-1347, and had'the theology of Palamas solemnly confirmed
by the Church, did not suppress the close-knit aristocratic and
conservative society to which Eulogia belonged. This society, in
creasingly threatened by the military and political catastrophies
befalling Byzantium, survived in Constantinople or in Mis!ra as
a lingering pre-Renaissance until the very fall.
John Meyendorff
18
See my article "Spiritual Trends in Byzantium in the Late Thirteenth and Early Four
teenth Centuries," in P. Underwood, The Kariye Djami (Princeton, 1975), 4, 93-106.
19
See commentary on Letter 7, lines 42-44.
Critical Introduction
The correspondence edited below consists of twenty-two let

ters, eight of which are by the princess (Letters 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11,
13 and 15), and fourteen by her spiritual director (Letters 2, 4,
6, 8, 10, 12, 14 and 16-22) 20 The entire dossier was written
.
within the period of one year, 21 sometime after the death of An
dronikos II in 1332 and before the death of Eulogia's brother
John Choumnos, in 1338. These chronological indications are
provided by Letter 5, in which Eulogia assures her correspon
dent that if her father-in-law had been alive he would not have
failed to be his patron, 2 2 and by Letter 21, in which the director
20
The letters appear anonymously in the manuscript, bearing only the following super
scriptions: 'AnoAoyrrrtKil npo<; Tilv npoHllv, EmoToAil oWTEpa, �wTEpa unoAoYllTtKil
llV
npo<; Tilv oWTEpav, TpiTll, n:TupTll unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv y , nEllnTll, EKTll uno
AOYllTtKil npo<; Tilv nEllnTllv, E�86llll, 6y86ll (sic) unoAoYllTtKil npo<; Tilv E�06IlllV,
EVVUTll (sic), OEKUTll unoA oYllTtKil npo<; Tilv EVVUTllV (s,ic),
unQAoYllTJKil n,po<;
ll ll ll ll ll
lE , tOT , t1;, ,11111 K , Ka . The terms unoA oY ll TtKil (answer) and EmoToAil (let
,
ter) refer to the letters of Eulogia and to those of her director respectively. Starting with
the director's third letter, the letters of both the correspondents are numbered consecutive
ly, but there is no number 19. Either the scribe made a mistake in numbering the letters
or he left one out deliberately. He also failed to number the last letter in the collection
(Letter 22). It is obvious that the correspondence is incomplete. It begins with Eulogia's
answer to the director's first letter and ends with a brief note giving her permission to
attend the funeral of an aunt. Missing are both the director's first letter and Eulogia's
answers to his last six letters. Either the originals of these letters had been lost, or-as
suggested by Laurent ("La direction spirituelle," p. 50)-the letters in this collection
were copied from the princess' personal file by someone who selected them arbitrarily.
2l
Nos. 1-16 are an exchange in chronological order and, although Eulogia's letters stop
at this point, the remaining six letters by her director are sequential. Since Letter 9 was
written shortly before the Feast of the Transfiguration of the Savior on 6 August (cf.
commentary on Letter 9, lines 84-85), and Letter 21 shortly after the requiem on the
anniversary of Nikephoros Choumnos' death-16 January (cf. commentary on Letter
20, line 5)-the entire series does not exceed the chronological limits of one year.
22
See Letter 5, lines 39-50. We may even raise the terminus post quem to 1334 because,
as Laurent noted ("La direction spirituelle," p. 82, note 1), the mention of Dexios as
a friend of the patriarch indicates that the prelate in question was John XIV Kalekas. A
21
refers to a meeting between the abbess and a "man of the para

koimomenos," most probably Eulogia's brother John, the pa
23
rakoimomenos of the Great Seal. But even if the palatine of
ficial in question is not John Choumnos, we can safely say that
the letters were written before 1341 because they contain no allu
sion to the hesychast controversy in which the abbess was an ac
tive participant.
The correspondence has been preserved on the last folios
(235r-254v; three folios marked 237) of the codex Scorialensis
Gr. <1>. III-II (=S), a fourteenth century miscellany, which as
indicated by some of its other contents-four letters of Gregory
Akindynos (fols. 230r-234v) and one letter of a close friend of
John Kyparissiotes (fols. 213r-214v)-was either the property of
the princess or of one of her anti-Palamite protegeS.24
The entire text is by a practiced hand, similar to Marcianus
Gr. 183 (1359-A. Tury� Dated Greek Manuscrip ts of the Thir
teenth and Fourteenth Centuries in the Libraries of Italy [Ur
bana, 1972], plate f82). Nevertheless, the copyist was no scholar.
He did not correct even the most noticeable spelling errors of
Eulogia who, by her own admission, was not proficient in gram
mar. 25 It would be tempting to ascribe the copying to the
princess herself, but we know from their mutual complaints that
neither she nor her correspondent had neat handwriting.26
In 1956 Father Laurent was the first to study Eulogia's cor
respondence and to publish short excerpts from it. 27 He dis
cussed the letters in detail, noting their prosopographical interest
and their importance for the study of the institution of spiritual
later anti-Palamite, Dexios is known to have been a member of Kalekas' entourage. See
Letter 18, line 10, and commentary.
23
See Letter 21, lines 3-6 and commentary on lines 3-4 of the same letter.
24
For a description of this MS, see G. De Andres, Catdlo gode los Codices Griegos
de la Real Biblioteca de el Escorial (Madrid, 1965), 2, pp. 60-64; Hero, The Letters of
Gregory Akindynos, pp. xxxvii-xl. I have studied the relevant part of this MS by means
of photographic reproductions.
25
See Letter 1, lines 5-6.
26
See Letter 10, lines 37-39 and Letter 13, lines 48-50.
27
See Laurent, "La direction spirituelle," 55, notes 4 and 6; 57, note 3; 58 note 1; 59,
notes 1-4, 6; 61, note 3; 62 notes 2 and 3; 63, note 2; 66; 69, notes 1-3; 70, note 5.
Critical Introduction 23
guidance in Byzantium. He also announced his intention to edit

the letters, but unfortunately his plans did not materialize. In
1957 T. D. Mosconas, the curator of the Library of the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Alexandria, studied Choumnaina's corre

spondence while on a visit to the EscoriaI and published a list
of the incipits of the letters as well as photocopies of the folia
containing the first five letters.28 However he relinquished his
interest in preparing an edition of this correspondence after learn
ing that Laurent was already considering the same project. 29
More recently, St. Kourouses, in his monograph on the Metro
politan Matthew of Ephesos, published a brief excerpt from one
of the letters (Letter 16) .30 Several excerpts have also appeared
in my article "Irene-Eulogia."31
In the present edition, the critical text diverges from S in spell
ing only. To avoid ambiguities, I have corrected Eulogia's er
rors and noted the original spelling in the apparatus. The or
thography of her director's letters is excellent, requiring only the
correction of occasional itacisms and the tacit changes in the ac
centuation of enclitics, in the addition of the iota subscript which
is found inconsistenly in S, and in punctuation. Finally, the
numbering of the letters is, of course, my own.
71-,
80, note 1; 83 note 2; 85, notes 1 and 5. For a French translation of select passages,
see ibid., 52, note 6; 54-55; 58; 63; 70-72; 74-79; 81-85.
28
See T. D. Mosconas, �i1ttu'Xov EA.A:I1VtKmV aVEK86twv 'XEtPOYPUcpwv, 'AVUA.EKta,
'EK&OOW; tOU 'IvOttTOUTOU tmv 'AVatOA.tKmV L1tou8mv n;<; I1atptap'XtKii<; Bt13A.to8itKTl<;
'AA.E�av8pEia<; (Alexandria, 1957), 6, pp. 95-111.
29
Mosconas, "La correspondance de Theoiepte de Philadelphie avec Irene
Paieologue," 'AVUA.EKta, 7 (1958), 32-33.
30
Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas, p_ 334, note 1.
31
Hero, "Irene-Eulogia," notes 1, 15, 24, 34-44, 47-57, 59-60, 73-76, 78.
List of Signs
* * *
lacunae codicis
t t t crucibus amplectuntur corruptelae
< > addenda
[ ] delenda
s Codex Scorialensis Gr. <P. ///-11
Angela C. Hero
THE CORRESPONDENCE
Άπολογητικη πρός την πρώτην
t!, Αγιε πάτερ, την λογιωτάτην Khi σοφωτάτην

γραφήν σου δεξαμένη ηυφράνθην και την ταύ
της KαλλOVΗν αγασθείσα παρεκινήθην του γράψαι ϊνα και
5 αμφω τα κατ' εμε καταλάβΊ]ς, τήν τε ιδιωτείαν και αμα
θίαν εις την επιστήμην της γραμματικης εκ τών αντιστοί
χων και τών τόνων, και την μικραν δύναμιν εις τό νοείν
από της μεγάλης δωρεάς και φιλανθρωπίας και χάριτος
του ποιητου και σωτηρος μου 'Ιησου Χριστου και ουκ από
10 ανθρωπίνης παιδεύσεως η έρμηνείας ή γαρ αν και γραμ
ματικην εξεπαίδευσάν μοι, ει τοσαύτην είχον εις εμε επι
μέλειαν.
Τοίνυν την γραφην της άγιωσύνης σου και ευχαριστώ
και επαινώ και θαυμάζω. ευχαριστώ μεν γαρ δια τους
15 επαίνους, ει και ουθέν είμι και πάνΤΊ] ξένη τών εγκωμίων
τούτων, αλλ' ουν δια την αγαθήν σου διάθεσιν και
ύπόληψιν περι εμου' επαινώ δε και θαυμάζω, επει εχει
δύναμιν φιλοσοφίας μεγίστη ν εις τουτο, δύναμις γαρ φι
λοσοφίας και τεκμήριον μέγα, εν όλίγαις λέξεσι και συν-
20 τετμημέναις πολυν νουν και μεγάλην ύπόθεσιν παραστη
σαι. δθεν δια ταπείνωσιν και δια το * * * εκφύγοις ήμάς
εξεπίτηδες ποιήσασα τουτο ή άγιωσύνη σου συντετμη
μένον, αντεστράφη σοι ό σκοπός και εν οϋτφ 6λίγαις λέ
ξεσι τοσαύτην δύναμιν ιδουσαι, επι πλέον εδοξάσαμέν
25 σοι και παρεκινήθημεν του 6χλείν σοι.
Τοίνυν αξιώ την άγιωσύνην σου ϊνα ίδω και ταλλα
συγγράμματά σου' επι πλέον δε αξιώ, και πάνυ τοι αξιώ,
ϊνα μη ύστερήσΊ]ς με τό ύπερ του άγιωτάτου πατριάρχου
κυρου 'Αθανασίου σύγγραμμα της άγιωσύνης σου.
S 235r
10 ή]η S 11 20 πολλυν S 11 21 post τό spat. cav. 1-21itt. (ut vid.) S 11 23 άντε
στράφει S 11 26 τ' άλλα (ut vid.) S 11 28 ύστερήσεις S
26
Answer to the First Letter
I
was glad to receive your most eloquent and wise letter,
holy Father. Its beauty delighted me and moved me
to write to you so that you may understand two things about
me: from my mistakes in accents and itacisms < you will under
stand) my ignorance and want of training in the art of gram
mar. But < you will also understand) my capacity for think
ing, small as it is; lowe it to the great gift and benevolence and
grace of my Maker and Savior Jesus Christ and not to human
education or explanation. They would have taught me grammar
too, if they cared for me so much < as to give me an education).
I am grateful for the letter of Your Holiness and I commend
and admire it. I am grateful for your praise, even though I am
nothing and a total stranger to such compliments. Nevertheless,
< I am grateful) for your kind feelings and your good opinion
of me. On the other hand, I praise and admire < your letter)
because the < letter) in itself shows great philosophical abili
ty. I mean that it is ability and great evidence of philosophy to
present in a few and brief words a very significant and impor
tant matter. So, Your Holiness, you made your letter deliberately
brief out of humility and in the hope of escaping my detection,
but you achieved the opposite of your intention. For when I saw
such ability in so few words, I praised you even more and felt
impelled to disturb you.
I request Your Holiness, therefore, to let me see your other
works also. Furthermore it is my request, and ardent request,
that you do not deprive me of the work of Your Holiness in honor
of the most holy Patriarch Kyr-Athanasios.
27
28
< Έπιστολη Δευτέρα )
ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμέν τι χρηστόν, αλλ' ήδη και αν

τελάβομεν· μαλλον δε χρηστον ουδεν ήμείς παρασχόμενοι,
θαυμαστόν τι χρημα είλήφαμεν, φωνην ανδρι σοφφ τε και
γενναίφ προσήκουσαν εκ γυναικείου του στόματος και
5 ψυχης αυτοσόφου προσφυέστατον γέννημα. πρότερον μεν
ούν δια θαύματος είχον [Fol. 235v] το φιλομαθες της βασι
λίδος ψυχης, νυν δε το ωφέλιμον, δ μη μαλλον δύναται λα
βείν έτέρωθεν ευφυως εξευρουσα, 11 και παρασχείν έτέροις
εκ της οικείας γνώμης.
10 Δοκουσι δή μοι περιττοί τινες φανείσθαι οί ήμέτεροι λό-
γοι προσενεχθέντες τij γε τοιαύΤ1J φύσει· ωστε οίς εσπού
δακας ήμας είς το δουναί σοι παρακινησαι τούτους, τού
τοις ήμας τους λόγους αποτρέπεις σοι δουναι· κελευούσ1J
δε δμως, αμαθες αντιλέγειν. αλλ' είσίν, ώς εφθην ειπών,
15 ουκ ευχερως εκδουναι· οί μεν εν τοίς πρώτοις αυτους ύπο
λαβουσι χάρταις ετι διεσχεδιασμένοι και δυσδιάκριτοι, τους
δε τελειωθέντας-κατά γε την ήμετέραν εξιν τελεωθέντας
λέγω-εχει Θεσσαλονίκη· εν οίς είσι και οϋς ήμίν ύπερ Άθα
νασίου του γενναίου και θείου πεπονηκέναι συμβέβηκε·
20 και ουδεν τότε τούτων είρηκώς, εψευσάμην. εκείνους τε ούν
επέστειλά μοι μετ' ου πολυ πεμφθηναι, και κομισθέντων οϋς
αν θελήσαις λήψει· και τούτων εκκαθαρθέντων, ουδενός σοι
φθονήσομεν. ουδεις γαρ δήπου φθονεί του μη καλου μηδενί.
S 235r-235v ν
1 έπιστολη δευτέρα smg 11 5 γένημα S 11 12 σοι SSV

29
< Letter 2 )
Not only did I give something good but I also received < the
same) in return. Rather, without giving anything good I re
ceived something marvelous: from the mouth of a woman came
a voice fit for a wise and noble man; it was the natural product
of a naturally wise soul. Previously, I wondered at the princess'
love of learning, but now I wonder whether there is anything more
useful that she can ingenuously discover and take from elsewhere
than she can offer to others from her own counsel.
It seems to me that my works will appear useless when of
fered to such a creature. So by the very means by which you
earnestly tried to urge me to give you my works, you deter me
from giving them to you. However, it is rude to disobey your
command. Just as I said, though, it is not easy to give them out.
Some of them are still on the paper on which they were first writ
ten. They are in the form of drafts and difficult to make out,
while those which have been finished-as I am wont to finish
them, that is-remain in Thessalonike. Among the latter are those
which I happened to write in honor of the noble and holy Atha
nasios. Having said none of these things < to you) at the time,
I failed to tell the truth. I wrote to have these < works) sent
to me soon, and when they are brought here you may have those
you wish. Neither will I refuse to give you those < that are here)
as soon as they are edited. It is a fact that no one begrudges
anyone anything that is not good.
30
< Έπιστολη Τρίτη )
Ει ηρωτήθη ό ηλιος τί των κτισμάτων επιποθεί πλέον

μάλλον είναι των άλλων, ει λόγον αφηκε, τούτο αν απεκρί
νατο' όφθαλμους θέλειν είναι το πάν δια το το αυτού κάλ
λος κατανοείν. και ει σοφώτατον και λογιώτατον ανδρα
5 ήρετό τις τί και αυτος πλέον των άλλων ποθεί, ακοην αν
συνετην ϋτησε. δια τούτο ηναγκάσθην προπετως και απε
ρισκέπτως σοι γράψαι, μήτε εις την σην σοφίαν ιδούσα, μή
τε εις την εμην ιδιωτείαν, προς δε τούτο μόνον ιδούσα, γνω
ρίσαι σοι δτι ου πάνΤ1] εις ασύνετον ακοην λαλείς, ει
10 και της προς σε σοφίας δυσεφίκτως εχομεν.
Συ δε εν τij πτωχείq. και ευτελείq. και απαρρησιάστφ εν
Χριστφ κεκρυμμέν1] ζωij, ίόσπερ εν κάλυκι ρόδον την σο
φίαν σου αποκρύπτων και περιστέλλων, ημελημένα και α
περριμμένα τα σα σοφώτατα συγγράμματα είασας και μό-
15 νον εν σχεδιάσμασι ταύτα εχεις, και ουδε τα απεσταλμέ
va[Fol. 236r] εν ΘεσσαλονίΚ1] εκάθαρας, ώς οίμαι, ούτε
παρα φίλων σου ηναγκάσθης. ίσθι τοίνυν ώς ουκ ανήσομεν
παίοντες ω σ π ε Ρ σ ί δ η Ρ ο ς π υ Ρ ί τ η ν λ ί θ ο ν, μέχρις
αν τον των λόγων σου πυρσον ανάψωμεν. είπερ ούν ενι δυ-
20 νατον τα αναγκαιότερα και δσα κρίνει ή άγιωσύνη σου και
καταξιώσεις ιδέιν ήμάς μεταγραφηναι απο τού σχεδιάσμα
τος, ουκ όκνήσομεν και χαρτία αποστέιλαι και εξοδον' ει
δε μή, καν το του πατριάρχου κυρού 'Αθανασίου, είπερ εύ
ρίσκεται το ίσον' και είπερ βούλει είναι και ανέκφορον,
25 εγγυώμεθα και τούτο δια τήν τινων αηδίαν. ει δε ουδε τού
το εστιν ευπετές, παρέστω ή ζωσα πηγη και επιδημείτω προς
ήμάς ή άγιωσύνη σου, και ανεξόμεθα την στέρησιν τού δια
18 Greg. Naz., Or. 2, 40 (ed. Bernardi, 142, 16)
S 235v-236r
1 δευτέρα απολογητικη προς την δευτέραν Smgll 6 ήναγκάσθην S 11 8 ιδιω
τίαν S 11 12 ζωΊ) S 11 κάλυκι (littera α ex υ correcta) S /Ι ρόδον (litteris ον
ex ω correctis) S /Ι 13 ήμελημένα S 11 13-14 απερριμένα S 11 16 εκάθαρας]
εκάθαρκας (littera κ2 partim erasa) S 11 post οιμαι unum verbum eras. et ουτε
scr. SsvlI 17 ανοίσωμεν S1/ 19 ανάψομεν S 1/ 20 αναγκαιώτερα ,c; 1/ 22
ωκνήσομεν S 11 25 ante τινων scripsit τών et deinde delevit S
31
< Letter 3 )
If they asked the sun what part of the creation it would rather
have prevail on the rest, it would answer thus (if it could utter
a word): that it would like the Universe to be eyes in order to
apprehend the sun's own beauty. And if someone asked a most
wise and learned man what he, too, would like more than anything
else, he would ask for an understanding audience. This is why
I was compelled to write to you in a rash and thoughtless man
ner, considering neither your wisdom nor my ignorance, but con
sidering this alone: to let you know that you are not talking to
an audience that is utterly lacking in understanding, even if I
cannot approach your wisdom.
You lead a life of poverty, simplicity, self-effacement and
obscurity in Christ, hiding and covering up your wisdom like a
budding rose. Thus you have left your most wise writings ne
glected and cast aside and you keep them only in drafts. I suspect
that you did not even edit those you sent to Thessalonike, nor
did your friends force you to do so. But you must know that
just as "the iron strikes the firestone," I shall not cease striking
until I light up the torch of your writings. So, if it is possible
to copy from the draft those of your works which are more
necessary < for me to read) and whatever Your Holiness ap
proves and considers me worthy of seeing, I shall not hesitate
to send paper and < pay for) the expenses. If this is not possi
ble, < send me) at least your writings on the Patriarch Kyr
Athanasios, if there is a copy. And if you do not wish these to
circulate, I guarantee that also, because of the antipathy of cer
tain people. But if even this is not convenient, let the living spring
come-let Your Holiness visit me-and I shall bear the loss of
the river that flows with writings.
I would like',
32
των συγγραμμάτων ρέοντος ποταμου.

Πλην ύπομνήσκω και τουτο' έπειδη έν τύ πρώΤ1]
30 γραφύ έδήλωσέ μοι ή άγιωσύνη σου δτι ώς γευμα πίθου
άπέστειλας ήμάς την γραφην έκείνην, είπερ μη άηδισθω
μεν, και τον πίθον άντλήσομεν, ήμείς δε και λίαν ήδυ
σθέντες ούδε ύδρίας μετέσχομεν, οίμαι το άμαθες ήμων
και δυσαίσθητον τον πίθον συνέκλεισεν. συ δε δια το μη
35 βούλεσθαί σε έγκωμιάζεσθαι, σφόδρα ήμάς έγκωμίασας,
ϊνα τάχα εις νουν βαλουσαι δτι καν και γυνύ άγραμμάτφ
και ιδιωτίσσ1] τοσουτος άποδίδοται έπαινος, πόσος οφεί
λεται άνδρι σοφφ και λογίφ, και το πολυ του χρέους έν
νοήσασαι και ιλιγγιάσασαι έκστωμεν των έγκωμίων' δ-
40 θεν και κατα σκοπόν σοι το πράγμα προύχώρησεν.
30 γραφη S 11 32 αΥτλήσωμεν S 11 32-33 forsitan corrige ήδυνθέΥτες: ή ..

σθέΥτες S 11 33 ήδρύας S 11 39 ήλιγγιάσασαι S 11 40 προύχώρισεν S
< Έπιστολη Τετάρτη )
"Qμην μεν σβέσειν σου την προθυμίαν οίς γράφοιμι,

όρων δε αύτην τούτοις αυτοίς άναπτομένην μάλλον και
θαυμαστως αιρομένην, έπεμψά σοι των ού καλων λόγων,
σοι δε καλων δοκούντων. εϋρηνται δε ήμίν οί παρόντες
5 [Fol. 236v] των λόγων οϋς μάλιστα έζήτεις έν τοίς μονα
στηρίοις 'Αθανασίου του πάνυ, καί εισιν ουχ οϊους έγω
τούτους μετα ταύτα κατέστησα και άφηκα έν τύ Θεσσα
λονίΚ1], άλλ' ώς άν τις είποι, άπ' αύτης εύθυς της λοχείας
ληφθέντες, και δια τουτο άσπούδαστοι' καθαρώτεροι δ' δ-
10 μως των άλλων οϊ τύδε όντες εύρίσκονται των ήμετέρων
λόγων. τούτους δη διελθουσα, ει και των άλλων δεήσ1],
Ι
παρέξομεν έκγραφέντας κατα την κέλευσίν σου. άνέκ-
φορα δε ούχ ήγούμεθα ταυτα προς οϋς ήμίν συνετέθειτο'
ϊνα γαρ άκούσωσιν, ούχ ϊνα μή, και συντέθειται, ει και
15 (μη πάνυ φιλοτίμως έχομεν περι την τούτων έπίδειξιν.
S 236r-236v
1 τρίτη Smg 11 7Qμηv S 11 8 λοχίας S
33
letter, Your Holiness, you said to me that you sent me that let
ter as a taste of the wine-cask; if I did not find it distasteful, I
could drain the cask. Yet, although I found it delicious, I did
not even partake of a pitcher. I fear, therefore, that my ignorance
and obtuseness sealed the cask. Because you do not wish to be
praised yourself, you praised me excessively to make me realize
how much < praise ) is due to a wise and learned man, if even
an illiterate and ignorant woman is given so much praise. You
wished me to understand the enormity of the debt and feeling
dizzy at the thought to refrain from praising you. Things turned
out as you intended.
< Letter 4 )
I thought that what I wrote would quell your eagerness. But

since I see that it rather kindled and increased it extraordinarily,
I sent to you some discourses which are not good although they
appear to you to be good. These discourses of mine, for which
you particularly asked, were found in the monasteries of the
renowned Athanasios and they are not as I set them down later
and left them in Thessalonike, but they were taken directly from
birth, so to speak, and therefore they are not as carefully worked
out. Still they are more polished than the rest of my discourses
that are here. Read these, and if you require the rest, I shall hand
them over to you after they have been copied, in accordance with
your orders. I do not believe that these discourses should be kept
from those for whom I wrote them. For even if I am not too
anxious to display them, they were written so that these individuals
might hear them, not that they might not.
34
< Έπιστολη Πέμπτη >
Ήγ α λ λ ι α σ ά μ η ν ε γω ε π ι τ α λ ό γ ι ά
σ ο υ, πάτερ αγιε, ώ ς ό ε ύ Ρ ί σ κ ω ν σ κ υ λ α π ο λ
λ ά. μέσον δύο παθών μεταίχμιος γέγονα' ηυφράνθην τε
πάνυ και λίαν ελυπήθην. ηυφράνθην μεν δια την KαλλOVΗν
5 της γραφης σου' τί γαρ τών αυτης ου λίαν θαυμάσιον; το
ρητορικον π υ Ρ Ο ς μ έ ν ο ς π ν έ ο ν, η το άγιοπρεπες
και ευλαβέστατον και συνετον και πεπαιδευμένον της
παιδεύσεως- ο υ γ α ρ ά π α ι δ ε ύ τ ω ς π α ι δ ε ύ
ε ι ς καί, οϋτως εχούσης της παιδεύσεως, μηδεν τών και-
10 ριωτάτων ελέγχων παραλιμπάνεσθαι, και ο υ τ ο υ ς λ έ
γ ο ν τ α ς , τ ο υ ς δ ε λ ό γ ο υ ς μ ά Χ ε σ θ α ι , και
οϋτως άνεπιλήπτως βάλλειν καιρίως τον της άληθείας εχ
θρόνο η το ώφέλιμον της διδασκαλίας, μη μόνον προς οϋς
εγράφη, άλλα και ήμών τών εντυγχανόντων- διδασκόμε-
15 θα και γαρ πραότητα και άνεξικακίας δρους και διπλης
ειρήνης θεσμούς, θείας λέγω και άνθρωπίνης, και τίς ή
ειρήνη του Χριστου ην άφηκε τους μαθητάς, και τίς ή εις
τον άνθρωπον και πώς δειται της θείας ειρήνης ό το πνευ
μα το αγιον μέλλων δέχεσθαι εν έαυτφ οι [Fol. 237r] κιζό-
20 μενον' ταυτα θαυμασίως ό λόγος εξήγγειλε και το ευαγγε
λικον και προφητικον ρητον συνεβίβασεν-η πάλιν το ευ
πορώτατον του νοος και πλάτος τών νοημάτων μετα θαυ
μασιωτάτης και άβιάστου της εξαγγελίας; στενΟι με, πά
τερ, το πλάτος σου τών νοημάτων και ή πολλή σου ευπο-
25 ρία άπορειν με πεποίηκεν. τοσουτόν με κατέθελξεν ή
γραφή, ώς πάντων τών άνα χέιρας άναγκαιοτάτων δντων
άμελήσασαν, ει μη τον πάντα λόγον εκπληρώσω, ουκ
άνηκα.
(\,t:,\ 1'-,t;i; ,u,,�,
1-2 117 (118). 162-16,3 11 6 §οm�:��JΙ��8�11 8-9 Oreg. Naz., Or. 42,
Ps,
13 (ΡΟ 36.472D) 1110-11 Oreg. Naz., Or 42,13 (ΡΟ 36. 472D-73A) 1116-17
cf. Jn. 14.27
S 236v-237v
1 τετάρτη άπολογητικη προς την γην' smg 11 ήγαλλιασάμην S 11 2 σκύλλα
S 11 3 μετέχμιος S 11 1 4 εγράφει S 11 23 στενείμαι S 11 26 άναγκαιωτάτων S
35
< Letter 5 >
"I exulted because of thy words," holy Father, "as one that
finds much spoil." I was caught between two emotions. I felt
both great joy and much sorrow. I rejoiced at the beauty of your
writing. For what is not admirable about it? The fire-breathing
rhetoric or the saintly and most pious and proficient instruction?
For you "instruct in an instructive way," and the instruction is
such that no important argument is omitted and the''dispute is
between the arguments not the speakers." In such an impeccable
manner you deal a vital blow to the enemy of truth! Or is not
the benefit of your teaching < to be admired >? Not only < the
benefit > of those for whom it was written, but of us also who
read it. For we are certainly taught about gentleness of spirit and
the meaning of forbearance and the laws of double peace-I mean
both the divine and human-and what was the peace that Christ
bequeathed to His disciples and what is human peace, and how
he who is to have the Holy Spirit dwell in him needs the divine
peace. The discourse explains this admirably and reconciles the
Prophet's saying with that of the Gospel. Or, again, < should
one not admire > the great facility of mind and breadth of percep
tion and the marvelous and unaffected language? The breadth
of your perception reduces me to straits, Father, and your great
ease, makes me uneasy. I was so charmed by your writing that
I neglected all my duties, although they were most pressing, and
did not let go of your discourse until I had finished all of it.
36
ΚαΙ τα μεν της ευφροσύνης αίτια ταυτα, πλέον δε μαλ-

30 λον ή ση άρετη διαλάμπουσα εν τοίς λόγοι ς σου τοίς μη
πάνυ τυφλώττουσι. τα δε την λύπην προξενήσαντα ταυτά
εΙσιν· δτι ήλθεν εις τόν βίον άνθρωπος μεστός άγαθων
σοφίας, γνώσεως, λογιότητος, το μείζον, άρετης
καΙ παρατρέχει τόν χρόνον καΙ ό χρόνος διαβιβάζει αυ-
35 τόν, την πρέπουσαν δόξαν αυτφ ύφαιρούμενος, καΙ ταυτα
δι' άρετην καΙ του μη κατ' επίδειξιν πραγματεύεσθαι, κατ'
ερημίαν του καλα ποθοΟντος καΙ εκζητοΟντος. καΙ ταυ
τα εν λογισμφ συστρέφουσα μετα πολλων δακρύων ελε
γον εν έαυτύ· " που τό πνευμά σου, φυσικε φιλόσοφε
40 καΙ φιλολογώτατε καί φιλάρετε καΙ φιλόκαλε καΙ φιλο
μόναχε, κράτιστε καΙ αγιε βασιλευ, αυθέντη καΙ πενθε
ρέ; καΙ συ σοφώτατε πάτερ ό εμε γεγεννηκώς; ιδου φί
λος ον εζητείτε! ιδου μοναχός οϊους όμιλουντες ηγάλλε
σθε! ω πόσον εζημιώθητε, σύ τε ό εμός γεννήτωρ καΙ ή
45 ση άγιωσύνη, πάτερ αγιε, ό ταυτα συγγραψάμενος!" πρός
σε γαρ πάλιν επιστραφήσομαι· ''ουκ εχεις, ως όρω, άξιον
καΙ άφθονον κριτην καΙ άκροατήν." μικρου καΙ την φή
μην καταμέμφομαι [Fol. 237v] ως άμβλυτέραν προς το
σουτον καλόν· ει γαρ παρησαν εκείνοι, ει καΙ όξυτάτφ πο-
50 δ! φεύγεις συ την δόξαν, όξυτέροις αν εκείνοι τοίς ποσΙ
της τιμης, ύπό φιλοτιμίας κινούμενοι, κατεδίωξαν αν καΙ
κατέλαβον κατα την αυτοίς κρατουσαν συνήθειαν.
Ταυτα ου κολακεύουσα λέγω-μάρτυς ή άλήθεια
άλλ' δσα αν ενεθυμήθην καΙ εμαθον εκ της άναγνώσε-
55 ως, ταυτα γνωρίζω σοι. ει δε ήψάμεθα καΙ ποσως κατε
νοήσαμεν της γραφης, συ αν ειδείης καΙ ήμας δια γρα
φης πληροφορήσαις. οικονομουνται καΙ τών επιλοίπων
γραφών τα χαρτία.
30 ση S 11 31 προξενίσαντα S 11 33 λογιωττ ος (supra ω 1 littera [?] quae legi

ποπ potest) S 11 35 ύφαιρόμενος S 11 43 οίους S 11 43 ήγάλλεσθε S 11 44 πόσων
S 141 45 ση S 11 56 ειδοίης S 11 57 πληροφορίσαις S
37
These were, then, the reasons for my rejoicing, but even more
so it was your virtue which shines through your writings for those
who are not altogether blind. As for the causes of my sorrow,
they were the following: the fact that a man was born filled with
blessings-wisdom, knowledge, eloquence, and what is more im
portant, virtue-and he races through time and time hurries him
off, stealing away the glory which is his due. All this because
of his virtue and because he does not care to show off, there be
ing no one who desires and seeks out the good. As I was turning
these thoughts around in my mind, I said to myself with many
tears: "Where is your spirit, my lord and father-in-law, the mighty
and holy emperor? You were a born philosopher and loved vir
tue and learning and goodness and the monks! And you, my most
wise father, who gave me life? Here is the friend you were seek
ing! Here is the kind of monk in whose company you delighted!
o what a loss you suffered, both you, my father, and you, Your
Holiness, the author of this work, holy Father!" For I shall turn
back to you. "You do not have, as I see, a worthy and genial
judge and listener." I almost blame public opinion for being
rather insensitive to such greatness. If my father and father-in
law were alive, even though you run away from fame with a most
swift foot, they would have chased you with honor's swifter feet,
moved by the love of honor, and they would have caught you
as they were wont to do.
As truth is my witness, I do not say this to flatter you. I am
just telling you what I noticed and learned from my reading. You
should know and write to assure me whether I grasped and
understood all the meaning of your work. I am providing paper
for < copies> of the rest of your works.
38
< Έπιστολη 'Έκτη >
ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν και φιλόδοξον, δι' ών θαυ

μάζεις, του καθεστώτος εξάγουσα; ταυτα εγω προορώ
μενος πρότερον και την ασθένειαν την εμαυτου συνει
δώς, ουκ εθάρρουν φιλολογωτάΤ1] γνώμ1] πρόφασιν δου-
5 ναι κατ' εμαυτου τοιαύτην. συ μόνη πάντων επ' εμοί γε,
ώς εοικεν, ακέραιον την αίσθησιν του καλου διετήρησας,
11 και τα ελάχιστα τών καλών οϋτως οξέως όρq,ς και
τοσούτου θαύματος αξιοις, ώς ουδεις τα σφόδρα μεγά
λα και αξιόλογα.
10 Οϋκ ειμι του πατρός εκείνου του θαυμαστου τελεώ-
τερος δς σπυρίδας ύφαίνων, επειδήπερ ύπό παρακαθε
ζομένου τινός εΠ1]νέθη και πάλιν ακήκοεν ώς ευφυώς
ύφαίνει, "σίγησον," είπεν, "ώ βέλτιστε, δς εξ δτου περ εν
ταυθα ελήλυθας του Θεου με απήγαγες." δσον ουν
15 εγω μείων εκείνου της αρετης την εξιν και ατελέστερος,
προστίθημι [Fol. 237ar] δε και τό τών επαίνων ύπερέχον
και αυτου του θαυμάζοντος, τοσουτο μάλλον και πόρ
ρω γίνομαι του Θεου θαυμαζόμενος. κείσθω δη μέχρι
τουδε τό βάρος μή, ωσπερ σκαφίδιον, πλείω φόρτον 11 φέ-
20 ρειν εχω δεξάμενος, ύποβρύχιος γένωμαι.
Ό βασιλευς δε εκεινος και ό σοφός γεννήτωρ, πάν
Ι
'των μεν ενεκα τών καλών και θαυμαστών ών ε ίχον και
::τους άλλους ήξίουν, ώφελον ου θνητοι πεφυκέναι. αυτός
δε εμαυτόν οίδα χθαμαλώτερον οντα κομιδτί της
25 εκείνων αγάπης.
S 237v-237ar
1 πέμπτη smg 11 13-14 Cf. Joannes Colobus, Apophthegmata, 32 (Apoph
thegmata patrum, ΡΟ 65. 213Ω-16Α)
6 εοικεν 11 13 έξότου S 11 18 γίνωμαι S

39
< Letter 6 >
Will you not stop seducing my wretched and vain soul from
its established way of life with your praises? Because I already
foresaw this and was well aware of my own weakness, I did not
dare to give such a pretext against me to a mind so fond of learn
ing. With respect to me, you seem to be the only one who has
retained an absolute sense of the good, since you keenly perceive
even the smallest good and admire it as much as no one admires
even the greatest and most worthwhile.
I have not attained a greater degree of perfection than that
marvelous father who was weaving baskets and who said, when
someone sitting nearby praised him and repeatedly told him how
well he was weaving: "Keep quiet, my good man, for ever since
you came here you led me away from God." Inasmuch as I am
inferior to that man and less accomplished in the pursuit of
virtue-and I must add to this the superiority of the praise and
of the admirer-I am led further away from God by being praised.
Let the burden stop here, then, lest like a small boat, having taken
a heavier load than I can carry, I go under.
That renowned emperor and your wise father should have
been born immortal because of all they had and gave to others.
I am well aware of being too lowly for their love.
40
< Έπιστολη Έβδόμη )
Μ η δ ο ξ α σ θ ή σ ε τ α ι α ξ ί ν η ά ν ε υ τ ο υ ε λ
κ ο ν τ ο ς α υ τ ή ν, η στομωθήσεται σίδηρος άνευ πυ
ρος καΙ ϋδατος; οϋτως ουδε νους φιλόσοφος δοξασθή
σεται καΙ ακμαιότερος εσται άνευ του έπαινουντος καΙ
5 ψέγοντος' καΙ γαρ καΙ ό επαινος Όπλον αρετης γίνεται
τφ αγωνιστύ , κατα τον του αποστόλου λόγον τον λέγον
τα δ ι α τ ω ν Ό π λ ω ν τ η ς δ ι κ α ι ο σ ύ ν η ς
τ ω ν δ ε ξ ι ω ν κ α Ι α ρ ι σ τ ε Ρ ω ν, δ ι α δ ό ξ η ς
κ α Ι α τ ι μ ί α ς, δ ι α δ υ σ φ η μ ί α ς κ α Ι ε υ φ η μ ί-
10 α ς. δέχου τοίνυν την ευφημίαν ώς Όπλον δικαιοσύνης
προς Θεου σοι πεμπομένην, έπεΙ οϋτως ηυδόκησε καταρ
τίζεσθαι την ζωην τών δούλων αυτου, ει άρα καΙ έγκώμιά
εισι τα λεγόμενα παρ' έμου καΙ μη καθυβρίζω τοίς
έγκωμίοις.
15 Έγω δε απέστειλα τους λόγους του θαυμαστου αν-
θρώπου-ει μή με απατq, το φίλτρον-καΙ αξιω σε έντυ
χείν πρωτον ών έσημάδευσα, εχει γαρ διπλην την ωφέ
λειαν, συν τύ λογικύ καΙ πνευματικήν' άλλωστε ϊνα ίδ1]ς
καΙ την διπλην όρφανίαν [Fol. 237aν] καΙ την ζη-
20 μίαν ην ύπέστην ή τάλαινα στερηθείσα δύο τοιούτων πα
τέρων, του κατα σάρκα γεννήσαντός με καΙ του δια του
μοναχικου αναγεννήσαντός με σχήματος, ον καΙ κατα
δύναμιν ύπετάγην, καΙ τα μυσταγωγηθέντα μοι παρ' αυ
του, ει δφη καιρος ακούσεις. τούτων την στέρησιν
25 μη φέρουσα, καΙ μαλλον του πνευματικου μου πατρός,
όδυνηρως ζω. μη εύρίσκουσα τοίνυν όμιλίαν πνευματι
κην αμα καΙ λογικην ώς είναι αρτίαν καΙ τελείαν, α π η
ν ή ν α τ ο π α Ρ α κ λ η θ η ν α ι ή Ψ υ Χ ή μ ο υ καΙ η κ η-
'1-2 Is. 10. 15 11 7-10 2 Cor. 6. 7-8 11 27-28 Ps. 76 (77). 3
b
S 237ar-237 r
1 εκτη απολογητικη πρός την πέμπτην smg 11 5 σπλον S 11 7 σπλων S 11
1 0 σπλον S 1116 με Ssv 11 σε] σαι S 1117 ων S 11 διπλην S 1118 λογικη S 11
β α
ϊδοις S 1119 διπλήν S 1124 δώει S 11 στέρρησιν S 1125-26 6δυνηρως ζω και
μάλλον του πνευματικου μου πατρός S 11 27-28 απηνίνατο S
41
< Letter 7 >
"Shall the axe glorify itself without him that hews with it"
or will iron be tempered without fire and water? Thus neither
will a wisdom-loving mind be glorified and thrive without an ad
mirer and a critic. For even praise becomes a weapon of virtue
to a champion, in the words of the Apostle saying: "with the
weapons of righteousness for the right hand and for the left; in
honor and dishonor, in ill-repute and good repute." Accept, then,
the words of praise as a weapon of righteousness sent to you from
God, since this is how He saw fit to dispose of the lives of His
servants (if indeed what I say to you is truly praise and I am not
insulting you by my praise).
I sent to you the discourses of the marvelous man-if love
does not blind me-and I wish you to look first at what I have
checked because it has a double value: literary and spiritual.
Besides, you must see the double bereavement and loss I suf
fered-wretched me-when I lost both my fathers; the one who
gave me birth in flesh and the other who regenerated me by the
monastic habit and to whose direction I submitted as best as I
could. If time permits, you shall hear what he taught me by way
of initiation. Unable to bear their loss, and more so that of my
spiritual father, I live in grief. Because I could not find company
< which offered > both spiritual and literary < benefits > so as
to be complete and perfect, "my soul refused to be comforted
42
δ ί α σ ε ν ε π' ε μ έ τ Ο π ν ε υ μ ά μ ο υ, δια τουτο κε-

30 κίνηκέ με ένδον ή καρδία μου προς ζήτησιν της σης όμι
λίας. ει ουν εστιν αβαρές, καθα καΙ προείπον, απαξ του
μηνος έχου την προς ήμας άφιξιν, φίμωτρον ωσπερ της
ακηδίας γινόμενος-επεΙ ουδε νευρα φέρει το σύντονον
καΙ δεί ανεθηναι μικρον τών γλυφίδων-δια τον εν-
35 τειλάμενον μη κρύπτειν το τάλαντον' επεΙ δε συ τάλαν
τον λόγου καΙ αρετης επιστεύθης, πάρεχε τφ ζητουντι
μετα θερμης διαθέσεως. αλλ' ίσως ερείς δια το ύπερβάλ
λον της ταπεινώσεως στι ουδέτερον ίκανόν. μη τουτο, πα
ρακαλώ' γογγυσμος γαρ άντικρυς κατα του πα-
40 ρασχόντος δεσπότου' επεΙ καγώ σοι λέγω, αρκουμαι εις
σσον οίδα καΙ κατέλαβον καΙ πλέον ου χρτjζω.
ΈπεΙ δε καμοΙ ενεπίστευσεν ό δεσπότης καΙ κατέστη
σεν οικονόμον πραγμάτων, ατινα καΙ οΙκονομήθησαν ώς
οίδεν εκείνος, εναπελείφθη δε πολλοστημόριον καΙ
45 οΙκονομώμεν αυτό, παρακαλώ * * * σσον χρτjζεις εΙς
[Fo1.237br] ανάπαυσίν σου από τών πραγμάτων του κοι
νου ήμών δεσπότου, γνώριζε τουτο ήμίν καΙ το κατα
δύναμιν ουδέποτε αμελήσαιμεν.
28-29 Ps. 60 (61). 2 11 35 cf. Mt. 25. 15-28
28-29 ήκηδίασεν S 11 32 φίμοτρον S 11 33 νευρά S 11 34 αναιθηναι S 11 το γλυ

φείδον S11 35 σοι S 11 38 ούδ' ετερον S 11 40 σοι λλέγω S 11 43 post πραγμάτων
vocabulum quod legi ηοη potest expunxit S 11 44 έναπελήφθη S 11 πολλωστη
μόριον S " 45 post παρακαλώ vocabulum quod legi ηοη potest -ίη S
43
and my spirit was in trouble." This is why my heart moved me

from within to seek your company. If it is no trouble, therefore,
just as I said before, do visit me once a month and become a
muzzle of my depression, so to speak, since even a bow string
cannot bear tension and must be loosened for a while from the
notches. Do this for the sake of Him Who enjoined us not to
hide the talent. Since you are entrusted with both a literary and
spiritual talent, give to those who ask eagerly. Perhaps you will
say, because of your excessive modesty, that you are not suffi
ciently endowed in either respect. Please do not say that, for it
is a complaint muttered against the Lord Who granted you these
talents. I also tell you that I am satisfied with what I saw and
understood and I need no more.
Since the Lord made me also a trustee and manager of < ma
terial ) goods and they were managed as He sees fit and since
a fraction < of them > still remains and I am managing it, please
let me know how much you need for your comfort from the goods
of our common Master and may I not fail < to provide it > as
best as I can.
44
< Έπιστολη Όγδόη )
'Όπλον αρετης ό επαινος ου καθ' αύτό, αλλα κατα

συμβεβηκός, καΙ ου τοίς νφ την αρετην κτωμένοις, αλ
λα τοίς νηπιώδεσιΥο ώσπερ γαρ τους νηπίους ετι κολα
κεί<t καΙ μελίττοντες απάγουσιν εις διδασκάλου οί τού-
5 των επιμελούμενοι, οϋτω καΙ τό επαινείσθαι τους νηπιώ
δεις τας φρένας εις αρετην παραθήγει επι ταύΤΊ] γινόμε
νον. τα γαρ δ ε ξ ι α κ α Ι α ρ ι σ τ ε Ρ α του ειρηκότος δ
π λ α, ή δ ό ξ α κ α Ι α τ ι μ ί α, ου τουτο βούλεται
τφ αποστόλφ, αλλ' δτι ουδεν τούτων αυτόν εκτρέψαι
10 δύναται του προκειμένου δείξαι-ου δ ό ξ α, ουκ α τ ι
μ ί α, ου δ υ σ φ η μ ί α ουκ ε υ φ η μ ί α, ουδεν ουδαμώς
τών άλλων- αλλ' εστιν ό αυτός δια πάντων καΙ αναλ
λοίωτος δουλος Χριστου καΙ απόστολος, ώσπερ καΙ τ η ς
α γ ά π η ς τ ο υ Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ, φησιν έτέρωθι, ουδεν
15 αυτόν είναι δυνατόν αποστησαι, ο υ θ λ ί Ψ ι ς, ο υ σ τ ε
ν ο Χ ω Ρ ί α καΙ δσα δη καθεξης καταλέγει κανταυθα.
ό δε νουν εχων καΙ κατα τουτον τό αγαθόν διώκων δι'
ουδεν ετερον τών άπάντων, αλλα δι' αυτην μόνην καΙ
πρώτην του αγαθου την φύσιν εξεται του αγαθου, καν μη-
20 δεΙς iJ τών άπάντων ό συνειδως την γνώμην.
ΚαΙ περΙ μεν τούτων δδε ήμίν ό λόγος. τό δε βιβλίον
του σοφωτάτου πατρός ουκ ετι δια την σην μαρτυρίαν,
αλλα δι' αυτην την του πατρός σοφίαν ύπερθαυμάζομεν,
γνώμην θαυμαστην ενορωντες τοίς λόγοις καΙ γλώτταν
25 κεχαρισμένην καΙ ήθος επιεικες μετα μεγαλοπρε
πείας [Ρο!. 237bv] τας ύποθέσεις τών λόγων διαφερόν
τως εθαύμασα, οϋτως εισΙ γενναίαι καΙ ανδρΙ φ υ ij.
σ ο φ φ, κατα Πίνδαρον, πρέπουσαι. καΙ τα μεν του κα
τα σώμα πατρός τοιαυτα οντα καΙ εϊδομεν καΙ οψόμεθα,
30 καΙ δσφ μάλλον οψόμεθα, τοσούτφ μάλλον καΙ θαυμα
σόμεθα, τοιαυτα γαρ τα καλα καΙ καινότερα' λοιπόν δε
7-11 Cf. 2 Cor. 6. 7-8 1114-16 Rom. 8. 35 1127-28 Cf. Pind., O/ymp. 2.86
S 237br-238r λ
1 έβδόμη smg 114 μελιττόντες S 1112-13 αναλοίωτος S 1115 θλίψις S 1119
εξεται S 11 30-31 θαυμασώμεθα S
45
< Letter 8 )
Praise is a weapon of virtue not by itself but by accident, and

not for those who acquire virtue intelligently but for those who
have the mentality of a child. For just as their guardians lead
the children to the teacher by the use of flattery and soothing
words, in the same way praise incites people of childish mental
ity to virtue when offered for that purpose. This is not, however,
what the Apostle means when he speaks of "the weapons of
righteousness for the right hand and for the left, honor and
dishonor. " He means instead that none of these can turn him
away from his proposed task-"neither honor nor dishonor nor
ill-repute nor good repute" nor any other such thing-but through
everything he remains the same and unchangeable servant and
apostle of Christ, just as he says elsewhere that nothing can
separate him' 'from the love of Christ, neither tribulation nor
distress" nor all that he enumerates in this passage also. But
whoever is intelligent and pursues the good intelligently, he will
not adhere to the good because of any of all the other reasons
but because of the very nature of the good alone and foremost,
even if there should be no one to know his frame of mind.
This is what I have to say about these matters. As for the book
of your most wise father, I admire it very much and no longer
on account of your testimony but on account of the very wisdom
of your father, for I observed in his discourses admirable think
ing, graceful language, and moderation coupled with magnificence.
I admired especially the topics of the discourses, so noble are they
and so befitting a man "born wise," as Pindar said. Such are the
works of your natural father! I saw them and will see them and
the more I see them the more I will admire them, for such are the
46
ήμιν ιδειν και τα θατέρου πατρός, a μη μεγάλα και θειά

35 τινα είναι ουκ εικός, σου θαυμαζούσης ταυτα και οϋτω
πρεσβευούσης. εύ γαρ ήμιν ήδη και ίκανώς συνηκται ώς
δ συ καλόν νομίζοις και της δοκίμου μοίρας, ουκ έστι
δήπου τουτο μη είναι τοιουτο.
Περι δε της όμιλίας, ει μεν μη πρός ήσυχίας επιστή-
40 μονα και του μοναδικου βίου και ώς οίόν τε ανακεχω
ρηκότος εποιούμην τόν λόγον, έλεγον αν τας αιτίας της
δυσχερείας ταύτης και του σχεδόν αδυνάτου· επει δέ σου
συμβέβηκεν ουχ ήττον είναι φιλήσυχον 11 φιλόμιλον την
φιλόθεον γνώμην, ουχ ύποπτεύω εμποιήσειν σοι λύπην,
45 ει και μηδέποθ' ήσυχίας εκσταίην. άλλως τε ει μεν μη δια
γραμμάτων ήν ήμιν τουτο γίνεσθαι, ωσπερ δη νυν γίνεται,
ήν αν ίσως ανάγκη της όμιλίας ταύτης επει δε οϋτως
έχεις επιστέλλειν ωσπερ άλλος όμιλειν και μετα τοσαύτης
παιδεύσεώς τε και χάριτος, ου δει σε πολυν εκείνης ποι-
50 εισθαι της όμιλίας [Fol. 238r] λόγον. βαδίζειν δε και αυτός
ίσως 6κνήσω τοσαυτάκις δια μέσης της πόλεως, γράφειν
δε ουκ 6κνήσω από της ήσυχίας αν δ' άρα κακεινο ύ
μη τών αδυνάτων ήμιν, οτε τοιουτο δοκει σκεπτομένοις
ποιήσομεν.
55 Ό αυτός δέ μοι και περι της σωματικης χρείας λόγος,
ής ήμας και λόγοις και πρό τών λόγων έργοις αξισις αφθο
νώτατα. ει μεν γαρ μη συνεχώς και δαψιλώς ήμιν τα τοι
αυτα επήντλεις μετ' ευλαβους του τρόπου, ήμέτερον ήν
ών δεόμεθα λέγειν· επει δε ωσπερ αναγκαιον ποιουμένη
60 τι φαίν1] τό καθ' ήμας οίς πράττεις, περιττόν εστιν, οίμαι,
ήμας τι λέγειν. ίσως μέντοι και ταυτα λόγων οικείων
μεθέξει εν τοις ιδίοις καιροΙς.
39 ήσυχίαν S 11 45 μηδέπωθ' S 11 60 τι φαίνυ ssv

47
good and unusual things. Now it remains for me to see the works
of your other father, which must be great and marvelous since
you admire and honor them. For I have well and sufficiently con
cluded that whatever you may consider good and acceptable can
not possibly be otherwise.
As for my visits, if I were not speaking to an expert on the
monastic and, as much as possible, the ascetic life, I would have
explained why they are difficult if not impossible. But since your
own God-loving disposition happens to prefer solitude to soci
ety, I do not suspect that I shall cause you any distress even if
I were never to leave my solitude. Besides, if we could not com
municate by letters-just as we do now-such visits would have
probably been necessary. But since you can write as well as others
can talk, and with such learning and grace, you must not set so
much value on these visits. I may also hesitate to walk through
the center of the City so often, but I shall not hesitate to write
from my solitude. Still if it is not impossible for me, < I shall
come > when I decide to upon reflection.
I say the same about my physical needs for which you pro
vide so generously, not only by words but also by deeds. If you
did not lavish such gifts on me continually and abundantly and
devoutly, it would be up to me to ask for what I need. But since
you seem to be doing what you do for me as if it were an obliga
tion, it is superfluous for me to say anything. Perhaps even this
matter will be properly discussed at the proper time.
48
< Έπιστολη Ένάτη >
ΌρQ, ή άγιωσύνη σου, πάτερ αγιε, το ασθενες καΙ άπει

ρον της εμης γραφης, δπως ουκ ισχύει εμφανίσαι τον σκο
πον του νοός μου; μη γένοιτο γαρ μηδε τόσον αναισθη
τησαί μοι, ωστε δπλον αρετης καλέσαι τα εγκώμια
5 είς σε δια το παρα τούτων θήγεσθαί σε εις αρετήν, ει καΙ
είς τινας μικροπρεπείς καΙ Ρq.θύμους γίνεται τουτο· αλ
λα μάλλον κατα τον του αποστόλου σκοπόν, δτι ούτε δ ό
ξ α, ούτε α τ ι μ ί α, ουχ ϋψωμα, ου βάθος, ου δ υ σ φ η
μ ί α ουκ έπαινος Χ ω Ρ ί σ α ι δυνήσεται τ η ς α γ ά-
10 π η ς τ ο υ Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ. επεΙ ούν ταυτα πάντα γυμνάσια
της αγάπης του Χριστου παρ' αυτου γίνονται, ϊνα, μη
δεν τούτων ισχύσας χωρίσαι του ποθουμένου, λαμπρό
τερον [Fol. 238v] απεργάσωνται τον μη ήττηθέντα, ωσπερ
υίον φιλοπάτορα, ει καΙ μυρίους φίλους έχειν συμβηναι καΙ
15 πολλα αυτον χαριζομένους, ουκ εξίσταται της προς τον
πατέρα αυτου διαθέσεως καΙ προσκολλήσεως, αλλα καΙ
τους φίλους στέργων καΙ παρ' εκείνων δωρα λαμβάνων,
πάντα εις τιμην καΙ δόξαν του έαυτου πατρος αναλίσκει,
οϋτω καΙ οί απόστολοι, οϋτω καΙ οί κατα σε δου-
20 λοι αυτου, δια τουτο είπον δπλα αρετης τα εγκώμια. η
ναγκάσθην δε ταυτα ειπείν, δτι ει καΙ είρηκας αφεστη
κέναι με τον Θεον από σου δια των εγκωμίων, δτι από
τοιαύτης ψυχης φιλοσόφου καΙ φιλοθέου ουδεΙς αφαιρεί
τον Θεόν. το γαρ ειπείν τον αγιον εκείνον πατέρα, καΙ
25 μετ' εκείνόν σε, αφεστηκέναι τον Θεον από σου, δηλον
δτι ένοικον έχετε τον Θεόν' ού τί αν γένοιτο μακαριώτε
ρον 11 εγκωμιαστικώτερον; αλλα τουτο ουκ ηθέλησα τότε
ειπείν δεδοικυία την επιτίμησιν.
7-9 Cf. 2 Cor. 6. 9-10 11 9-10 Rom. 8. 35
S 238r-240r
m
1 όγδόη (sic) άπολογητικη προς την έβδόμην s g 11 3 τόσον ]το σον S 11
4 όπλον S 11 5 θείγεσθαι S 11 13 άπεργάσονται S 11 16 προσκωλλήσεως S
11 17 στέργον S 11 18 άναλίσκτΙ S 11 20 δπλα S 11 20-21 ήναγκάσθην S 11 21-22
άφιστηκέναι (litteris στη s.v. scriptis) S 11 25 άφεστηκέναι (litteris στη s.V.
scriptis) S 11 post άφεστηκέναι vocabulum quod legi ποπ potest expunxit S
49
< Letter 9 )
Does Your Holiness see, holy Father, the weakness and inex
perience of my writing, how it does not have the power to ex
press the intent of my mind? God forbid that I should have been
so obtuse as to call my praise for you a weapon of virtue, mean
ing that it incites you to virtue, even if this happens with some
small and indolent man. Instead, I rather intended < to say ),
just as the Apostle did, that "neither honor nor dishonor" nor
exaltation nor humiliation nor ill-repute nor praise can "separate
you from the love of Christ." Since, then, according to < the
Apostle ), all these amount to training exercises, < testing ) our
love for Christ so that he who was not defeated by them may
shine even brighter, because none of these temptations had the
power to separate him from the object of his desire, just as a
son who loves his father, even if he happens to have innumerable
friends who give him many gifts, he does not change his feelings
for his father nor his attachment to him, but while he loves his
friends and accepts their gifts, he uses everything for the honor
and glory of his own father-this is what the Apostles did and
this is what the servants of God like you do-for this reason I
called praise a weapon of virtue. I was forced to say this because
although you said that I drove God away from you by my praise,
no one can take God away from such a wisdom-loving and God
loving soul. < Sure as I see it ), first that holy father, and then
you, prove that God dwells in both of you by saying that God
has been driven away from you. What can be more blessed or
praiseworthy than this? But I did not wish to say that at the time
from fear of being reprimanded.
50
Και ταυτα μεν οϋτως. δτι δε του ζητουμένου αποτυγ-

30 χάνω, φίλη ή αλήθεια και λίαν λυπηρως εχω, και τοσού
τφ πλέον, δσφ και τόν σκοπόν καταλαμβάνω, δτι δι' ερω
τα ήσυχίας φεύγεις ήμας' εν γαρ τφ εραστύ της ήσυχί
ας εύρίσκεται τό ποθούμενον και ζητούμενον παρ' εμου
και εκ πολλων τεκμηρίων στοχάζομαι εν σοι κεκρύφθαι
35 τόν ζητούμενον θησαυρόν. δσον γουν τουτο βεβαιότερον
στοχάζομαι, τοσουτον επιθυμω αναπτύξασθαι και απο
λαμβάνειν ταύτης της ωφελιμωτάτης όμιλίας και δσον
επιθυμω και αποτυγχάνω, τοσουτον λυπουμαι και πλέ
ον, [Ροl. 239r] αστοχήσασα τοιούτου καλου και
40 απόλλουσα θησαυρόν τόν πάλαι εμοι ποθούμενον και ζη
τούμενον. και κατεβαπτίσθην αν ύπό της λύπης, εί μη
εμαυτην εμβριθως επιτιμήσασα ανεκτησάμην από της
λύπης, ταυτα είπουσα' "ίνα τί και συ ουκ είσέρχυ και
τους πρός Θεόν τρέχοντας κωλύεις; 11 ουκ οίδας δτι οίκο-
45 νομία Θεου ταυτα δια την σην αναξιότητα, ίνα μη και
τουτο είς κρίμα σοι γένηται; και γαρ ώς ουδε τα των
αλλων πατέρων εφύλαξας, και πρό γε των αλλων, του
σου πατρός και δεσπότου, του μεγάλου αρχιερέως, αλλα
τόν πολυν εκείνου και αμετρον κόπον, ον κατεβάλετο
50 αρωσαι και σπείραι την γην της καρδίας σου, μάταιον
απέφηνας και ακαρπος εμεινας, οϋτω και των αλλων
ποιήσεις. δια τουτο ε κ λ ε ι σ ε ν ό Θεός τ α σ π λ ά γ
Χ ν α των δούλων αυτου. η μ α Ρ τ ε ς ουν και ή σ ύ
Χ α σ ο ν."
55 Και πρός μεν τας άμαρτίας μου λυπουμαι, πρός δε
την άγιωσύνην σου ουδαμως-μάρτυς ή αλήθεια-αλλα
και ευχαριστω και αποδέχομαι και θαυμάζω την αγαθην
σου πρόθεσιν, δτι επιμελείσαι πραγμα παρα πολλοίς μεν
ποθούμενον, παρ' ολίγοις δε σπουδαζόμενόν τε και κα-
60 τορθούμενον. και είη δια παντός ή αγάπη και ό φωτι-
50 cf. Sir. 6.191152-53 1 Jn. 3.17 1153-54 Gen. 4.7
30-31 τοσούτο S 1135 γουν S 11

40 απώλουσα S 1141 post αν scripsit et deinde delevit και S 1142 ανεκτισάμην
S 1158 έπιμελησαι S 1159παρ' ολίγοις δε σπου smg
51
So much for that. As for failing to obtain my request, it

distresses me very much-I like to say the truth-and more so
because I understand your reasons: you avoid me because of your
love of solitude. Yet, in the lover of solitude is found what I desire
and seek, and because of many signs I think that the treasure
I seek is concealed in you. The more I am assured of this, the
more I wish to cultivate and enjoy your most beneficial company.
And the more I desire this to no avail, the more I grieve having
missed so great a blessing and lost the treasure for which I yearned
and searched of old. And I would have drowned in sorrow, had
I not rebuked myself severely and recovered from grief, saying
the following: "Why do you refuse to enter < God's abode)
yourself, while preventing those who hasten after God < from
entering it)? Are you not aware that this is God's dispensation
because of your unworthiness so that this < failure), too, may
not be judged against you? For just as you did not observe < the
precepts) of your other < spiritual) fathers-and above all
those of your ( spiritual father) and master, the great bishop,
but proved that the great and immeasurable pains he took to
plough and sow the soil of your heart were in vain and you re
mained barren-you will do the same with the precepts of others.
This is why God 'closed the hearts' of His servants. 'You sinned,
so keep quiet.' "
I am distressed on account of my sins but not at all on ac
count of Your Holiness, as truth is my witness. Instead, I am
grateful and I accept and admire your good intention, because
you attend to what many people desire but few zealously pursue
and achieve. May the love, illumination and sweetness, and the
52
σμος καΙ ή γλυκύτης, ή αθόλωτος ήδονη του Χριστου εν

�ι, καΙ ή νοερα είρήνη, είρηνευσάντων μεν τών δύο πα
θητικών μερών της ψυχης καΙ ύποταγέντων τφ λόγφ,
τών δε τεσσάρων αίσθήσεων αυτης της ψυχης [Fol.
65 239v] ύποταγέντων τφ νφ, του δε νου αύθις ύποταγέντος
τφ Χριστφ μη πράττειν, αλλα πάσχειν, μηδε ενεργείν
αλλ' ενεργείσθαι ύπο της θείας χάριτος καΙ του θείου
φωτός. καΙ οϋτως ή ε ί Ρ ή ν η ή π ά ν τ α ν ο υ ν ύ π ε
Ρ έ Χ ο υ σ α φ Ρ ο υ Ρ ή σ ε ι τ η ν κ α Ρ δ ί α ν σ ο υ·
70 τουτο γαρ τΟ τών 6Ρεκτών εσΧ ατον καΙ
ού γενομένου πάσης θεωρίας ανάπαυσις
καΙ μήποτε κόρον λάβΊ]ς α ν α β ά σ ε ω ς καΙ θ ε ώ σ ε
ω ς. ήμείς δε τας άμαρτίας ήμών θρηνήσομεν, τας χωρι
ζούσας ήμας καΙ Θεου καΙ τών δούλων αυτου· απέμεινε
75 γαρ είς εμε το άπορον άπορον, προτιμητέον γαρ εμε λυ
πείσθαι καΙ 6δυνασθαι η γενέσθαι σοι εμπόδΙΟΥ" χρη γαρ
μη τα έαυτών ζητείν, αλλα τα των έτέρων. περΙ δε το
γράφειν, τοσρυτον διαφέρει ή ζωσα φωνη της εν χάΡΤΊ]
καΙ μέλανι όσον όζων άνθρωπος καΙ λαλων της εν πίνακι
80 είκόνος αψύχου. μη παντελως απαγορευσαι ποιήσΊ]ς, πα
ρακαλω, την σην όμιλίαν.
ΠερΙ δε τών δύο πατέρων μου εν άλλοις ερώ, ταυτα
γαρ είς πολυ εξετάθη καΙ εξω του μέτρου· οίμαι δε και
το γράφειν κωλύσει με ή απειρία μου καΙ ό περισπασμος
85 της έορτης του Σωτηρος. άλλωστε ουδε βούλομαι λέ
γειν, αλλα διδασκόντων καΙ λεγόντων ακούειν. εστειλα
δε καΙ χαρτία καΙ το γράψιμον. μεταγραφήτωσαν γουν
εκ των σχεδιασμάτων των λόγων της άγιωσύνης σου οϋς
[Fol. 240r] αν διακρίνοις προς το παρόν· όταν δε τα βι-
90 βλία σου ελθωσιν, τότε καΙ όλων κατατρυφήσομεν. κατα
68-69 Phil. 4.7 11 70-71 Greg. Naz., Or. 21,1 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 112,
25) 11 72-73 Greg. Naz., Or. 21,2 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 114,5) 11 76-77
cf. 1 Cor. 10.24-25
64 δε Ssv 11 69 φρουρίση S 11 73 θρηνήσωμεν S 11 76 όδυνfiσθαι S 11 78 φωνΌ

S11 χάρτι S 11 80 ποιήσεις S 11 84 κωλύση S 11 86 ante άκούειν scripsit et deinde
delevit με S 11 87 μεταγραφείτωσαν S 11 γούν S 11 89 διακρίνεις S 11 90 κατα
τρυφήσωμεν S
53
pure delight of Christ be forever within you together with peace

of mind, as the two passionate parts of the soul become peaceful
and submit to reason, and the four senses of the soul submit to
the mind, and the mind, in turn, submits to Christ so that it does
not act, but is acted upon, nor does it operate but is operated
upon by the divine grace and the divine light. And thus "the peace
which passes all understanding will keep your heart." "This is
the loftiest of aspirations and when it happens all contemplation
rests." May you never tire of "ascent and deification!" As for
me, I shall lament for my sins which separate me from God and
His servants. I am left with no way out. It is better to grieve and
suffer than to become an obstacle to you, for we must not seek
our own good but that of others. As for writing, the living voice
differs from the message on paper and ink as much as the living
and speaking man differs from a lifeless image in a painting. I
beg you, do not give up your visits altogether.
I shall talk to you about my two fathers in another letter, for
this is too long and beyond the proper limits. But I fear that my in
experience and the distraction of the celebration of the Feast of
< the Transfiguration ) of the Savior will prevent me from writ
ing. Besides, I do not wish to talk but rather listen to others teach
and talk. I sent papers and writing < fee). For the time being,
therefore, let those discourses Your Holiness chooses be copied
from their drafts, and when your books arrive I shall then delight
54
γαρ τον μέγαν και θεολογικώτατον αυθέντην και φίλον

μου, τον μέγαν Γρηγόριον, ου τολμώ ειπείν π ά ν τ α φό:
βον α π ε σ ε ι σ ά μ η ν, α φ' ο ύ Χ ρ ι σ τ φ σ υ ν
ε τ α ξ ά μ η ν κ α Ι ο υ δ ε ν α ί Ρ ε ί μ ε και τα έξης
95 δσα εκείνος απαριθμείται, τ ο ύ λ ό γ ο υ δ ε αντέχομαί
τε και π ε Ρ ι έ Χ ο μ α Ι' τούτο και αυτη λίαν είποιμι,
δια τούτο και την όμιλίαν σου ζητώ ώς πνευματικην και
κατεργασίαν ούσαν ην παρέλαβον, ου κατώρθωσα δέ, αλ
λα δη και ώς λογιωτάτην' προστίθημι δε πάλιν, μετα του
100 αβαρώς και δταν σοι φαντΊ, δ ι κ α ί φ γ α ρ ν ό μ ο ς ο υ
κ ε ί τ α ι.
92-94 Cf. Greg. Naz., Or. 24,3 (ed. Mossay-Lafontaine, 44, 7-10): πάντα πόθον
απεσεισάμην, αφ' ου Χριστφ συνεταξάμην, και ούδεν αίρεί με τών όσα
τερπνα τοίς αλλοις και περισπούδαστα 11 95-96 Greg. Naz., Or. 4, 100 (ed.
Bernardi, 248, 10) 11 100-101 1 Tim. 1.9
92 μου Ssv 11 μέγα S 11 94 ερεί S 11 99 προστίθειμι S 11 100 φανεί S

55
in all < your works> also. For I do not dare say with the great
and most accomplished theologian, my favorite master, the Great
Gregory, that" I have shaken off all fear since I attached myself
to Christ, and nothing can overpower me," and all the other
< temptations> he recounts, but "I am fond of learning and
cling to it." Surely this is what I, too, would say and for this
reason I seek your company, because not only is it to my spiritual
benefit and training-the training which I received but did not
accomplish successfully-but it is also most erudite. I repeat,
however, < only> if it is not burdensome < to you> and when
ever you decide. "The law is not laid down for the just!"
56
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη )
Χάριν μεν όμολογειν σου ττί φιλOχρίστCΡ γνώμ1] εφ'

οίς ήμών δειν Φήθης επιμελεισθαι και της ήμών ασθενεί
ας περιτταν ήγησάμην' οϋτε γαρ συ ταυτα ποιεις του
ττίδε τας αμοιβας απέχειν, αλλ' εις την θείαν αποβλέ-
5 πουσα δόξαν, οϋτ' ει και της ώδε φιλοτιμίας ήττώ, αξίως
αν ήμιν ύπηρξε την αγαθην ταύτην επαινέσαι σου γνώ
μην και την προσήκουσαν ευχαριστίαν ώς εικας αποτι
σαι. αυτου γαρ aντος καθ' αύτα του πράγματος αξιο
λογωτάτου, τα και μετα τοσαύτης προθυμίας προβαί-
10 νειν και αει μετα μείζονος ρύμης ωσπερ ύδωρ κατα
πρανους ύπα μηδενας διαγόμενον, ουκ ελαττον αυτου του
πράγματος γίνεται και του καθ' ήμας λόγου [Ρο!. 240v]
μεΙζον. δια πρας τους θείους ε π α ί ν ο υ ς οϋς Δαυιδ
ό προφήτης αιτειται παρα Θεου ε ν ε κ κ λ η σ ί q.
15 μ ε γ ά λ 1], καγω τα σαν παραπέμπω, εκείνων ον άξιον
και προσηκον εκείνοις.
'Ά δε ήμιν εγραφες περί τε του μη δύνασθαι την σε
αυτης οίς γράφεις διάνοιαν καθαρώς εκκαλύπτειν και
της ήμών όμιλίας, τα μεν οϋ σοι μόν1] πεπονθέναι συμβέ-
20 βηκε, ττί γυναικών άπασών οσαι νυν εισιν β α σ ι λ ι κ φ
τ φ π ή Χ ε ι, φασίν, ευπαιδείq. κρατούσ1], αλλα και τών
εις άκρον εληλυθότων Έλληνισμου και λογικης ευγλω
τίας ανδρών εσθ' οτε που φαίνεται, και τάχα ουδε
νι τουτο γέγονεν εκφυγειν δια πάντων' σοφης δε διανοίας
25 και γνώμης επανορθουσθαι τα πταίσματα, και μάλισθ'
οταν ύφ' έτέρων τις κανονιζόμενος δέχηται ήδέως την
επανόρθωσιν, καν ουκ εν ττί γνώμ1], αλλ' εν λόγοις � τα
άμάρτημα μόνοις τουτο δη τα σόΥ { τήν γ' εμην όμιλίαν
ην ουδεν ουσαν ώς ουσάν τι και ώφελουσαν τους εντυγ-
30 χάνοντας ύπερβολτί τινι φιλομαθίας αιτεις, δουναι μεν
13-15 Cf. Ps. 21 (22).25 11 20-21 Herodotus Ηίst'J 1.178; 7.117
S 240r-241r
1 εννάτη (sic) smg 11 8 καθ' αυτό S 11 15 ον] ών S 11 18 γράφοις S 11 28 τήν
γε μην S
57
< Letter 10 >
I thought it unnecessary to express my gratitude to your

Christ-loving disposition for the attention you saw fit to bestow
on me and my insignificance. For you do not do this in order.
to receive your reward in this world, but you are looking to the
divine glory. Even if you were overcome by worldly ambition,
it would have been impossible for me to praise adequately your
kind sentiments and to repay them with the proper gratitude, as
would be fair. < Your generosity > is most remarkable in itself,
but the fact that it is expressed with such eagerness, and flows
constantly with increasing impetus like water running downhill
with nothing to stop it, is no less remarkable than < your generos
ity > itself, and it is beyond the power of my words. This is why
I leave it to the divine "praises" which the Prophet David re
quests from God''in a great congregration," for it is worthy of
them and fit for them.
As for what you wrote to me about your inability to express
your thoughts clearly in writing and about my company, the
former does not happen to you alone-who surpass all contempo
rary women in education by a "royal cubit," as they say-but
it seems also to happen occasionally even to men who have
reached the peak of Hellenic learning and rhetorical skill, and
probably no one can escape this < difficulty > all the time. But
\
it is a sign of wise thinking and judgment to correct one's

mistakes, especially if one is under the guidance of others and
accepts the correction kindly, and if the error is in words alone,
not in intention, as was precisely your case. For this is what hap
pened to you. As for my worthless company, which you seek out
of your excessive love of learning as if it were something of worth
and beneficial to those who converse with me, it may be up to
me to offer it, but offering it well and profitably is up to God
58
ϊσως ήμέτερον, εύ δε καΙ ωφελίμως δουναι, Θεου του

πάντα ωφελουντο ς καΙ τελειουντος καΙ άγαθύνοντος. ει
δη το άπλώς είναι του εύ είναι βέλ τιον καΙ ύψηλότερον,
ούχ όταν ήμείς, άλλ' όταν εθέλ1] Θεος όμιλητέον ήμίν καΙ
35 ούκ άγανακτητέον, ει δια χρόνου τουτο συμβαίνοι που
γί[Ρο1.241τ]γνεσθαι, οϋτω της θείας επιτρεπούσης ψήφου.
τα γράμματα δε ταυτα ει δυσχεραίνεις άναγινώσκουσα
δια το κακοχάραγον, ενθυμου τα σεαυτης καΙ ήττον
δυσχερανείς.
40 Βιβλίων οίμαι σωρον παρα σοΙ κείσθαι πολύν, εκ τε της
του πατρος σοφίας εκ τε της σης φιλομαθίας άποτε
θέντων, έλληνικών τε καΙ θείων' εγω δε ενδεης καΙ φίλος
έκατέρων, ει καΙ λίαν άσθενώς, ωσπερ καΙ τάλλα πάν
τα, οϋτω καΙ προς άνάγνωσιν εχω. ϊν' ούν καΙ ταυτα εκ
45 της σης ποριζώμεθα φιλοθεί'ας, μεταγραφήτω το τών βι
βλίων έκατέρων κατάστοιχον καΙ πεμφθήτω μοι, ώς αν
εκ τούτου το άναγκαιότερον εχων εκλέγεσθαι καΙ χρειω
δέστερον αιτών λαμβάνω, σου κελευούσης, τα σά. προς
δε το παρόν, εί τα Μωσαϊκά σοι εύρίσκονται καΙ το τε-
50 τραβασίλειον, πεμφθήτωσάν μοι.
43 τ' άλλα S
59
Who helps and makes perfect and does good to all. Since living
as ascetics is better and loftier than living well, we must meet
whenever God wills it and we must not complain if this happens
at some intervals, for this is what God decrees. If you have trouble
reading this letter because of my bad hand writing, think of yours
and you shall have less trouble.
I believe that you have in store a large number of books, both
profane and sacred, which were accumulated because of your
father's erudition and your own love of learning. I lack both and
am fond of both, although, just as with everything else, I am
too weak to read. So that Your Piety may provide me with this
also, let a copy of the list of both < the profane and sacred )
books be made and sent to me, so that I may choose what I con
sider more necessary and useful and ask to have it with your per
mission. For the time being, if you have the five books of Moses
and the four books of Kings, let them be sent to me.
60
< Έπιστολη <Ενδεκάτη )
ΤΟ αποσταλεν παρ' εμου χαρτίον τυ συ άγιότητι ουκ

οίδα ει απεσώθη, επει ουκ εδεξάμην αντίγραψον' ωσπερ
γαρ γη διψώ σα προσδεχομένη τον ύετόν, οϋτως και
ήμείς εκδεχόμεθα την σην λ αλιάν, επει εν συναισθήσει
5 εγνωμεν την απο ταύτης ωψέλειαν. δσον δε απο τών συγ
γραμάτων σου κατανυγέντες και πολλα δακρύσαντες
ωψελήθημεν πάμπολλ α, ό μ ι σ θ α π ο δ ό τ η ς Θεος
δώ1] σοι μυριοπλάσιον τον μισθον εν τυ ήμέρq. της κρί
σεως. επαινείν δε [Ρο!. 241 ν] ούτε σοι ανεκτόν, ούτ' εμοι
10 δυνατον δσον άξιον. αλλ' ουδ' εξ ανθρώπων, ουδ' εν τφ
παρόντι αιώνι όσος αξίως επαινος εύρεθήσεται, αλλα παρα
του Χ ρ ι σ τ ο υ τ ο υ α λ η θ ι ν ο υ Θ ε ο υ ε ν ε Κ
κ λ η σ ί q. μ ε γ ά λ 1] εν τυ δευτέρq. παρουσίq. αυτου.
7Cf. Hebr. 11.71112 Χριστού ...Θεού: 1 Jn. 5. 20-21; Joannes Chrysostomus,

Liturgia, (ed. Brightman), 361, 13 11 12-13 Ps. 21 (22). 25
S 241r-241v αι
1 δεκάτη απολογητικη προς την έννάτην (sic) smg 11 4 συνεσθήσει S 11 5 δε smg
61
< Letter 11 )
I do not know whether the paper I sent to Your Holiness has

arrived because I did not receive any copies. I wait < to hear )
your talk like the thirsty earth awaits the rain, because I can sense
its benefit. Inasmuch as your writings made me cry so much in
contrition and I benefited so much, may God, "Who gives the
rewards," give you an infinitely greater reward on the Day of
Judgment. You do not tolerate praise nor can I praise you pro
perly. But neither will you receive from men in this life the praise
you deserve but from "Christ the true God" "in a great con
gregation" during His second coming.
62
< Έπιστολη Δωδεκάτη >
Το παρον βιβλίον εχει λόγους ύπερ των λόγων προς

τους ουκ αγαθον οιομένους τον λόγον, εχει και στίχους
ιαμβικους καί τινας ήρωϊκούς. τους μεν ουν λόγους ετι
ων κοσμικος εποίησα και δια τουτο ήμέληνται, τους δε
5 στίχους μονάζων· ών τους μεν ευχερείς είναι συμβαίνει
γνωναι, και συνήσεις αυτόθεν επερχομένη, οί δέ τι και
βαθύτερον εχουσι του προχείρως νοουμένου. εισι δε τοι
ουτοι οί κατ' αλφάβητον καταταχθέντες, εμφασίν τινα
πνευματικην εχοντες και ήσυχίας καρπόν, ουκ απ' εμου
10 αλλα των πατερικων εξειλεγμένον πόνων. επει ουν αυτη
μεν αει την ήμετέραν θεοφιλως όμιλίαν επιζητείς, ήμείς
δε τουτο ου πάνυ τοί εσμεν ίκανοί, ών εχομεν αει ου δυνά
μεθά σου μη τύ φιλoλόγCΡ μεταδιδόναι γνώμυ. τουτο μεν
ουν λαβουσα το βιβλίον, εϊ σοι φίλον, ανάγνωθι.
15 ''Ο δε φ'Ώς είναι του μεγάλου και θεσπεσίου πατρος
του Φιλαδελφείας βιβλίον, ήσυχίας διδάσκαλον και λό
γον εχειν ώφέλιμον προς το προκείμενον ήμίν, πέμψον
ήμίν δια του άγίου μοι και θεσπεσίου πατρός, παρ' ου μα
θήσΊ] και πάντα τα καθ' ήμας, και ιδουσα αυτον [Fol.
20 242r] και όμιλίας της αυτου απολαύσασα, και εμε ιδείν
νόμιζε, εν γαρ αλλήλοις εσμεν και παρ' αλλήλοις χάριτι
του παναγάθου Χριστου.
Οίδα δέ σοι χάριν πολλην και της του καλου και αγα
θου Άαρων συνέσεώς τε και παιδεύσεως, δς ήμίν
25 πλειόνων επαίνων εδωκεν αφορμας της σης διακρίσεως.
το γάρ ΤCΡ τετιμημένον, όποίον αν Ί], τοιουτο δίδωσι και
το τιμησαν νοείν· αν φαυλον, φαυλον, αν αγαθόν, αγα
θόν. αγαθος ουν ων 'Ααρων καθ' ύπεροχήν, αγαθην απο
δείκνυσι τφ τετιμησθαι την τιμήσασαν κρίσιν και ιδιωσα-
30 μένην.
S 241v-242r
1 ένδεκάτη (sic) smg 11 4 ήμέληνται S 11 6 συνοίσεις S 11 10 έξειλεγμένων
S 11 15 φης S 11 21 και παρ' αλλήλοις smg 11 26 τφ γαρ s 11 27 τφ τιμησαν
S 11 αν αγαθοίς S
63
( Letter 12)
This book contains my discourses in defense of ( Hellenic)

learning against those who do not consider such learning a benefit.
It also contains some iambics and hexameters. I wrote the
discourses while still a layman and for this reason they have been
neglected, but the verses ( I wrote) after I became a monk.
Some verses are easy to understand, as you will find out im
mediately when you read them, while others have a meaning
somewhat deeper than the obvious. Such are those which have
been arranged alphabetically. They have a spiritual significance
and bear the fruit of contemplation picked from the labors of
the Fathers, not mine. Since you are always piously anxious to
talk with me and I am not quite able to do so, I cannot all the
time refuse to share my possessions with your scholary mind. Take
this book and, if you like it, read it.
As for the book of the great and marvelous father, the
metropolitan of Philadelphia, which, as you say, is instructive
on contemplation and contains a useful discourse on the matter
we are discussing, send it to me with the holy and marvelous father
from whom you will learn all my news; having seen him and en
joyed his company, believe that you saw me, for we dwell in each
other and by each other by the grace of Christ the All-benevolent.
I am grateful to you also for the sagacity and learning of the
noble Aaron, who gave me additional reason to praise your judg
ment. For the object of a person's esteem, whatever its qualities
may be, allows us to assume that the person showing esteem is
possessed of the same qualities: if they be good, of good; if they
be bad, of bad. Since, then, Aaron is preeminently good, he shows
by being held in esteem that the person who decided to hold him
in esteem and to befriend him is good.
64
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη - Τρίτη >
Τί φΊ]ς, ώ θαυμασιώτατε α ν θ Ρ ω π ε του Θ ε ο υ

και γνησιώτατε δουλε Χριστου, και έμοι σεβασμιώτατε
και αγιε πάτερ; τον πόθον καταπαύσει της σης όμιλίας
ό τους σους λόγους ώμιληκως 11 μαλλον ανάψει, και τον
5 νουν τον κάλλιστον και ώραιότατον λόγον, τον θέλγον
τα και ακοην και διάνοιαν, τον πατέρα ζητήσει μετα θερ
μης τινος και διαπύρου της διαθέσεως; ει γαρ ού μετα
των ζώντων ης, ει τους λόγους τους σους ένέτυχέ τις νουν
έχων, έπι τφ τάφφ αν τφ σφ καθήμενος προσέκλαιεν δλτι
10 δυνάμει, λόγον ακούσεσθαι προσδοκώμενος έκ της τοι
αύτης κα[Fοl. 242v]λλίστης ψυχης και γλώττης. πως ούν
ήμείς αξιωθέντες παρα Θεου σε μετα των ζώντων απ 0-
λαβείν, αποστησόμεθα της αγαθης ταύτης και έπωφελους
αιτήσεως; δθεν και οίς έσπούδασας της σης όμιλίας απ 0-
15 στησαι ήμας, τούτοις θερμοτέρους και ακμαιοτέρους
ήμας έποίησας. ανάσχου δέ, παρακαλω, και μ α κ Ρ 0-
θ ύ μ η σ ο ν, δση γαρ σπουδη έγκωμίων κατα δύναμιν
ήμετέραν ηκει έμπροσθέν σου της θεολήπτου ψυχης τολ
μηρως έξειπείν ούκ όκνήσω.
20 Τί των σων λόγων ού θαυμαστόν ά ν θ Ρ ω π ε τ ο υ
Θ ε ο υ; τί ούκ έμφανίζουσιν ούτοι; ούκ έν νεαρQ, ήλΙKί�
πρεσβυτικωτάτην. σύνεσιν; ού πρό καιρου της ακριβείας
της μοναχικης και πολιτείας ακροτάτην ακρίβειαν; ού των
έξω γραφων και των θείων πολλην μελέτην και σύνεσιν;
25 ού * * * των ϋστερον άκρων έξ αρχης αρετης κινημάτων;
ού το πλάτος των νοημάτων; ού την εύπορίαν των λέξεων;
ού το εύδρομον και ύψηλον της φράσεως; ό δε σος αλφά
βητος, ον ούπω μεμάθηκα, ποίον νουν ούκ έκπλήξει; ει γαρ
1 1 Tim. 6.11 1116-17 Mt. 18. 26,291120-21 1 Tim. 6. 11
S 242r-243v
1 δωδεκάτη άπολογητικη προς την ενδεκάτην (sic) smg 11 φης s 113 κατα
παύση S 114 όμιληκος S 11 άνάψη S 11 5 ώραιώτατον S 116 ζητήση S 117
διαπείρου S 118 ης S 1110 της ssv 11 11 καλλίστης]κα ίη folio sequenti ineunte
iteravit S 11 21 νεαρα S 11 25 post ου lacunam indicavi, aliquid excidisse suspiciens 11
27-28 άλφάβιτος S
65
< Letter 13 >
What is this you are saying, 0 most marvelous''man of God,"

most genuine servant of Christ and my most revered and holy
father? Will he who has become acquainted with your discourses
give up his desire to meet you, or rather will he become even more
excited, and with fervor and ardor seek out the author, the finest
intellect and the most beautiful tongue which charms both ear
and mind? If you were not among the living and some intelligent
man came upon your discourses, he would be sitting on your grave
and crying wholeheartedly, hoping to hear a word from < a man
of > such an extraordinarily beautiful soul and tongue. How
can I, then, who was deemed by God worthy of finding you
among the living, give up my good and profitable request? So,
by the very means by which you were anxious to make me shun
your company, you made me even more eager and determined.
Please bear with me and''have patience" for I shall not hesitate
to proclaim boldly before your God-inspired soul all the prais'es
I can possibly muster.
Is there anything about your discourses, 0 "man of God,"
which does not excite admiration? Is there < a virtue> they do
not exhibit? Not the wisdom of an old man at an early age? Not
the strictest observance of monastic discipline and life ahead of ap
pointed time? Not a profound study and understanding of profane
and sacred writings? Not < an inkling> (?) of the later move
ments of virtue which were of the highest < order> from the
start? Not a wide compass of thought? Not a copious vocabulary?
Not a flowing and lofty style? Will your Alphabetos-which I
66
ό αγιος , Αρσένιος περι αγροίκου τινος εϊρηκεν δτι μ ε ν

30 Ρ ω μ α ϊ κ η ν κ α ι Έ λ λ η ν ι κ η ν ε π ί σ τ α
μ α ι π α ί δ ε υ σ ι ν, τ η ν δ ε α λ φ ά β η τ ο ν τ ο υ
α γ ρ ο ί κ ο υ τ ο ύ τ ο υ ο ϋ π ω μ ε μ ά θ η κ α,
δταν ή αλφάβητος ουράνιος τι [ΡοΙ. 243r] και ό ταύτην
γράψας φιλοσοφώτατος, ή δε ταύτην δεξαμένη εγω αγροι-
35 κωτάτη, τί αν ερω εγώ; ερω δ' δμως το του θείου ΔαυΙδ
προς τον Θεον ειρημένον, ε θ α υ μ α σ τ ώ θ η ή γ ν ω
σ ι ς σ ο υ ε ξ ε μ ο υ. οϋτω και περι σου αν εϊποιμι'
"εθαυμαστώθη, Θεέ μου, ή δημιουργική σου δύναμις και
σοφία και γνωσις εκ της κατασκευης και φύσεως και με-
40 γαλοφυίας του ανθρώπου σου τούτου."
Και ταυτα μεν οϋτως. τί δε τουτο εποίησας, ώ άγιώ
τατε πάτερ, νυν μεν τους λόγους εγκωμιάζων δσον αξιον,
νυν δε γυμνους και σκοτεινους και σκυθρωπους εάσας,
ώσανει την έαυτων σκότωσιν και γύμνωσιν και το
45 αμελείσθαι και απερρίφθαι αποκλαιομένους και θρη
νουντας την σφων αδικίαν; αλλ' οίμαι, των φιλολόγων
τον πόθον γυμνάζων εξεπίτηδες τουτο ειργάσω, οϊ παρα
μενουσι ττί αναγνώσει, οία και ήμίν συμβέβηκεν' απο μεν
γαρ των γραμμάτων καΙ της τούτφν συγχύσεως την ανά-
50 γνωσιν αποστρεφόμεθα, ή δε της Ύι)αφης καλλονη ισχυ
ρως πεδήσασα ήμας εν χ ε ι Ρ ο π έ δ α ι ς σ ι δ η
Ρ α ί ς κατείχεν ισχυρως, και τυραννούμεναι γλυκείάν
τινα τυραννίδα, την δυσχέρειαν εφέρομεν των γραμμά
των.
Και ταυτα μεν αστείως συ δε εις την κάτω [Ρο!.
55 243v] σοφίαν πολλα πονήσας καΙ κοπιάσας, δούλην
ταύτην και ύπηρέτιδα φέρων παρέδωκας ττί ανωτάτφ
σoφί�. δια τουτο και ταπεινοίς και συντρίβεις αυτήν, επεΙ
εις μεγάλην ετυχεν φύσιν, ϊνα ύπείΚ1] και προθύμως δου
λεύ1] ττί Kυρί� και δεσποίν1] αυτης. τα δε μετα του ' Αα-
60 ρων μυνηθέντα μοι περι της ενθάδε αφίξεως της άγιω
σύνης σου και ευχαριστω και αναμένω και προσδοκω.
30-32 Arsenius, Apophthegmata, 6 (Apophthegmata Patrum, ΡΟ 65. 89Α) 11

36-37 Ps. 138 (139). 6 11 51-52 Ps. 149 (150).8
33 αλφάβιτος S 11 1] 11 38 δημιουργική S 11 44 ώσανεί τι S 11 47 είργάσω S

" " " "
48 νυνβέβηκεν S μεν SSv 51 χειροπέδες S 52 γλυκυίαν S 54 αστίως
"
S "
57 ταπεινείς S "συντρίβης S " 58 ύπήκει S "58-59 δουλεύει S
67
have not learned yet-fail to amaze anyone? For if Saint Arsenios

said about some ignorant peasant: "1 have been educated in Greek
and Latin, but 1 have yet to learn the alphabet of this ignorant
peasant," what must 1 say when the Alphabetos is heavenly and
its author a great philosopher, whereas 1 who received it am most
ignorant? 1 shall say, however, what the divine David said to God:
"1 magnify thy knowledge!" Thus 1 shall say about you also:
"0 my God, the disposition and nature and loftiness of spirit
of this man of yours magnify Your powers of creation and
wisdom and knowledge!"
So much for that. Now, why did you do this, 0 most holy
Father? Why did you first praise learning as much as it deserves,
and then left your discourses looking naked and dark and sad as if
mourJ;ling their obscurity and nakedness and neglect and rejection
and bewailing the injustice done to them? But 1 suspect that you
did this on purpose, to test the love of the lovers of learning who
would stick to the reading. This is what happened to me too.
The handwriting and its confusion made me turn away from
reading, but the beauty of what you wrote held me bound by
force with' 'manacles of iron." 1 was under the sway of a sweet
tyrant and did not min� the difficulty of the handwriting.
1 am only teasing, of course. You worked carefully and hard
to acquire the wisdom of the world and have now brought and
delivered it to the supreme wisdom to be its ministrant. For this
reason you humble and crush it-because it met with a superior
character < like yours >-that it may obey and work eagerly for
its mistress and lady. As for the message you sent me with Aaron
about your coming here, 1 am grateful and 1 wait and look for
ward to < your visit -> .
68
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Τετάρτη )
Καθίσας έν τφ κελλίφ μου καΙ συναγαγων έμαυτόν

έμπροσθεν του τα πάντα έποπτεύοντος καΙ γινώσκοντος
μόνου Θεου, ηρεύνησα την έμαυτου γνώσίν τε καΙ δύνα
μιν ευσυνειδήτως καΙ δπως έμαυτφ βιωτέον έστΙν ώς
5 οίόν τε έπιμελώς έσκεψάμην, καΙ εύρον, εί όπωσουν μέλ
λοιμι έν έμαυτου τε γενέσθαι καΙ Θεφ πλησιάσαι, ουκ
άλλην όδόν μοι βαδιστέον του βίου 11 τόν πάντα χρό
νον τφ κελλίφ τφ έμαυτου παραμένειν, άσχετον παντε
λώς πρός τα ύπ' αισθησιν, δ τι μη πασα ανάγκη, καΙ
10 αφανή, καΙ περιττόν καΙ απέριττον' τό μεν ώς ουδεν είς
τα ανθρώπινα συμβαλλόμενον, τό δε ώς οίόν τε δι' ευτε
λείας άπάσης διάγοντα. καν τούτφ μοι έδοξα σχήσειν
τινα καΙ σοφίαν καΙ δύναμιν, μικραν μεν ώς πρός γεν-
15 ναίους άνδρας, εξειν δε δμως [Ρο!. 244τ] τινά' πρός δε
σύστασιν έτέρων καΙ δλως την έξω διαγωγην εοικα παν
τός ανθρώπου αδυνατώτατος είναι καΙ αφρονέστατος.
ουκ οίδα δε ει ποτε Θεός αυτός, ή πηγη παντός αγαθου
καΙ πάσης δυνάμεως καΙ σοφίας, καΙ τοιούτου μέ τινος
20 ποιήσειε μέτοχον, νυν δέ, ώς έχω, πόρρω βέβηκα της
τοιαύτης αξίας καΙ χάριτος. έπεΙ δε ουκ αν ύπάρξειεν ισως
έμοΙ τό πάντα τόν χρόνον πρός έμαυτόν έπεστράφθαι καΙ
τόν Θεόν, δι' έτέραν αύθις ένταυθα αδυναμίαν, αλλα δεή
σει καΙ αφείναι την κέλλαν καΙ όμιλησαί τισι, δείν φή-
25 θην τοίς μεν άλλοις ώς ετυχεν έντυγχάνειν-καν μηδενΙ
δε δλως έντυχείν μοι συμπέσΤ], μηδένα λόγον τούτου ποι
είσθαι-σου δε ενεκα φροντίδα έχειν, ώστε παραβάλλειν
είς τό κελλίον σου μη πλέον 11 τρΙς 11 τό πλείστον τετρά
κις του ένιαυσίου' πλέον δε τούτου αδυνάτως εχω,έπΙ χα-
30 ρας λέγω της συνειδήσεως. εί δε δοίη Θεός καΙ πλείονα
δύναμιν καΙ δείξει μοι-καν ανάξιός τις ώ τών τοιούτων
δειγμάτων-βουλόμενός με τουτο ποιείν συνεχέστερον,
S 243v-245r
1 τρισκαιδεκάτη smg
5-6 μέλλειμι S 11 έν]αν S 11 14 και σοφίαν iteravit et deinde delevit S 11 31 δείξη
S 11 ώ S
69
< Letter 14 )
I sat in my cell and collected myself before the only God, He

Who watches over all and knows all, and examined conscientious
ly my knowledge and ability. I also considered as carefully as
possible how I must live, and I discovered that if I am to control
myself at all and draw near to God I must not follow any other
path in life but remain in my cell all the time, having nothing
to do with the world of the senses-except when absolutely nec
essary-and living in obscurity as a man needed by no one and
needing nothing; the first, on account of my contributing-nothing
to human affairs; the second, on account of my living as spar
ingly as possible. I thought that by pursuing such a course I might
acquire some wisdom and ability, small in comparison to that
possessed by men of quality, but still of some magnitude, for
it seems that I am the least capable and wise of men when it comes
to directing others or to living in the outside world. I do not know
whether God Himself, the source of every blessing and ability
and wisdom, might give me one day a share of such < a gift ) ,
but in my present condition I dwell far from such merit and grace.
But since it will be perhaps impossible for me to concentrate all
the time on myself and God-this on account of another kind
of insufficiency-and since I shall have to leave my cell and speak
to some people, I thought that I must leave my meetings with
others to chance, thinking nothing of it even if I should happen
to meet no one, but to see to it, on your account, that I visit
your cell no more than three or at the most four times a year.
To do more than this is beyond my power. I mean it, upon the
happiness of my conscience. But if God should give me more
strength and show me-even though I am unworthy of such
signs-that He wishes me to do this more often, I shall not resist
70
ούκ αντιστήσομαι, ούδ' απειθήσω Θεφ· νυν δε καΙ τουτο

μόλις εμαυτόν αναγκάζω, δια ηΊν φαινομένην εντολ'ην
του Σωτηρος.
35 Δεί δε καθάπερ σεαυτης [ΡοΙ. 244v] προμηθεύ1J καΙ κα-
λώς ποιουσα ούδαμώς εξέΡΧ1J της θεσπεσίας μονης, οϋ
τω καΙ ήμών ποιήσασθαι λόγον εις τό σωθηναι, την
πνευματικήν εις ήμας διατεθείσα διάθεσιν' a γαρ θ έ
λ ε τ έ, φησιν, ϊ ν α π ο ι ώ σ ι ν ύ μ α ς ο ί ά ν θ Ρ ω-
40 π ο ι, τ α υ τ α κ α Ι ύ μ ε ί ς ό μ ο ί ω ς π ο ι ε ί τ ε.
ει δε άλλο τι πρότερον εφθημεν ειρηκότες πρός την σην
σεμνοπρέπειαν, ώ την μεν κάτω βασιλείαν αφείσα καΙ ρί
ψασα, την δε Θεου ζητουσα καΙ μεταθέουσα, ούδεν θαυ
μαστόν' β ο υ λ ε υ τ ι κ ό ν γαρ ζ φ ο ν ό ά ν-
45 θ Ρ ω π ο ς καΙ πολλα βουλευόμενος μετατίθησιν, a πρό
τερον άπλώς η εξ ελάττονος βουλης παρεδέξατο. ει δε
τα πρότερα ενθυμηθείης, ούτος ήν ό εμός τότε λόγος εφ'
ον επανηλθεν ό ϋστερον διαιρεθεΙς λογισμός. ει μεν ούν
καΙ συ ταύτην αποδέξ1J την κρίσιν καΙ στέρξεις τόν λο-
50 γισμόν, βεβαίως δόξεις πιστεύσασα ώς ού φαύλως εγω
φρονών τε είην καΙ βουλευόμενος, καΙ δέξαιο αν καΙ του
το αντΙ άλλης συμβουλης ωφελίμου καΙ ούκ αν λυπηθεί
ης. ει δε μή, Θεός εστω, καΙ εστι γε, του αληθους επόπ
της καΙ του έκάστφ συμφέροντος. καΙ αγαθός ων καΙ πάν-
55 των, μάλιστα δε τών αύτόν εν αληθείQ. ζητούντων, προ
νοητης αναγκαίος καΙ αδιάλειπτος, προνοήσαιτο καί σου
καΙ ήμών καΙ πάντων [ΡοΙ. 245r] τών επ' αύτόν ηλπικό
των.
38-40 Cf. Mt. 7.12 11 44-45 cf. Meletius, De natura hominis, 30 (ΡΟ.
64. 1276D).
53-54 έπ' δπτης (sic) S

71
nor will I disobey God. Now, however, I have to force myself

to do even this, fulfilling the manifest commandment of the
Savior.
Just as you take care of yourself and are quite right in never
leaving your holy convent, you must also consider my salvation
and show your spiritual concern for me. For, as the Gospel says:
"Whatever you wish that men would do to you, do so to them."
And if I recently said something else to Your Highness-O you
who gave up and rej ected the worldly kingdom, and are seeking
and pursuing the kingdom of God!-this is nothing to be mar
veled at. "Man is a thinking animal," and after much thinking
he modifies what he had earlier accepted with no or little delibera
tion. If you think back to the earlier time, this was exactly what
I said then and my mind, which became at a later point divided,
has now come back to its original < resolve >. If you, too, will
accept this decision and be satisfied with my way of thinking,
you shall certainly come to the conclusion that I did not reason
and think badly. Accept this in place of other useful counsel and
you shall not regret it. Otherwise, let God watch over what is
true and profitable for everyone, as He certainly does. Since He
is good and is the indispensable and unfailing provider for all,
and especially for those who seek Him truly, may He look after
you and me and all who have placed their hopes in Him.
72
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Πέμπτη >
Σεβασμιώτατέ μοι και άγιώτατε πάτερ, τον σον θεο

ποιον σκοπον και την θαυμαστην πρόθεσιν ην περι σε
αυτου εβουλεύσω και ύπεράγαμαι και ευχαριστώ. έ ν
τ ε ι ν ε τοίνυν και κ α τ ε υ ο δ ο υ τij παντοκρατορικij
5 δεξιq, φρουρούμενος Χ Ρ ι σ τ ο υ τ ο υ α λ η θ ι ν ο υ
Θ ε ο υ ή μ ώ ν, εξ ής και τ ο ν σ τ έ φ α ν ο ν κομιεί
τον τ η ς δ ι κ α ι ο σ ύ ν η ς, τ ο ν δ Ρ ό μ ο ν τ ε
λ έ σ α ς. αλλ' ουδε ή προς ήμας παρουσία σου άμισθος
και άκαρπος, τιμιώτατε πάτερ, ής δσος ό καρπος και
10 δσον το κέρδος οίδε τουτο πρώτον ό Θεός, είτα εγώ, είσ1]
δε και ή άγιωσύνη σου δταν έλθ1] ό Θεος αποδιδους τον
τών ταλάντων μισθόν. επει και εγω εξ εμαυτης μέν τι αγα
θον και άξιον τών σών ακοών και της άγίας ψυχης ουκ
έχω, δταν έλθ1]ς, δεξιουσθαί σοι, δια τουτο τών άγίων μου
15 πατέρων τους βίους προβάλλομαι και διηγουμαι έμπρο
σθέν σου, ταύταις ταίς διηγήσεσι δεξιουμένη την σην θεο
φιλη και άγίαν ψυχήν. δια τουτο θαρρώ λέγειν δτι ουδ'
ήμείς εκ της ήμών όμιλίας εμποδών τι πεποιήκαμεν την
σην άγίαν ψυχήν.
20 Μη τοίνυν δια τας εμας αμέτρους ανομίας, δι' εγκατά-
λειψιν Θεου, στερήσ1]ς με την ελευθερίαν και άνεσιν
και ειρήνην και ανοικοδομην τών καταστραφέντων το
σούτους χρόνους, ην εύρον [Fol. 245v] εκ σου· τα γαρ άλ
λα τα συμβεβηκότα μοι νυν εις εμπόδιον της πνευματι-
25 κης εργασίας είχον αν λογίσασθαι του εχθρου και
αντείχον, το δε σον ουκ έτι, αλλ' εγκατάλειψιν φανεραν
του Θεου ώς αναξία του έργου και της σωτηρίας. δθεν
και εις απόγνωσιν ήλθον και εσκοτίσθην τέλεον, τοιαύτη
3-4 Ps. 44 (45). 4 11 5-6 Cf. 1 Jn. 5.21; Joan. Chrysost., Liturgia (ed.
Brightman), 361, 13 116-7 2 Tim. 4. 7-8 1111-12 Cf. Mt. 25. 15-28
S 245r-247r
' ' m
1 ιδη άπαλαγητικη προς την ιγην S g 116 έξης S 1110 ίδε S 11είσαι S 11
12 έξ' έμαυτης 1114 σαι]συ S 1118 έμπαδών S 1120-21 έγκατάληψιν S 1121
στερρήσεις S 1126 έγκατάληψιν S
73
< Letter 15 >
I admire your deifying pursuit and the admirable goal you

set for yourself, most reverend and holy Father, and I am grateful.
"Bend thy bow," then, "and prosper," guarded by the almighty
right hand of "Christ our true God," from which you will receive
the "crown of righteousness, having finished the race." Yet nei
ther is your presence here without reward and fruitless, most honor
able Father. God knows in the first place, and then myself, how
great is the fruit and how great the profit from < that presence >.
Your Holiness will know it, too, when God comes to give out the
rewards for the talents. Since I have nothing of my own which
is good or worthy of your ears and < of your > saintly soul with
which to welcome you when you come for a visit, for this reason
I bring forth and recount in your presence the lives of my saint
ly fathers. With these stories I welcome your God-loving and
saintly soul. I dare say, therefore, that for my part I have not
done anything by my talk to cause your saintly soul to stumble.
Now, do not take away from me, on account of my innumera
ble sins and of my being abandoned by God, the freedom and com
fort and peace and restoration of what lay destroyed for so many
years, which I have found through you. Anything else that has
happened to me up to now I might think of as an obstacle to
my spiritual labor set up by the enemy and I might bear it. But I
cannot bear < being rejected > by you: I find it to mean that
God has openly abandoned me as unworthy of His work and
salvation. This is why I have come to feel desperate and absolutely
74
γαρ ή ισχυς του ήμετέρου νοός, δτι έαν έννοτί ύποταγήν,

30 ώς ύπό χαλινου ταύτης κατέχεται' ει δε αφεθτί της ζεύ
γλης και έλεύθερος γένηται, θηριάλωτος ευθύς έστιν.
δθεν έξ δτου του ζυγου της νοερας ύποταγης του αρχιε
ρέως αφείθη, εκτοτε θηριάλωτος και αιχμάλωτος γέγονε
και κατεποντίσθη' νυν δε Θεός κινήσας εις την σην πλη-
35 ροφορίαν την έμην ψυχήν, πάλιν ανέπνευσα και ειρήνευσα
και ανωρθώθην. τοίνυν παρακαλω δια τόν Χριστόν αυτόν,
δια την ύπέραγνον αυτου μητέρα, δια τους κόπους οϋς
δια τόν Χριστόν έκοπίασας, μη έάσl]ς με καταποντισθη
ναι πάλιν. ουκ εστιν ατιμώτερος του κτήνους ό άνθρω-
40 πος, δ βοηθείν ό νόμος διακελεύεται, και ταυτα νοερας
ψυχης βοήθειαν δεομένου και παρα σου μόνου έν έμοι δυ
ναμένου' διό και Θεός άνθρωπος γέγονε, και παρα σου
δι' έμου ζητεί, και παρ' ού συ τα βέλτιστα προσδοκQ.ς.
'Ενδίδω δε και τό κατα [Fo1.246r] μηνα τουτο ζητείν,
45 εστω δε εξ τόν χρόνον' οϋτω γαρ δύναμαι περισώζειν
τόν λόγον του έμου σκοπου και της ωφελείας μου, ότε
μεν δια γραφης, ότε δε δι' έξαγγελίας των χειλέων.
χάρισαι γουν τόν Χριστόν και τας δις πρός τας τέσσαρας,
και ει πρόκειταί σοι απολέσαι ήμέρας εξ του ένιαυτου
50 δια βίον δλον ανθρώπου, αυτου τό όφελος εις πολλας ψυ
χας διαβαίνει των ύπό την έμην χείρα δηλονότι. ναί, πα
ρακαλω, δός αναπνευσαί με ήδη καταποντιζομένην ύπό
της αφορήτου λύπης μη εστω ή ανακωχη και ή ευδαιμο
νία μου ένός μηνός και ήμίσεος μόνου και μαλλον αντ'
55 ευφροσύνης πλείονα λύπην και πικρίαν μοι προξενήσl],
γευσαμένην μόνον της ανέσεως και αύθις πλέον κατα
ποντισθείσαν. ταυτα δάκρυσιν έγράφησαν μαλλον η
μέλανι.
"Ότι δε ουκ έξέρχομαι έγω φιλονεικίαν ήγείσαι και δ
60 μη ποιω απαιτω, ώς μη είναι έντευθεν καθαραν την
πνευματικήν μου διάθεσιν, αλλα πλεονάζει ταύτην τό
29 εννοεϊ S 11 30 αψαιθη S 11 32 εξότου S 11 36 ανορθώθην S 11 37 ύπέαγνον

S 11 39 ατιμότερος S 1142 διο]διού (sic) S 1146-47 οτε ... οτε S 1149 απωλέσαι
S 11 50 αύτοϋ]τοϋ, το S 11 54 ήμίσεως S 11 55 προξενίση S
75
dazed. For such is the property of our mind: when it is aware

of submission, it is restrained by it as if by a bridle, but when
it is released from the yoke and set free, it is immediately suscep
tible to capture by wild beasts. Thus ever since my mind has been
released from the yoke of spiritual submission to the bishop, it
has been caught by the wild beasts and become a prisoner and
gone under. But now, stirred by God, my soul found full
assurance in you. I breathed again: I found peace and recovered.
I beg you, therefore, for the sake of Christ, for the sake of His
utterly pure Mother, for the sake of your labors in Christ, do
not let me go under again: A human being is not less valuable
than cattle which the law enjoins < us > to help, especially when
< that human being > is asking for help for < her > spiritual
soul from you who alone have the power to < help > me. It is
for this reason that God became man, and it is He who asks you
through me, and it is from Him that you expect the best.
I even give up asking for monthly visits. Let it be six times
a year. For in this way I shall be able to achieve a measure of
my goal and benefit, sometimes by writing, sometimes by con
versation. Add two to the four < times > as an offering to Christ,
and if you are to lose six days a year for the sake of an entire
human life, the latter's benefit will affect many other souls-I
mean those of people in my charge. Yes, I beg you, allow me
to breathe, for I am already drowning in unbearable sorrow. My
relaxation and happiness should not last only for a month and
a half. It will cause me more sorrow and bitterness than glad
ness, for just as I tasted of relaxation, I have been thrown back
to sink deeper into the sea. This was written with tears rather
than with ink.
You think that by not going out and by asking for something
that I do not do, I am being contentious, and, therefore, my
spiritual disposition is not pure but abounds more in self-interest
76
έμαυτης συμφέρον, παρα της σης θεολήπτου ψυχης. καΙ

ουχ οϋτως έστΙν ώς όριΊ. ή έμη συνείδησις, άλλος γαρ λό
γος του μη έξέρχεσθαί με της μονης έπεΙ γαρ συγγένειαν
65 καΙ γνησιότητα έχω εις την βασιλείαν, όποίαν ιδου
όρQ.ς, [ΡοΙ 246v] ει ποσώς έξηρχόμην, ανάγκη πάσα
απέρχεσθαί με καΙ έκουσαν καΙ άκουσαν εις γάμους βα
σιλικους καΙ εις πένθη καΙ ένώσεις αυθεντικάς. έντευθεν
χρεία καΙ ανθρώπων καΙ αλόγων αρκούντων αναλόγως,
70 καΙ που έμελλε διαρκείν ό βίος μου βασιλικόν λαόν καΙ
οίκον; δια ταύτας ούν τας ατοπίας έσχόλασα, λύσασα
πάσαν, ώς προείρηται, πρόφασιν. τό δε σόν ουχ οϋτως,
αλλ' έξελθόντος του κελλίου σου, πάλιν εις μοναχικόν
απέρχει κελλίον, έξ ωφελείας εις ωφέλειαν μείζονα
75 θαρρώ λέγειν, ητις πρός σε πάλιν έπαναστρέφει. καΙ δ
έγω ποιώ καΙ οί πατέρες μου έποίησαν, τουτο καΙ απαι
τώ. έγω γαρ δια την τών άλλων ωφέλειαν κάθημαι ώδε
δεδουλωμένη καΙ ουκ έκρινα παντελώς της ϋλης καΙ τών
άλλων έμπόδιον της πνευματικης έργασίας, ουδε γαρ
80 κρατουμαι εις τόν τόπον, μάρτυς μου ή συνείδησις, 11 δια
δόξαν 11 αρχην 11 δια την τών γνησίων μου όμιλίαν, αλλ'
11 μόνον δια την τών μοναζουσών σωτηρίαν, βοηθουσα
ταύτας εις τουτο σσον δύναμαι. ό δεσπότης μου ό αρ
χιερευς από όγδοον έτος έξελθων του κόσμου, έν τφ
85 τρια[ΡοΙ 247r]κοστφ τρίτφ έτει της ήλικίας αύτου ή τών
έξ αυτου ωφελουμένων βοήθεια μάλλον έφώτισεν αυτόν.
Ει δε έστι λογισμός καΙ περΙ του καλου καΙ άγίου
πατρός κυρου Μηνά, ώς γαρ έμαθον από του Άαρων στι
έχει τουτο βάρος ή άγιωσύνη σου πώς ου λαλουμεν παρόν-
90 τος κακείνου, θεραπεύσω καΙ τουτο ώς οίόν τε, τό δε
σπως, μηνύσω μετα του Άαρων 11 γράψω. νυν γαρ εις
πολυ έξετάθη. περΙ δε του έχειν σε πληροφορίαν δτι εις
αποδοχην ένι του Θεου του όδηγείσθαί με παρα σου, αρ
κουσα ταύτη πληροφορία του ωφελείσθαί με τij παρ' αυ-
95 του Ισχύϊ· έν τij καρδίζ!. μου τόν λόγον σου σλον, ουδενός
64 συγκένειαν S 11 65 όποίαν S 11 66 έξειρχόμην S 11 75 εϊ τις S 11 81-82 άλλ'

η]άλλ' ή S " 84 έξελθών S " post ετος expunxit εχων (?) S " 90 κάκείνου
S 11 94 τΏ ssv 11 94-95 post αυτού expunxit τΏ S 11 95 των λόγων σου δλων
S " ουδ' ένας
77
than in the interest of your God-inspired soul. Yet this is not so,
as conscience is my witness. The reason for my not leaving the
convent is different. Since I am closely related to the emperor,
as you are well aware, if I ever went out, it would be absolutely
necessary to attend imperial weddings and funerals and royal
gatherings whether I wished it or not. This would require quite
a number of attendants as well as a corresponding number of
horses, and how would my fortune < suffice ) for a royal retinue
and household? Because of these extraordinary circumstances I
kept to myself, having done away with all pretexts, as I just men
tioned. But it is not so in your case. When you leave your cell,
you go to another monastic cell: from benefit to greater benefit,
I dare say, which returns to you again. I demand that which I
do and my fathers did as well. For I stay here slaving for the
benefit of others, and I did not at all consider material concerns
and < the concern for ) others to be an obstacle to spiritual
labor, nor do I stay at this place-as conscience is my witness
either for the sake of glory or power or the company of my
relatives, but for the salvation of the nuns alone, helping them
to that effect as much as I can. My master, the bishop, became
even more enlightened at the age of thirty-three (eight years after
he retired from the world) through the help of those who benefited
from him.
If you are also concerned about the good and saintly Kyr Me
nas-for I learned from Aaron that your holiness is annoyed be
cause we do not converse when he, too, is present-I shall attend
to this matter also, as I can, and let you know through Aaron, or
I shall write to you how I propose to deal with this. This letter
is already too long. As for your having full assurance that God
approves of my being directed by you, the following is sufficient
assurance that I benefit through His might: in my heart God sees
78
αλλου, ό ρ Q. ό Θεός από του Φιλαδελφείας μέχρι του νυν.

εστω σοι τοίνυν ποτίζειν, τφ δε Θεφ αυξειν, ήτοι συνευ
δοκείν του λόγου.
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη 'Έκτη)
Εί ήθελον τοίς έμαυτου συνηγορησαι και λόγοις και

λογισμοίς, ρgδιον ην έκ τών πατερικών και βίων και λό
γων και κρίσεων. έννόησον γαρ τας ίερας γυναίκας έκεί
νας αϊτινες ύπό θείων πατέρων έγκαθειρχθείσαι σπηλαίοις
5 και οίκιδίοις τισίν, αί μεν απαξ μόνον ακούσασαι παρ'
αυτών τί δεί ποιείν έν έκείνοις, τό λοιπόν ου τεθέανται
μέχρις αυτου < του) μακαρίου τέλους αυτών, καίτοι
πολλα ετη ζήσασαι έν τοίς ασκητηρίοις, [Ρο!. 247ν] αί δε
δια τριών χρόνου κύκλων έδέχοντο την τών άγίων όψιν,
10 αί δε δι' ετους τουλάχιστον' και οϋτως ολίγοις μέν, τε
λείως δε τοίς τών άγίων λόγοις, κατα σχολην απασαν και
αρτι τότε πρώτον έξελθουσαι του κόσμου και ουδεν
ώσπερ και προφκοδομημέναι, θεοπρεπώς έξετέλεσαν την
θαυμασίαν ζωήν.
15 Και συ δε αυτή τοι μαρτυρήσεις τφ λόγφ, της του θείου
αρχιερέως έκείνου παρουσίας ου δια παντός απολαύσα
σα, αλλ' οίμαι, και ενα και δύο, τάχα δέ που και πλείους
ένιαυτους στερηθείσα, δτε απιjει και παρην τij έαυτου έκ
Kλησί�, και είχες την έξ αυτου βελτίωσιν δια γραμμά-
20 των μόνον. εί δε και όγδοον μεν ετος αγων έκ της έαυ
του αποταγης του κόσμου, τριακοστόν δε τρίτον από του
γεννηθηναι, τό της αρχιερωσύνης ύπηλθεν αξίωμα και
πρός την τών πολλών ώφέλειαν ώρμησεν, ένθυμου και
λογίζου και την έκ της θείας χάριτος έπιφοιτώσαν ίσχυν
25 τοίς είς τουτο κεκλημένοις τό εργον και καλώς ύπακού
σασι, και δτι πρό ταύτης της κλήσεως ό θεοφιλης έκεί
νος ανηρ ουκ εδωκεν έαυτόν είς τό τοιουτον εργον, ουδε
S 247r-249r
1 ιεη' smg 11 7 του addidi 11 15 τοι]τι s 11 22 το]τφ s
79
all your teaching, no one else's, from the time of the metropolitan
of Philadelphia until now. It is up to you then to water this
teaching, and up to God to make it grow; that is, to approve it.
< Letter 16 >
If I wished to defend what I said and thought, it would be

easy to do so from the lives and sayings and opinions of the
Fathers. Consider those holy women who were shut up by the
holy fathers in some caves and cells. Some of them, after hearing
from their spiritual fathers once for all what they ought to do in
these places, did not see their < directors > until the blessed end
of their lives, although they lived for many years in their hermit
ages. Others saw the holy men at three-year intervals, and others,
at any rate, once a year. And they lived out the marvelous life in
God's way < following > perfectly the few instructions of their
holy fathers and remaining in absolute peace, even though they
had just retired from the world for the first time and had no
previous training, so to speak.
In fact, you will attest to this yourself, seeing that you did
not enjoy the presence of the late holy bishop continuously, but
I believe that you were deprived of him for one or two, or perhaps
even for more years, when he went away to be at his own church
and he edified you by correspondence alone. And even if he
assumed the episcopal office eight years after he retired from the
world, and thirty-three years after he was born, and rushed to
help many people, bear in mind and consider the power which
is bestowed by divine grace upon those who have been called to
this task and have well obeyed the call. Remember also that before
he was called, that God-loving man did not devote himself to such
80
30 εθάρσησεν, αλλ' εν ερήμοις διέτριβε τόποις καθαρεύου

σιν οχλου έως [Ρο!. 248τ] έλαβε δια της θείας σφραγιδος
το ενδόσιμον.
Συ δε Όπως δήποτε της μονης ουκ εξέΡΧ1], καλως και
αναγκαίως ποιεις και ει μη εκεινα ην a προβάλλ1] τα εν
35 αυτij σε κατέχοντα και μη προβαίνειν εωντα, ει επιμε
λως ειχες της έαυτης σωτηρίας, ωσπερ αν και είχες, ουκ
αν προήρχου. ωστε σοι τον αυτον αν είχον εκεινον λόγον
ειπειν ον είπον, Ότι μάλλον φροντίζεις Όπως αυτη σωθήσ1]
11 εγώ, και άνισος ή πνευματική σου διάθεσις ην εις ήμάς
40 λέγεις έχειν. αλλ' ϊνα σε μη πολλα λυπωμεν οϋτω σφό
δρα ηπατημένην περι την ήμετέραν αφέλειαν, έσται σοι
το ζητούμενον, Θεου συναιρομένου, ό αριθμος της αιτή
σεως. νυν δε ειρήνην άγε και κατα την ηργμένην σοι συνα
γωγην δίαγε καθεζομένη εν τφ κελλίφ σου μετα φόβου και
45 πόθου της άγίας Τριάδος, π Ρ ο ο Ρ ω μ έ ν η τ ο ν
Κ ύ Ρ ι ο ν ε ν ώ π ι ό ν σ ο υ δ ι α π α ν τ ό ς, κατα
τον ίεροψάλτην, και τij KaeapQ. εννοίQ. και συνεχει του
άγίου αυτου και καθαρτικου των εννοούντων ονόματος
άγιάζουσά σου και φωτίζουσα διηνεκως την διάνοιαν, εις
50 πάσας τε τας έντολας αυτου κατορθουμένη τα δυνατα
και οϋτω πάντοτε συν αυτφ ούσα, ώς δυνατόν, εν τφ σώ
ματι· ει δέ που και σκοπου [Ρο!. 248ν] διαπίπτοις, έπα
νάγουσα σεαυτήν, ωσπερ είωθας, και εγω ακούων έθαύ
μαζόν σου την σύνεσιν και την εις το αγαθον αγάπην και
55 την εν ταις αποσπώσαις αυτου και απαγούσαις έπηρείαις
σοφίαν, δι' ης άπρακτον ποιεις τον σοφιστην της κακίας
και βέλτιον σεαυτην προς τον Χριστον επανάγεις, Όπερ
εστι τφ πολεμουντι ξίφος τομώτατον, τij δε ΆγίQ. Τριά
δι χρημα ερασμιώτατον. εύ δε ίσθι, της ευλογίας επώνυ-
60 με, ώς Όσον άν μοι πλείονα καιρον παρέχοις ιδιασμου
και της προς εμαυτον και Θεον επεστραμμένης ζωης, ών
45-46 Ps. 15 (16). 8
33 όπωσδήποτε S 11 34 προβάλλει S έώντα S 11 57 τον Ssv 11

11 35 58 post
τομώτατον scripsit et deinde delevit τφ δ Χριστφ και S 11 δε SSv
ε
81
a task nor did he dare to do so, but he lived in deserted places,

free of crowds, until he was given the word through the holy
ordination.
Whatever reasons you may have for not leaving the convent,
you do what is right and necessary. Even if the reasons you ad
duce were not those that kept you at the convent and did not
allow you to go out, if you cared for your salvation-as no doubt
you do-you would not have gone out. So I shall say to you the
exact same thing I said before, that you consider more how you
will be saved than I will, and that the spiritual concern you claim
to have for me is unequal < to that which you have for yourself>.
But so as not to annoy you too much, seeing that you are ex
ceedingly deceived about my mediocrity, I shall grant you what
you asked for. With the help of God the number < of visits>
will be as you requested. For the time being be at peace, and
during the period of meditation that you have started, remain
seated in your cell with fear and love of the Holy Trinity,
"foreseeing the Lord always before your face," in the words
of the holy Psalmist. And sanctify your soul and illuminate
your mind with the pure and continuous thought of His holy
name which purifies those who keep it in their thoughts, doing
your best to accomplish successfully all His commandments,
and being in body with Him as much as possible. And if
sometimes you fall short of your goal, renew your effort, just
as you were wont to do and, upon hearing of it, I used to
admire your intelligence and love of the good and wisdom in
the face of temptations which tear and lead away from the
good. With this wisdom you render impotent the master of evil
and return to Christ with more devotion. This is the sharpest
sword against the enemy and the greatest < source of> gratifica
tion to the Holy Trinity. Be assured, 0 you who bear the name
of blessing, that the more time you allow me for living in seclu
sion, turning to myself and God, and the more you listen to what
82
τέ σε λέγω αναμφιβόλως ακούοις καΙ καρτερώς ύπο

μένοις εν ήσύχφ διαίΤ1] τους πνιγηρους λογισμούς, τοσου
τον οψει εν σεαυτύ καΙ την θείαν επίσκεψιν μείζονα, καΙ
65 ούτω σύ τε αν κρειττον του ποθουμένου τύχοις 11 εί σε καθ'
ήμέραν έώρων, εμοί τε δώσεις μη εκπεσειν του σκοπου.
ΠερΙ δε του ίερου καΙ ήγιασμένου κυρ Μηνά, καΙ πάν
τα εμοΙ πιστου καΙ ηκριβωμένου φίλου, θέλω μαθειν τίνα
70 ποιεις θεραπείαν εις σπερ μοι γέγραφας. ταυτα δε πέμ
ψειν σοι εμελλον εξ στου σοι την γραφην εδεξάμην αυτί
κα, ίνα μη εμφροντις ύς, ύπο δε του παρόντος ήμιν πε[Ροl.
249τ]ρισπασμου, ον ακούεις, ουκ είχον τον διακομιουν
τα τα γράμματα καΙ από ταύτης της αιτίας μέχρι του νυν
75 εβράδυναν.
62 ακούεις S 11 64 σεαυτη S 11 69 ήκριβομένου S 11 71 εξότου S 11 72 ης S

83
I say without questions and suffer with patience the distressing

thoughts, living quietly, the more you will see in you a greater
divine presence. Thus you will attain your desire better than if
I saw you every day and you will allow me not to fail in my
objective.
I wish to know how you will attend to the matter about which
you wrote to me regarding the holy and saintly Kyr Menas, my
most loyal and true friend. I intended to send this to you as soon
as I received your letter so that you may not be worried, but I
had no one to carry my letter because of the disturbance of which
you heard. For this reason it was delayed until now.
84
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Έβδόμη >
Έπειδή σοι τό ζητούμενον δέδοται, περιττόν ην ετι

με πείθειν από τε του θείου αρχιερέως και των σεπτων
γυναικων. επει δέ με πείθειν ετι από τούτων επιχειρείς,
ϊσθι πρός μεν την νεότητα του ανδρός εκείνου και τα με-
5 γάλα θάρρη εκείνά σοι τόν λόγον αντεπιφέροντα, στι ου
πασι ταυτα 11 καλα 11 δόκιμα 11 ρgδια, και δια τουτο εϋ
ροις αν καν τοίς θείοις των πατέρων συγγράμμασι και
λόγοις αλλα αλλοις αρέσαντα, και καθόλου μεν τιμωμέ
νην την εκ πάντων θvflσιν και αναχώρησιν και σιωπην και
10 τό ακρως φιλέρημον, ελάχιστα δε την παρα ταυτα όδόν.
και μην και συ μαρτυρείς στι σοι ουκ αδύνατον ην τό παρ'
ήμων αξιούμενον, στε σου λέγεις ενιαυτόν 11 και δεύτε
ρον αποδημησαι τόν θείον αρχιερέα και δια γραμμάτων
μόνον οικοδομείν την ψυχήν σου. του γαρ σλου ενιαυτου
15 τεταρτημόριον τό τρίμηνόν εστι μέρος, εν Φ σοι απαξ μεν
αυτοπροσώπως, όσάκις δε βούλει δια γραμμάτων ήξίουν
εγω διαλέγεσθαι, ωστε τας τέσσαρας ωρας του ενιαυσίου
κύκλου τέσσαρσιν όμιλίαις αυτοπροσώποις ήμων κατα
λόγον τιμασθαι, [ΡοΙ 249v] έκάστην αποδόντων έκάσΤ1],
20 μηνι δε εκάστφ γράμματα. σσον ούν εστι πλέων ό ενιαυ
τός σλος του έαυτου τετάρτου και του τετράκις τό δω
δεκάκις γράψαι, τοσουτο και συ μαλλον τουτ' αν εδυνή
θης εκείνου· και συ μεν αν ύπετάσσου, ει και μη ύπερ εμε
τό πραγμα, εγω δε ανεχώρουν, δύο ανθ' ένός αγαθα και
25 ήμίν συμφερώτατα και ασκανδάλιστα.
Τί γαρ δοκείς περι των δια πολλων αρετων εις πρεσβυ
τάτην ήλικίαν ελθόντων, άρ' ου λυπηρόν αυτοίς είναι τό
πραγμα και φθόνου κινητικόν, επειδήπερ ανθρωποι και
αυτοί, καν εις [σε] μεγάλα μέτρα αρετης κατηντηκότες
30 ώσι; τί δε περι των αλλων γυναικων αίς ουδαμως μετεδί-
S 249r-251r
'
1 ιστη smg 11 7 καν S " 15 απαξ S " 20 πλέον S " 23-24 leg. ει και [μη]
ύπερ έμε τό πράγμα? 11 27 αρ' S 11 29 σε uncis inclusi 11 30 ώσι S
85
< Letter 17 )
Since you were granted your request, it was unnecessary to

persuade me further from the < examples) of the holy bishop
and the pious women. But since you still attempt to persuade
me by these, you must know, in reply to your argument regard
ing that man's youth and great confidence, that the same things
are not good or acceptable or easy for all people, and for this
reason you will find in the writings and sayings of the Fathers
that different men liked different pursuits, but that being dead
to the world and withdrawing from it and keeping silent and lov
ing solitude to the extreme were generally respected, whereas tak
ing a different path was the rarest of exceptions. In fact, even
you attest that what I asked was not impossible when you say
that the holy bishop was absent for one or two years and that
he edified your soul by letters alone. Three months are indeed
one fourth of the whole year, during which I agreed to visit you
once personally and to converse with you by correspondence as
often as you wished, so that the four seasons of the yearly cycle
would be honored in like fashion by four personal visits on my
part, assigning one visit to each season and a letter to each month.
To the extent, therefore, that a whole year is longer than its
quarter and writing twelve times is more than < writing) four
times, it should have been easier for you to do < what I pro
posed) rather than < what you did under the direction of the
holy bishop). And you would have submitted < to my direc
tion) -although the task < of directing you) exceeds my
powers (?) -while I would have remained in solitude, two good
things instead of one and to us more beneficial and without cause
for scandal.
What do you think, indeed, about those men who have
reached ripe old age pursuing many virtues? Don't you think that
this will annoy them and stir up their jealousy, since they, too,
are human even if they have attained a full measure of virtue? And
86
δουν ενδιαθέτου γνώμης καίτοι πολλα ζητούσαις; άρ' ουκ

ανδράποδόν με νομίσαι λαιμου καΙ κοιλίας καΙ ανθρω
πίνης δόξης, συχνα φοιτώντα παρα σε θεωρούσας; εώ γαρ
τους άλλους φίλους καΙ αρχιερεις καΙ αυτόν πατριάρχην,
35 οίς με απαιτουσιν εμαυτόν δι' ολίγου διδόναι, ου δίδωμι
άνευ μεγάλης ανάγκης, αυτό τουτο αυτοις προβαλλό
μενος, τ11ν αναχώρησιν.
Έξόν ούν καί σοι λαμβάνειν τοις παρ' ήμιν, εϊ τι καλόν
καΙ [Fol. 250r] ωφέλιμον καΙ μη μάτην δοκουμέν σοι, κα-
40 μοΙ μένειν πρός έαυτφ καΙ τοις άλλοις ασκανδαλίστοις
είναι, οίς δει μη διδόναι αφορμας του σκανδάλου κατα
τους θείους νόμους, ου σοφώτερον ην αίρεισθαι τουτο καΙ
μάλλον η τό συχνόν αποδέχεσθαι, καΙ νομίζειν ώς εμέ
τί σου βέλτιον τούτου λογίζεσθαι, καΙ τουτο στέργειν ώς
45 εκ Θεου, είπερ όντως κατα τρόπον ύποταγης καθαράς
πρός ήμάς διατίθεσαι; λογίζου γαρ δτι καΙ τών ίερών εκεί
νων γυναικών ή διάνοια εξ αρχης εδυσφόρει τό παντε
λώς ανομίλητον και ανεπίσκεπτον σωματικώς τών πατέ
ρων, και Ί]τουντο πλείονα την όμιλίαν' κανονισθεισαι δε
50 ύπό τών οίς ύπετάγησαν και ταύττι τij διαίττι παραδοθει
σαι, ώς αληθώς αυτοις ύπηκόους έαυτας παρασχουσαι
και παντελώς τό οίκειον αρνησάμεναι θέλημα, είς την διά
κρισιν εκείνην τών έαυτών πατέρων πειθηνίως ύπήχθη
σαΥ" και μικρόν ύπομείνασαι, εύρον εν τοις δυσκόλοις
55 τό εύκολον και άνεσιν εν πνιγμονij και χαραν εν όδύναις,
μεθ' ης τόν λοιπόν διατελέσασαι βίον εμακαρίσθησαν.
ταυτα μεν ουν εχω λέγειν πρός τας ουχ ύπηκόους, αλλα
ρητορικας αντιθέσεις σου. εχε δε δμως τόν εξ αριθμόν,
δν με ϋτησας, και γράφε και [Fol. 25Ov] σημειου τα βουλό-
60 μενα, ώς εδοκίμασας.
Περι δε του κυρ Μηνά δοκεις μοι ου τό δλον κατει
ληφέναι πράγμα, και δια τουτο δευτέρας πληροφορίας
41-42 Cf. Mt. 18. 7-10; Luc. 17. 1-3
31 αρ' ούκ S 11 42 αιρείσθαι S 11 46 διατίθεσθαι S 11 48 ανεπίσκηπτον S

87
what about the other women to whom I did not give spiritual
advice at all, for all their many entreaties? Will they not think
that I am a slave to gorge and belly and the glory of this world .
when they see me visiting you so often? Not to mention my other
friends and the bishops and even the patriarch himself, who ask
me to give them a little < of my time >, but I do not do so ex
cept under duress, adducing this very reason that I am an
anchorite.
Since it is possible, then, for you to receive from me whatever
you may think good and useful and not unprofitable to you, and
for me to remain by myself, and for others to have no cause for
scandal-for according to the divine laws we must not give cause
of scandal to others-would it not have been wiser to choose < my
proposal > and to accept it rather than the system of frequent
< visits >, to believe that my judgment on this matter was a lit
tle better than yours and to be satisfied with this, as if it were
God's decision, if indeed your disposition towards me is one of
pure obedience? Bear in mind that those pious women, too, were
annoyed at the beginning because their spiritual fathers did not
communicate < with them > at all nor did they visit < them >
in person, and that they were asking for a closer association, but
once they received their instructions from their directors and
devoted themselves to that way of life, they proved to be truly
obedient and gave up completely their own wishes and submitted
obediently to the decisions of their < spiritual> fathers. With a
little patience they found ease in difficulty and comfort in discom
fort and joy in sorrow. In this joy they spent the rest of their
lives and were blessed. This, then, is my response to your objec
tions which smack of rhetoric but not of obedience. Nevertheless,
have the six < visits > that you requested from me and write
and note down what you wish, as you have tried to do.
I do not think that you understand the whole matter regarding
Kyr Menas, and for this reason you fear the burden of a second
88
ευλαβείσθαι φορτίον διδασκάλου δευτέρου. πολλης γαρ

αν ήν εγω μεστος ακρισίας καΙ ανεπιστημοσύνης του δέ-
65 οντος, ει τουτο ειδώς, επειτά σε ηξίουν Όπερ ηξίουν περΙ
του φίλου. εγω γαρ τόν κυρ Μηνάν ουκ αξίωμα παρ' εμοί
τι ζητουντα ουδε δικαίωμα ουδεν ύπο ευγνωμοσύνης, αλλ'
οίον ύπηκόου τρόπον έαυτόν μοι παρέχοντα καΙ αεΙ μεν
ακούοντα ωσπερ εκ διδασκάλου, ελάχιστα δε διακρίνον-
70 τα, ει καΙ πλείων εμου εις αρετην ό ανήρ, ήγησάμην δί
καιον είναι καΙ αυτον τιμης αξιουσθαι παρ' εμου της πρε
πούσης, μηδενός άλλου χΡύζοντα. καΙ δια τουτο αναγ
καίον μεν φμην συνοδοιπόρον εχειν άπανταχόσε τφ νόμφ
της φιλίας, απρεπες δε καΙ άτιμον εν όμιλίαις τισΙ παρα-
75 πέμπειν εξω που παρακαθησθαι, ωσπερ εμοιγε απληρο
φόρητον 11 ανάξιον λόγων πνευματικών Όσον ακουσαι, μη
δεν διακρίνοντα, μηδε διδασκαλικόν ουδεν παραδεικνύν
τα ήθος, αλλ' έπόμενον εμοΙ καΙ ταίς εμαίς διακρίσεσιν,
ωσπερ ένός όντος ανθρώπου μετ' εμου καΙ μηδεν διαφέ-
80 ροντος. Όστις με πολλάκις καΙ [Fol. 251r] επιτιμώντα
αιδείται καΙ διδάσκοντα στέργει καΙ πάντα ακολουθεί μοι'
καΙ πρό της σης χορηγίας πάντα παρείχεν απερ είχεν,
ει γαρ ων εδείτο είπερ τις άλλος τών όμοτρόπων καΙ νυν
εχει ανενδεώς, παρείχεν οόν μοι τα έαυτου χρειώδη ωσπερ
85 αυτός έαυτφ, μηδεν ίδιον έαυτου ποιούμενος μηδ' αφο
ρίζων. τον οόν τοιουτον μέν, ούτω δε ανενδεώς εχοντα,
ούτω δε ευπειθώς εμοί, ουκ ανάξιον δε της τοιαύτης συν
εδρίας καΙ ακροάσεως, ου βλαβεράς δε ούσης ουδέ σοι
της αυτου παρουσίας κατα τον λόγον ον είπον, ουδεν ή-
90 γοι')μην το προσιστάμενον παρειναι καΙ τουτον ακροα
ηΙν της ημών όμιλίας, ου διδάσκαλον δεύτερον, ουδε με
ρίζοντά σου την άπλην πρός ενα διάθεσιν. καν συνήθειαν
βασιλικ-ην προβάλλΊ], καν απληροφορησίαν, καν ότιουν
ετερον * * * αφιέναι τούτο καΙ κατόπιν ποιείσθαι του συμ-
95 βούλου κελεύοντος, καΙ μηδεν εχειν θέλημα, καν δοκυ
64 άκρισίας]άκρασίας S 1173 ώμην S 11 άπανταχόσε S 1177-78 παραδεικνυν

τα S 11 78 επόμενον S 11 89-90 ηγούμην S 11 94 post ετερον lacunam indicavi,
δεί σε aut aliquid simile excidisse coniciens 11 94 κατ' σπιν S
89
tutelage by a second tutor. I would have been guilty of a great

deal of bad judgment and ignorance of proper conduct if, know
ing this, I had asked from you what I asked about my friend.
Kyr Menas demands neither honor from me nor any other grateful
acknowledgement, but behaves towards me as someone who owes
me obedience; and he always listens to me as if to a teacher but
questions < me > very little, although the man is superior to me
in virtue. I considered it right, therefore, to honor him properly
seeing that he needed nothing else. For this reason, I thought
that it was necessary to have him accompany me everywhere by
the right of friendship and that it was unseemly and disgraceful
during some conversations to send him out to sit somewhere, as
if I did not fully trust him and considered him unworthy of as
much as listening to spiritual discussion, since he questions
nothing nor does he display any airs of a teacher, but he follows
me and my decisions as if we were one man and did not differ
at all. He respects me even when I reprimand him many times,
and loves me when I instruct him, and follows me in all respects.
And before your generous assistance he offered me all he had,
and even though now he has all that he needs, more than any of
his fellow monks, and lacks nothing, the fact remains that he gave
me things that were necessary to him just as if he were giving them
to himself, without keeping anything for himself or setting it aside.
I did not think, therefore, that there was any offense to having
him there as an auditor of our conversation- not as a second
teacher nor dividing your single predilection for one < teacher >
- such a man who was in want of nothing and so obedient to
me and not unworthy of sitting at such a conference and listen
ing. Besides, his presence was not harmful to you, as I said.
Whether you adduce imperial protocol as a reason or lack of con
fidence or anything else whatsoever, * * * < you ought > to give
this up and follow the orders of your adviser and have no other
90
τό σοφώτατον, της τού συμβούλου Ισχυρότερον. επεΙ δε

σφόδρα κανταύθα φιλονεικείς, δ σοι παρέστη καλόν
ειπείν περΙ τούτου, τούτο δοκεί καΙ εμοί. ό κύριος Ίησούς,
ή πηγη παντός αγαθού, καΙ τούτο ήμίν κατα τό έαυτού θέ-
100 λημα οΙκονομήσειεν.
96-97 της ... ισχυρότερον: ποπ satis perspicio 11 97 σοι]συ S " 99 πηγη S
< Έπιστολη Δεκάτη Όγδόη >
Εις τόν πατριάρχην απηγα, ώς οίδεν ό κύρ 'Ααρών,

καΙ εποίησα τό πρός τους μοναχους γράμμα μου, ωστε κλη
θέντων αυτών ένδον καΙ λαβόντων τούτο καΙ [Fol. 251v]
έπΙ τούτφ καΙ πατριαρχικώς ανέισθαι την ζήτησιν ήμίν
5 καΙ τελεσθηναι' οϋπω δε δμως Ο γέγονεν έγνωμεν. ώς δέ
μοι δοκεί, δεί ήμερώσαι τόν πατριάρχην πρός σεαυτήν,
αηδώς γάρ μοι έδοξεν έχειν πρός σέ, καΙ δείξαι πρός αυ
τόν ταπείνωσιν ίκανην καΙ λόγους ύποταγης' ωστε δε καΙ
αζημίως τούτο γενέσθαι σοι καΙ την αρχην εις τούτο
10 καταστηναι τόν πατριάρχην ό θαυμάσιος Δεξιός δεξιώς
απεργάσεται, ον δεί σε μετακαλέσασθαι καΙ τούτο αυτφ
επιμελώς αναθέσθαι, φίλφ σοι οντι ώς ακριβώς έγω κα
τενόησα. γενέσθω δη τούτο προθύμως, οδ γαρ δίκαιον
κρίνω, περΙ ταπεινοφροσύνης μάλιστά σοι διαλεγόμενος,
15 μη της πρός τόν πατριάρχην πρό παντός άλλου σοι συμ
βουλεύσαι φροντίσαι. ο γαρ αν καΙ είποις, πατήρ έστι τών
πάντων Χριστιανων καΙ δεί αυτόν έχειν παρα τών πάντων
στοργήν, καΙ μάλιστα οίς ακριβείας μέλει τού αγαθού
πανταχού. καΙ ύπόθεσιν δταν έχυς πραγματικην πρός
20 αυτόν, ταπεινοίς αυτόν λόγοις ύπέρχου ύποχωρούσιν
αυτφ καί, οίμαι, βέλτιον απαλλάξεις κανταύθα δια
τοιούτου τρόπου.
Καίτοι ουκ οίμαί σε δείν ακριβολογείσθαι περΙ τα
πράγματα, μη μόνον πρός πατριάρχην, αλλ' ουδε πρός
25 όντινούν' ταύτα γάρ έστι τα κινούντα παρ' ήμίν καΙ όπλί
ζοντα τα ατίθασα [Fol. 252r] πάθη. καΙ ου λέγω παντελώς
S 251r-252v
1 ιζη' S mg 11 6 δείν S 11 26 ατίθασσα S
91
wish-even if < what you wish> seems to be most sensible

stronger than that of your adviser. But since you are extremely
contentious about this matter also, I agree with what you saw
fit to say. May the Lord Jesus, the source of every blessing, pro
vide for this, too, according to His will.
< Letter 18 >
As Kyr Aaron knows, I went to the patriarch and presented

my letter < of complaint> against the monks, so that after they
have been summoned on this account and received the letter, the
inquiry may be opened and conducted for us by the patriarch.
I do not know, however, what happened yet. Nevertheless, I think
that you ought to appease the patriarch, for he seemed to me
to dislike you, and you ought to behave towards him with con
siderable humility and the language of obedience. The marvelous
Dexios will skillfully contrive to accomplish this without embar
rassment to you and to prepare the patriarch for reconciliation.
You must summon Dexios and carefully assign this task to him
because he is your friend, as I exactly perceived. Let this be done
in earnest, for I do not think that it is right, especially when speak
ing to you about humility, not to advise you to consider humili
ty towards the patriarch above all. For whatever you may say,
he is the father of all Christians and he must have the love of
all, and especially of those who care for what is perfectly good
in every way. And when you deal with him on a legal matter,
mollify him with words of humility and deference, and I believe
that in this manner you will fare better.
In fact, I do not think that you should be petty in disputes
not only with the patriarch but with anyone whomsoever. For
this is what stirs up and arms the wild passions in us. I do not
92
ύπό σου περιοφθηναι τό μοναστήριον και δια τούτου ( τα >

τφ Θεφ αφιερωμένα σοι, αλλ' επειδη την θαυμασίαν 'Ρά
λαιναν ευτυχείς οϋτως ουσαν φρόνιμον και δραστήριον-
30 ώς ακούω- και εις ταυτα και πάντα, αρκείτω αϋτη τοίς
πράγμασι, πλην εί τι τύχοι αναγκαιότατα και της σης επι
στασίας δεόμενον. συ δέ, εί τοι και μέλλοις περισπασθη
ναι εις την μονήν, εις τας ψυχας περισπώ, και τουτο δη
ήμέρως, ώς είρηταί μοι και πρότερον, και μετα πάσης
35 προσοχης· και πρός τας αναγκαίας ζητήσεις τij θυμώδει
διαθέσει και τij οιηματικij μέχρι θανάτου μάχου, ευτά
κτως δέ, ώς εφην, καί, ώς είπον, σωφρόνως.
'Ήκουσα Ότι παρωξύνθης, τουτ' εστιν ερρίγωσας, και
ηυξάμην τφ τας ασθενείας ήμών δια της ενανθρωπήσεως
40 αραντι καί σε φιλανθρώπως Ιάσασθαι. ίσθι δε και εμε την
αρτι παρελθουσαν νύκτα ουχ απλώς τι παθόντα, οίον πολ
λάκις πάσχω η ετερον ασθένημα τών μετρίων, αλλα θανα
τηφόρον και Όπερ αναιρεί παρ' αυτίκα ον αν κατάσχοι
στερρώς-μικρου γαρ εξέπνευσα-οίμαι δε τουτο αφ'
45 ουπερ απέθανεν ή Συγκλητικη της Κραλαίνης. ανασπα
σθεν γαρ πνευμα, κοιμωμένου, από του στομάχου, η ουκ
οίδ' Όθεν ενδοθεν, ανηλθεν επι του θώρακος και συνανα
σπασαν φλέγμα παχυ ερριψεν αυτό ύπερ τόν πνεύμονά
μου και επέσχε τό πνευμα και ήδη επνιγέ με. μόλις ουν
50 ανηλθέ τι του φλέγματος [Fol. 252v] και παρέκυψεν ύπό
τό στόμα, και ύποπτύσας τουτο μικρόν μεν ανέπνευσα·
ετερον δε ανήγετο εκ του στομάχου, είτε του ηπατος,
πνευμα και εστενοχώρει μοι. και παρην ουδεις τών συν
εμοί, ωστε εξέπνευσα αν μηδενι αΙσθομένφ. ωραν δε Όλην
55 πάσχων, μόλις ανείθην, πολυ φλέγμα και παχύτατον
απορριψάσης της φύσεως. τουτο δε και αλλοτε μοι συμ
βέβηκε πολλάκις, ουδέποτε δε ώς αρτι, και οίμαι Ότι από
του τοιούτου πάθους του βίου τουδε απαλλαγήσομαι, ήδη
4
27 τα addidi 11 31 άναγκαιότατα (littera α ex η cοπecta) S 11 32 εϊ τι S 11 μέλ-
λεις S 11 34 δη ήμέρως scripsi: δι' ήμερων S 11 36 οιηματικη S 11 38 τουτέστιν
S 11 39 ηυξόμην S 11 τφ Ssv 11 40 ίάσασθαι S 11 47 ενδοθενδ' S 11 52 ϋπατος S
93
mean, of course, that you ought to neglect the monastery and

thereby all that you have dedicated to God, but since you are
fortunate to have the marvelous Ralaina, who is so sensible and
efficient both in these matters and in everything else, as I hear,
let her attend to matters of dispute, unless there is something that
requires absolutely your own supervision. If you must divert your
attention to the affairs of the monastery, divert it to the care of
the souls, and do this gently, as I have said to you before, and
very carefully. And when it comes to necessary inquiries, fight
unto death against < your> irascible and arrogant disposition,
but, as I said, conduct < yourself ) in an orderly and sensible
manner.
I heard that you suffered a paroxysm, that is an attack of
chills, and I prayed to Him Who lifted our ailments by His In
carnation to cure you also. Know that just the night before I,
too, suffered not anything simple as I often do nor any other
moderate indisposition, but a mortal < illness>, the kind that
immediately kills whomsoever it grips firmly. I almost died and
I fear that it was the same < illness>, from which Synkletike
died, the attendant of the queen < of Serbia>. For while I was
asleep, some vapor drawn from my stomach, or I know not from
where inside my body, came up to my chest and drawing a thick
mucus, threw it over my lung, stopping my breathing and near
ly choking me. Then, just a bit of the mucus came up to my
mouth; I spat it out and breathed a little. But another vapor came
up from the stomach, or the liver, and oppressed me. And none
of my companions were there, so that I might have died without
anyone being aware of it. After suffering for a whole hour, I
barely felt some relief as my body got rid of a great deal of thick
mucus. This had happened to me many times before, but never
like this time, and I fear that I shall die from this illness, for it
94
δυνατου παρ' έμοΙ γινομένου καΙ επικρατουντος. έστω

60 δέ, ει τουτο δοκεί τφ Θεφ, καΙ δέχομαι ου δυσχερώς, ει
μόνον αξιωθείην καθαρας μετανοίας' ει δε μή, δυσχεραί
νω. εϋχου δη καΙ συ την σωτηρίαν μου.
< 'Επιστολη Δεκάτη - 'Ενάτη )
Αϊ μεν άλλαι αμέλειαι γινώσκεις όπόθεν συμβαίνουσί

σοι καΙ ρqθυμίαι, ότι από της πρός τους συγγενείς σου
προσπαθους όμιλίας τό δε κατα της Μάρθας "τα καΙ
τα" φθέγξασθαί σε, ει μεν έξ απαθους διανοίας έλέγετο
5 χάριν του παιδευθηναι καΙ ρυθμισθηναι ώς πρός ανθρω
πον, αναίτιον αν ην καΙ του καλου ηρτημένον' νυν δε ότι
θυμός έστιν ό ταυτα βάλλων καΙ ακοντίζων, έξω κείται
τών όρων του αγαθου, καΙ δια τουτο έπιμελητέον πρώτον
του θυμικου της ψυχης, είτα μετα παρρησίας παιδευτέον
10 τους άλλους.
t 'Αποδέχομαι δε τους από τών θείων ϋμνων καΙ της
κατα τούτους θεωρίας καΙ της κατα την του λόγου του με
γάλου Βασιλείου διάθεσιν.t απεδεξάμην καΙ τα του Δεξι
ου πλακούντια. ό Μανουήλ μοι είπεν από στόματος όπερ
15 [Fo1.253r] καΙ πρό της χθες ό 'Ααρών. περΙ δε της φιλα
ρέτου 'Ραλαίνης καΙ ότι μεν οφείλω πρός αυτην πολλην
διάθεσιν ύπερ τών κόπων αυτης τών ύπερ εμαυτου, όμο
λογώ' ου μην ταύτην ήγουμαι την απόδοσιν αναγκαίαν
του χρέους, αλλ' ευχας και μεστας διαθέσεως ευχαριστί-
20 ας. έφ' Φ δη καλουμαι παρείναι δυσφορώ' ου δη παρέσο
μαι. όπερ ουν πείσεις την θεοφιλη της 'Ραλαίνης καΙ ανε
λάττωτον φρόνησιν αλύπως δέξασθαι, την ήμετέραν της
παρουσίας ταύτης παραίτησιν.
S 252v-253r
'
1 ιηη smg 11 οπόθεν S 11 5 ώς ssv 11 6 ήρτιμένον S Ι 11-13 'Αποδέχομαι ...
διάθεσιν: ποπ satis perspicio
95
is already progressing and conquering < my body >. Let it be

so, if that be the will of God. I do not find it difficult to accept
if only I may be granted the time for true repentance. Otherwise,
I would be distressed. You also should pray for my salvation.
< Letter 19 >
You know the origin of your other feelings of indifference

and listlessness; it is your intimate association with your relatives.
As for telling Martha''this and that," if it had been said calmly
for the purpose of educating and guiding her, as human beings
are wont to do, it would have been blameless and done for a good
cause. Now, however, because it is anger that shoots and hurls
these < words > like javelins, it is beyond the limits of the good
and, therefore, you must first take care of the irascible part of
the soul and then feel free to educate others.
I agree with the * * * inspired by the holy hymns and con
templation according to them and the * * * according to the in
tent of the saying of Basil the Great. I received the pastries of
Dexios. Manuel told me personally what Aaron had said to me
the day before yesterday. As for the pious Ralaina, I admit that
lowe her much gratitude for her troubles on my behalf, but I
do not think that I ought to repay my debt in this manner but
with my prayers and grateful thanks. I find it difficult to appear
for the purpose for which I have been invited. I shall not come,
of course. You must persuade Ralaina's pious and perfect good
sense to accept this, my absence that is, without complaining.
96
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη )
Ώς εοικεν, οϋπω μου κατέλαβες τό φρονουν' εγω γαρ

τολμώ καΙ λέγω, κατα τόν μέγαν Βασίλειον, 'Όϋτω σπου
δάζω μη φαίνεσθαι, ωσπερ οί σφόδρα σπουδάζοντες φαί
νεσθαι αυτό τουτο τό φαίνεσθαι. " τί ουν κοινόν τοιαύΤ1]
5 γνώμ1] καΙ τοις λαμπροις συλλόγοις; ει δε δια την του μα
καρίτου σου πατρός τουτο κελεύοις μνήμην, παρ' εμαυτφ
βέλτιον εγω τελέσω την τούτου μνήμην. περΙ δε τών ανε
ψιών σου, πάνυ μέν, οίμαι,αναγκαιον ουκ εστιν ελθεί'ν με,
χθες γαρ καΙ πρώην είδον αυτάς ει δέ τίς εστιν ανάγκη,
10 συ γέ μοι τουτο ουκ εγραψας. βέλτιον ουν, εί τις ανά [ΡοΙ.
253v]γκη πολλή, μετα τόν σύλλογόν με παραγενέσθαι 11
νυν αυτου γινομένου. απέστειλα δε αντ' εμαυτου τόν κυρ
Νήφωνα καΙ ανεκτόν εστω σοι.
2-4 Cf. Basil. Caes., Epist. 210, 1 (ed. Courtonne, 2, 189-190): Έπει εμοιγε
το παντελώς άγνοείσθαι πλέον έσπούδασται η τοις φιλοδόξοις το
διαφαίνεσθαι.
S 253r-253v
1 κη' smg 11 εοι κεν S
97
< Letter 20 )
It seems that you have not yet understood what I meant. For
I dare say, with Basil the Great, that "I avoid public appearances
as zealously as those who like public appearances seek these very
appearances." What does such an inclination have in common
with glittering gatherings? If it is for the memorial service of your
father that you command my appearance, I shall celebrate his
memory better by myself. As for your nieces, I do not think that
it is absolutely necessary for me to come because I saw them just
the other day. If there is an urgent reason, surely you did not
write to me about it. However, if there is a very urgent reason,
it is better that I come after, not now, during the gathering. I
sent Kyr Nephon in my place and you must bear with this.
98
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη - Πρώτη )
Τον επι τών μνημοσύνων εκπεφωνημένον κλαυθμον

περιττον ήγησάμην και ήσυχαζούσ1J ψυχij προς τόν Θεόν
ου προσήκοντα. τό πρός τόν άνθρωπον του παρακοιμω
μένου αντιστρόφως εγένετο· οτε γάρ σε ιδείν προση-
5 κεν αυτόν, ουκ είδες, οτε δε ουκ εδει, τότε είδες. ομως
τό παρελθόν ουκ ιάσιμον, και δια τουτο αφείσθω.
ΤΟ της δειλίας πάθος τεχνολογείν και την αιτίαν ζη
τείν αυτου νυν ουκ εϋκαιρόν μοι, συ δε πρόσεχε συντό
νως πώς σε παθών απαλλάΤΤ1J ό μόνος δυνάστης και λυ-
10 τρωτης τών κακών, και ακορέστως αυτόν αγάπα τε και
φοβου και μέχρι θανάτου τών αυτου προσταγμάτων εξέ
χου, και ουδεν ου μή σου κακόν της ψυχης κυριεύσ1J. αρ
χιοικοδόμος δε και Γρηγόριος, ώς αληθώς, μόνος εστιν
ό Θεός ούτος γάρ εστιν ό γρήγορος δια παντός οφθαλμός
15 και ακοίμητος και ακοιμήτως οικοδομών τας έαυτφ προ
σηκούσας και προσιούσας ψυχας και ναοποιών έαυτφ.
ον ζήτει μετα πόνου και πόθου και εργων διηνεκώς αγα
θών και εννοιών αμώμων, και οικοδομηθήσ1J ναός αυτφ
[Fol. 254r] ακατάλυτος ο και εμοι συνεύχου. οίδα
20 δε και αυτός οτι βιαστή εστιν ή σωτηρία, ητις εστιν ή βα
σιλεία τών ουρανών, και πολλών δεομένη καμάτων και
ξένης πολιτείας παρ' ην ειώθαμεν οί πολλοι πολιτεύεσθαι·
ής γένοιτο ήμας επιλαβέσθαι σφοδρώς, πασαν ανθρωπί
νην συνήθειαν και ζωην απωσαμένους επιμελέστατα.
25 Τό δε του 'Ααρων οϋτως εσται. ελθείν δέ με προσδό-
κα, ει και βιώσομεν, πρός τφ τέλει τών ήμερών της 'Από
κρεω, οτε μοι σύν σοι και αί ανεψιαί σου εντεύξονται,
ει βουλήσονται.
20-21 Cf. Matt. 11. 12-3; Macarius, Apophthegmata, 1 (ΡΟ 34. 233Α); Sy
meon Junior, Capita moralia, 138 (ΡΟ 120. 676Α)
S 253v-254r
1 καη: smg 11 τον μν.μοσύνων S 11 2 ψυχι1 S 11 3 τον Ssv 11 6 παρελθων S
11 9 άπαλλάττει S 11 12 σου Ssv
99
< Letter 21 )
I thought that < your ) loud weeping at the memorial ser

vice was unnecessary and unbecoming to a soul who is at peace
near God. What happened with the man of the parakoimomenos
happened in inverse order. When you should have seen him, you
did not see him; and when you should not have, then you saw
him. But there is no cure for the past, therefore let us forget it.
I have no time for a systematic analysis of the vice of coward
ice and an examination of its causes. But you must earnestly see to
it that the only conqueror and redeemer of evils free you of your
passions. Love Him insatiably and fear Him and cling to His com
mandments unto death and no evil will gain possession of your
soul. God alone is the truly "watchful" master builder. For He is
the eye that watches everything and does not go to sleep, and sleep
lessly edifies the souls that belong to Him and are attached to Him
and makes them His temples. Seek Him with zeal and longing,
and with works that are invariably good and with pure thoughts,
and you shall build of yourself an indestructible temple to Him.
Wish the same for me also. I, too, know that salvation-that
is the kingdom of Heaven-requires strenuous effort and great
pains and a different way of life from that which most of us are
wont to lead. May we succeed in attaining this < salvation ),
having thrust away most carefully every human habit and way
of life.
I agree about the matter of Aaron. Expect me to come, if
I am still alive, near the end of the season of the Apokreo. At
that time your nieces will talk to me, if they so wish, together
with you.
100
< Έπιστολη Εικοστη - Δευτέρα )
Ό Θεός συγχωρήσαι σοι. άπελθε εις τόν νεκρόν της

θείας σου, κερδανουσά τι ζωηρόν εκ του τijδε θανάτου,
δειλία δε πάσα απέστω σου της ψυχης, δτι της εναντίας
μοίρας εστί τό πάθος και του εχθρου εστι παρασπωντος
5 την σύννοιαν και την πληροφορίαν της ψυχης ην εχει πρός
τόν Θεόν. μηδε τόν του σώματος θάνατον υποσταλijς,
ό γαρ ευσεβης άνθρωπος ουκ αΠOθνιjσKει, αλλ' εις ζωην
μεταβαίνει από του αΠOθνιjσKειν, και ζωην την απέραν
τον. καίτοι ταυτα περιττα ην άρτι [Fο1.254v]λέγεσθαι πρός
10 σε και την σην ηδη από του χρόνου και της θείας πείρας
στερρότητα. εγω δέ, εί μοι εξείη, παρέσομαι πρός υμάς.
S 254r-254v
1 συγχωρήσαι S
101
( Letter 22 >
May God forgive you! Go to the funeral of your aunt and

derive a vital lesson from the death of the body. Let all fear go
away from your soul, for this passion is the work of the enemy
who wrests the soul away from meditation and the full assurance
that it has in God. Neither should you fear the death of the body,
for a pious person does not die but passes from death to life,
and life without end at that. It is unnecessary, indeed, to say these
things to you who have firm ( convictions > acquired through
long experience of God. As for me, I will come to you if possible.
Commentary
Letter 1
2-3 'tTtV AOytW'tU'tllV ... ypa<P1lv oo u : The director ' s

first letter which has not survived .
5-6 u�a8tav ... ypa��a'ttKil<;: This is not a banal ex

pression of modesty . Both the orthography and the
syntax of Eulogia' s letters confirm her complaint
that she had no literary training . For her mistakes
in spelling, see the apparatus to the text ; for the
peculiarities of her syntax , see the commentary
below . For some general remarks on her style, which
is a mixture of different lexical and stylistic levels ,
s ee my article , " Irene-Eulogia , " note 48 .
6-7 EK 'trov uv'tto'tOtXwv: Eulogia refers here to instances

of itacism which account for most of her mistakes
in spelling .
On the term uV'tto'totxa (corresponding) as used by

Byzantine grammarians to denote vowels , diph
thongs or words which are identical in sound but
differ orthographically , see for example , Theodore
Ptochoprodromos , KavcOv 1tEpi uv'tto'tOtXWV, ed .
A . P appadopoulos, " Notice et collation d ' un
manuscrit grec de la bibliotheque de Smyrne , con
tenant des lexiques grecs , " Annuaire de [' Associa
tion pour [' encouragement des etudes grecques en
France, 1 0 (1867) , 13 1 -34; and the short spelling ex
ercise by Maximos Planoudes , ed. M . Treu , "An
tistoichien , " BZ 5 ( 1 896) , 3 3 7-3 8 .
1 03
1 04 Princess Irene-Eulogia
21 - 23 8ux 'tun £lvco (JtV KUt 8ux 't() * * * EK(j)\)YOt<; Ytlla<; . . .

(JUV'tE'tllll IlEVOV : Although the meaning of this
passage is clear (you made your letter deliberately
brief out of humility and in order " to give me the
slip' ' ) , the text appears suspect . �ux 'to with infinitive
was common in biblical and Byzantine Greek (see
Jannaris , Grammar, 1 5 22) , and Eulogia uses this
final construction in Letter 3, lines 3 -4 (o<p8uAIlOU<;
8EAEtV ElVUt 'to nav 8tu 'to 'to ulnoD KUAAO<;
KU'tUVOEtv). It is, therefore, difficult to explain here
the substitution of the optative for the infinitiv e .
24 -25 E80�u(JuIlEV (JOt . . . 0XAEtV (JOt: T h e substitution

of the dative for the accusative reflects the author ' s
underlying uncertainty about the use of the dative
which had disappeared from colloquial speech since
the early Middle Ages . See Browning , Medieval and
Modern Greek, 3 7 . For another example , see Let
ter 1 5 , lines 14 and 16, where the verb 8 E�tO D(J8 ut
has first the dative and then the correct accusative .
26 a�tW tvu 1:8co: tvu with the subjunctive had ap

propriated the function of the prospective infinitive
since biblical Greek; see Jannaris , Grammar, 1 76 2.
26- 27 "("UAAU (JUYYPUIlIlU't U (Jou : For the director ' s other
writings , see commentary on Letter 1 2.
28- 29 unEp . .. ' A8uvu(Jiou (JUYYPUIlIlU: On Patriarch

Athanasios I of Constantinople, see Talbot , ed. The
Correspondence of Athanasius, xv-xxxi; eadem ,
" The Patriarch Athanasius ( 1 289- 1 293 ; 1 303- 1 309)
and the Church . " DOP, 27 (1973), 1 1 -28 ; and J. Boo
j amra , Church Reform in the Late Byzantine Em
pire (Thessalonike, 1 98 2) . For the known encomiasts
of Athanasios-the fourteenth century monks Theo
ktistos the Studite, Joseph Kalothetos and Ignatio s ,
a s well a s th e otherwise unknown Basil-and for the
reason that, with the exception of Ignatios, they can
not possibly be identified with Eulogia's director ,
Commentary 105
see my " Irene-Eulogia, " note 6 2, and my Additional

Note below . See also A . -M . Talbot, Faith Healing,
24- 25 and 1 48 - 5 2, where the author discusses the
hagiographers o f Athanasios and gives a complete
listing of Theoktisto s ' works . As for the director ' s
writings on Athanasios, all that we can say is that
they must have been r ather extensive, consisting o f
m o r e than a n encomium, since he refers to them as
AOYOL See Letter 2, lines 1 8- 1 9 ; and Letter 4, line 5 .
Letter 2
3 -7 uVD pi <Jo<pQ) . . . pU<JtAiDO<; \Vuxf\ <; : See Letter 10,
lines20- 21 , where the director calls Eulogia the most
educated of contemporary women .
14 cb <; E<p811V Etnwv : The reference i s t o the director ' s

first letter to Eulogia which h a s been lost.
17 "CEAEt(u8EV"CU<; . . . "CEAEC08EV"CU <; : Note the use of

both forms o f the verb : "CEAEtOCO - "CEAEOCO .
18 EXEt 0E<J<JuAoviKll : The Letters contain no other in
formation about the director's background, except that
he had come to the capital from Thessalonike, where
he had left the finished copies of his works on
Athanasios . However, the fact that these works were
found in their original version at the double monastery
of that patriarch in Constantinople, taken from the
author " at birth, " as he puts it, suggests that the direc
tor had lived in the capital before going to Thessaloni
ke (cf. Letter 4, lines 5-7) . It is even possible that he
was a monk at the monastery of Athanasios when he
was first inspired to write in his honor. For Laurent' s
view that Eulogia' s correspondent was a student of
Theoleptos and, therefore, another Philadelphian, see
commentary on Letter 9, lines 43-54.
20 OUDEV . . . E\VEU<JullllV: Another reference to the first
letter where the director must have mentioned his
works without adding any specific details about them.
Letter 3
1 -4 E1 TtPoYrrl81l 6 f\AtO<; . . . K U'tUVOf:tv : An alternative
interpretation of this passage would be to construe
'tou'to with 'to 1taV and translat e , " If they asked the
sun what part of the creation it would rather h ave
prevail on the rest , it would answer (if it could ut
ter a word) that it would like < our ) universe . . . "
15-16 ou8t 'tu U1tEO'tUAIl£VU EV 0EOOUAOviK1] : In Letter 2,

line1 8, the director wrote that the edited copies of
his works were in Thessalonike . Eulogia-who was
apparently unacquainted with his background
inferred from this statement that he had sent them
to Thessalonike, but he explains in the following let
ter (Letter 4, lines 6-8) that he had left them in that
city: KUt dolY oux, Otou<; EYW 'to\�)'tou<; IlE'tU 'tuu'tu
KU't£0't1l0U KUt uqrr; K u EV 'tij 0EOOUAOviK1].
I do not believe that Uq>tllllt is used in this passage
as a synonym for the usual1t£Il1tw or U1tOO't£AAW ,
a usage which I have not found in the dictionaries
or any other author. Furthermore, neither the con
struction of UQ)tllllt with a locative dative by the
learned director nor his use of the verbs UQ)tllllt and
1t£Il1tW w arrant the t r anslation , "I s ent to
Thessalonik e . " In Letter 1 4, line 24, the director
again uses UQ)tllllt in the sense of " to leave b ehind "
(uq>f:tVUt TtlV K£AAUV) , w hereas in Letter 4, line 3 ,
h e writes : E1tEIl\jlcl OOt nov o u K UA<DV AOyWV .
1 5- 1 6 't u U1tEO'tUAIl£VU EV 0EO OUAOviK1] : For the confu

sion of EV with d<; in biblical and medieval Gree k ,
s e e J annaris , Grammar, 1 565 .
1 9 -20 EVt 8uvu'tov : On the replacement of EO'tt by EVt (there

exists) since the early Middle Ages , see Browning ,
Medieval and Modern Greek, 66 .
25 8tu 'trlV nvwv u1l8tuv: A high-minded but austere as
cetic who took a firm line with the Church as he
sought to reform the morals of contemporary society,
Athanasios made many enemies and was forced to
Commentary 107
resign twice ; see Talbot , e d. ,

The Correspondence
ofAthanasius, xvii-xxv. Eulogia' s father was among
the officials whose extravagance or abuse of author
ity had aroused the wrath of the patriarch. In a let
ter to Andronikos I I , Athanasios lashed out at Nike
phoros Choumnos for seeking advantageous mat
ches for his children instead of seeking ''to be recon
ciled with God , for all that he has used his author
ity h armfully . " See The Correspondence of
Athanasius, no . 3 7 , lines 3 3 -3 6 .
3 2-3 3 '; �El<; 8 E. Kat Aiav ,;8uo8tv"CE<;: Note t h e breach o f

concord i n gender . Such confusion was not unusual
in Byzantine subliterary texts ; see Browning ,
Medieval and Modern Greek, 64 . For other ex
amples , see Letter 9, lines 1 2 and 65 ; Letter 1 1 line
6 . Even the learned Theoleptos was occasionally
careless about congruence when writing to Eulogia .
See , for example , h i s Address to Eulogia and the
nun Agathonike , Ottobonianus 405 , fol 21 0v :
'¥UAACOV , o nxoAoyrov Kat avaytVo) 0 KCOV, Btu�ou
OEau"CTtV Kat 1tEpt "CTtV nov f:V"COAroV "CTtPllotV Kat "CTtV
"CCOV a pE"CCOV 1toillOtV . . . tva ouvQ.8cov "C(9 Euay
YEAtO"Cij AtY1] <; . . . Note also the incorrect form
,;8uo8tv"CE<; for ';8uv8tv"CE<; .
3 4 -3 5 ou 8E. 8uI "Co �Tt BouAEo8ai Of: f:YKCO �tU�E08at: OE

is superfluous here, but such construction was not
uncommon in biblical and Byzantine Greek ; See Jan
nari s , Grammar, 2067-68 .
36 yuvij : For the inflection of YUVTt as a first declen

sion noun in medieval Greek , see J annaris , Gram
mar, 43 3 ,4b
37 i8tco"CiO O1] : This demotic form of i8tron<; i s not

found in the dictionaries , but such forms are attested
in Modern Greek for a number of feminines in -t<; .
For example, see Demetrakos, s.v .
f:Pyu"Ct<; (f:pyuno
oa), �aKapht<; (�aKapinooa) , 1tEAU"Cll <; (1tEAU"Ct<;-
Letter 4
3-5 E1tEIl\jJ(i OOt 'trov ou KUAroV AOYOOV . . . oG� IlUAtO'tU
E�rl'tEt� : This is a covering letter accompanying the
writer ' s works on Athanasios which Eulogia h ad
specifically requested ; See Letter 3 , line 23 .
5-6 EV 't Ot� IlOVUO'tllPiot� , A9uvuoiou : The double
monastery of Athanasios on the hill of Xerolophos
in Constantinople . Laurent refers to five monasteries
built by Athanasios in the capital ( " La direction
spirituelle , " 6 2, note 3), but D r . Alice-Mary Talbot
has kindly informed me that it would be more precise
to state that h e built one double monastery at Xe
rolophos (which included the Church of C hrist the
S avior where the relics of the patriarch were pre
served) and at least three other churches . The key
passage is to be found in Theoktistos ' B{or; Kat nOAl
Te{a TOr] tv aY{OIr; naTpOr; r,/.1WV �eavaa{ov, IlaTpl
apxo v KwvaTavTlvovnOAewr;, e d . A. P ap adopou
los-Kerameus , c c Zitija dvuh Vselenskih patriarhov
XIV v. , svv. Afanasija I i Isidora I, " Zapiski istori
ko- filologiceskago fakul' teta Imperatorskago S. -Pe
terburgskago Universiteta, 76 ( 1 905), 48 : . . E1td .
8E K Ut IlvllllOOUVOV 'tf\� EKElVOU IlEYUAO\jluXiu� E8Et

'tep J3iQ) KU'tUAEt<p9f\vut , 'ti IlfiAAOV E8Et f\ 'tou�
vuou� 'to\hou�, oG � 0Eep 'tE i\YEtPE KUt TtlltV, EPYU
Ilit otoo1tii� (i�tU, \jIUXrov <ppov'tto'trlptU, AtIlEVU� yu
AllVO'tU'tou�, 1tUpOOU� EV 'tl] VUK'tt 'toG J3iou ; rov 6
IlEV uivEt'tut 'tl] SOOO1tOtep Tptu8t, 6 8E 'tep EVt 'tf\�
Tptu80� LOO'tf\ Pt Xpto'tep , tVU KUt 'to tEPOV uU'toG
K U'tUKEt'tUt AEl\jlUVOV' 'tl] 8E 1t UVUXPuv'tQ) 'toG LOO
'tf\ po� Illl't pt 6 E'tEPO�, 't Ot� 8uot TU�tupXUt� 'trov
(ivoo 8uvuIlEOOV 6 AOt1tO�' Ot KUt 'to IlEoUi'tU'tov 'tf\�
J3 uOtAEUOUOll� EKAll PW O UV'to KUt KU'tEXOUOt.
Talbot believes that Laurent must have been mis
led by Theoktistos ' allusion to phrontisteria and she
Commentary 1 09
agrees with J anin that the references are all to chur

ches . For the Church of the Trinity see , J anin , La
geographie ecc/esiastique, 487 ; for the Church of
Christ the Savio r , part o f the monastic complex of
Xerolophos , see ibid . , 504 ; for the Church of the
Virgin , see ibid. , 21 5 ; and for the Church of the Tax
iarchs , see ibid . , 48 1 . Athanasios also established
a double monastery on the mountain of Ganos in
Thrace before he became a p atriarch ; see Theokti
stos, BioC;, ed. cit . , 1 7 . The director' s works in honor
of Athanasios were undoubtedly kept at Xerolophos
because that double monastery was the center of the
posthumous cult of the patriarch in Constantino
ple; see Talbot , Faith Healing, 29 .
6-8 Kai dCHY oux, OtOUe; EYcb TOlJ-TOUe; !lETa T aUT a Ka
TEC:Hll<Ja Kat uqrii K a EY Tij 0E<J <JaAoviK1] : See com
mentary on Letter 3 , lines 1 5- 1 6 .
Letter 5
5-14 Ti yap . . . EYTuyx,aYOVTWY: Eulogia was fond o f rhe
torical questions , a device she probably copied from
her favorite ecclesiastical orator, Gregory of Nazian
zos . For some other examples , see Letter 7, lines 1 -3
and Letter 1 3 lines 1 -7 ; 1 1 - 1 4 ; 20-28 ; 3 3-3 5 ; 4 1 -46 ;
7 -8 1tE1tat8EU!lEYOY Tile; 1tat8EU<JEWe; : Note the punning

assonance. Other examples occur on line 8 (u1t at-
8EUTWe; 1tat8EUEte;) -although in this instance
Eulogia copies Gregory of Nazianzos-and on lines
24- 25 (11 1t O AAit <J ou EU1t o pia U 1t 0 P EtV !lE
1tE1toill KEV) .
1 4- 21 8t8a<JKO!lE8a . . . <JuvEj3ij3a<JEv: The reference is not
to a treatise on peace , as assumed by Laurent ( " La
direction spirituelle , " 63 -64) but to the director ' s en
comium of P atriarch Athanasios which was written
against that prelate' s detractors (Letter 4, line 1 3) .
This is the work which Eulogia had demanded and
received (Letter 3 , lines 23 -24 ; Letter 4, lines 3 -6) ,

and her remark regarding the benefit of those against
whom the discourse was written, further indicates
that she had read the encomium. I believe, therefore,
that she is here commenting on certain passages from
this work which she must have found particularly
interesting , such as the author ' s explication of the
meaning of forbearance and of divine and human
peace . It must b e noted that a disquisition on divine
and human peace is not found in any of the surviv
ing works on Athanasios , and this is further evidence
that Eulogia' s director cannot be identified with
either Theoktistos or Joseph Kalothetos . See Theo
ktistos , Bloe;, ed . A. P ap adopoulos Kerameus as in
commentary on Letter 4, lines 5 -6) , 1 -5 1 ; idem , 'Ey
KW/lIOV de; rov aYlov 'A8avaalov, cod. Const.
Chalco mon. 64 (Istanbul, Patriarchate Library, col
lection Qf the monastery of the H oly Trinity on
Chalke, nunc 57, olim 64) , fols . 1 07r- 1 3 3 r ; idem ,
Aoyoe; de; rr,v aVaKO/ll()r,V rou 8V aYlOle; narpoe;
r,/-ujjv 'A8avaalOV narplapxo v KwvaravTlvovno
AeWe;, e d . A-M . Talbot , Faith Healing, 44- 1 22;
Joseph Kalothetos , Bloe; Kai nOAlrela rou 8V aYlOle;
narpoe; r,/lWV apX1eniaKono v KwvaravTlvovno
AeWe; 'A8avaalov, ed . D . Tsames , Syngrammata,
45 3 -502 .
17 fly aqrllK E 'tou<; �aell't<i<;: For the replacement of the

dative proper by the accusative in Byzantine popular
compositions, see Jannaris ,Grammar, 1 349 and
Browning, Medieval and Modern Greek, 37. For other
examples, see line 43 of this letter; Letter 7, lines 23-24;
Letter 1 3 , lines 4 and 8; Letter 1 5 , lines 1 8- 1 9 .
27-28 a�EA:fl(Ja(Jay . . . OUK avf\Ka : Note the anacoluthon.

Another such example in Letter 1 5 , lines 55-57.
3 9-42 <pU(JIKE <plAO(J O<pE . . . 1tEyeEpE : Andronikos I I is

described by his encomiasts as a born philosopher ,
Commentary 1 11
the ideal ruler as envisaged by Plato . See the address

which Gregoras dedicated to the emperor ' s love o f
and conformity with t h e tenets of Platonism, ed . P .
A. Leone, " Nicephori Gregorae a d imperatorem An
dronicum II Palaeologum orationes , " Byzantion, 41
(1971) , 503 -10 . See also Nikephoros Choumnos ,
Enkomion, ed. Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 2 , 4
and 3 6-37 ; Gregory of Cyprus , Enkomion, ed .
Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 1 , 3 86 ; 3 87 -8 8 ; and
Gregoras ' funeral oration of Andronikos II, in which
the learning and piety of the deceased are extolled
(Hist. 10 , 1: 1 , 471) .
41 auSEV'tTl : Eulogia uses the vocative common in col

loquial speech , instead of the purist aUSEV't a .
42 (Jo<pcO't"an: nu't"Ep : O n Nikephoros Choumnos a s a

man of letters , see Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos,
63 -192 .
44 E�TllltcOSTl't"E: Eulogia' s correspondent obviously ar

rived in the capital after the death of both her father
and father-in-law . Choumnos died as the monk
Nathaniel on 16 January 132 7 , according to a note
on fo1 . Iv of cod. Ambrosianus C 71, published by
A. M artini D. Bassi in Catalogus codicum
-
graecorun Bibliothecae Ambrosianae (Milan, 1906) ,

1 , 201. See Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos, 62, note
10. For Laurent ' s persuasive argument that Choum
nos died in the men ' s section of Eulogia's double
monastery, and not at the monastery which he had
founde d, see Laurent , " Une fondation monasti
que , " 42-44. Andronikos II also ended his life as
a monk , taking the name Anthony . H e died at the
convent of Lips in Constantinople, in February 13 3 2 .
S e e P . Schreiner ,
Die byzantinischen Kleinchro
niken, I-III [ = Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzan
tinae , XII, 1-3] (Vienna, 1975 -79) , Chronicle 8, 26a,
v. 1 , p. 7 9 .
Letter 6
10-14 OUK dill 'IOU 1ta'!po� EKElVOO . . . U1tiJyaYE�: The

reference is not to Theoleptos of P hiladelphia, as
Laurent thought ("La direction spirituelle, " 72-73),
but to John Kolobos, one of the Desert Fathers. See
'Anocp8iY/1ara ayfwv ycp6vrwv, PO 65. 213 D-16A .
Letter 7
2-3 il o'!0Ilw8iJoE'!al oi81l po� liVEO 1tOpO� K at u8a'!0� :

See Theoleptos ' second letter t o Eulogia i n Ottobo
nianus Gr. 405, fol . 236r : OU'!E Iluxalpa 8ixa 1tOpO�
Kat u8a'!0� o'!ollou'!al, OU'!E liv8 pa� 1tE1tOPWIl£VO�
AaP180� EK'!O� oov£XE'!al .
15 -16 'IOU 8aollao'!ou uv8 pc01too : The reference is to
Nikephor os Choumnos ; See Letter 8, lines 26-29,
where her correspondent tells Eulogia that he read
and admired her father ' s discourses .
17-18 811tA11V '!llv cOq>£AElav: Eulogia does not fail to men

tion the literary value of her father ' s works. An ad
vocate of clarity and simplicity in writing, Choum
nos was the author of two essays on style . See IIEpt
AOYWV KpioEW� Kat Epyaoia�, '!iVl '!ou'!wv E1:8El Kat
01tW� 1t PO OEK'!£OV K at '!ivo� Uq>EK'!£OV , ed .
Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 3, 3 5 6-64 ; and IIpo�
'!ou� 8ooXEpaivov'!a� E1tt '!ol� EA£YX01� '!rov
u o aq>ro� Kat KaKo'!£xvW� Pll'!OPEOOV'!WV Kat
'!uvav'!ia IIAU'!WVl Kat '!Ol� al>'!Q) 80KOU01V uo'!po
VOllouv'!a�, ed . Boissonade, ed . cit . 3 65 -9 1 . On
Choumnos' literary feud with the p olymath Theo
dore Metochites, which prompted him to write these
essays, see I. S evcenko, Etudes sur fa potemique en
tre Theodore Metochite et Nicephore Choumnos. La
vie intellectuelle et politique a Byzance sous fes
premiers Pateofogues (Brussels, 1962) .
17 EOll1lU8Eooa : A demotic word meaning "to mark . "
21-22 810. 'IOU llovaX1Kou uvaYEvviJoav'!o� IlE oxiJlla'!o�:
Commentary 113
Theoleptos the Metropolitan of P hiladelphia (ca.

1 283-ca. 1 322) . See the superscription of his first let
ter to Eulogia , which states that he tonsured the
princess with his own hands (ed . Salaville, " Une let
tre et un discours inedits , " 1 05 ) . On Theoleptos , in
general , see the biographical sketch in PLP (Vien
na, 1 980) , fasc. 4, no . 7509 . On his association with
the Choumnos family, see V . Laurent , " Une prin
cesse byzantine au cloitre , " 45-58 and I . S evcenko ,
" Le sens et la date du traite ' Anepigraphos ' de
Nicephore Choumnos , " Bulletin de la Classe des
Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Acade
mie Royale de Belgique, 5th ser . , 3 5 ( 1 949) , 473-78 .
On his role as Eulogia's spiritual adviser , see the
following articles by S. S alaville , " Formes ou
methodes de pri ere" ; " La vie monastique grecque
au debut du XIVe siecle d' apres un discours inedit
de Theolepte de Philadelphie , " REB, 2 ( 1 944) ,
1 1 9-25; " Une lettre et un discours inedits " ; " Un
directeur spirituel a Byzance au debut du XIVe si e
cle , Theolepte de P hiladelphie . H omelie inedite sur
Noel et la vie religieuse , "
Melanges J. de Ghellinck,
II (Museum Lessianum, sect . hist . , 14, 1 95 1) 877-87 .
See also Hero, " Irene-Eulogia, " 1 2 1 -30. For the date
of Theoleptos ' death , see Kourouses, Manuel
Gabalas, 3 3 5 -3 9 .
22-23 B y . . . U1tE'tUYllY: For other examples of t h e u s e o f
the accusative instead of the dative , see commen
tary on Letter 5 , line 1 7 .
24-26 <J'tEPll <JtY . . . 68uYll ProC; sro : On Eulogia's attach
ment to Theoleptos and her grief over his death , see
her father' s eulogy of Theoleptos , ed . , Boissonade ,
Anecdota Graeca, 5 , 1 84, lines 6- 10; 1 85 , lines 23-25 .
See also Manuel Gabalas' consolatory address to the
princess on the occasion of her spiritual father ' s
death, e d . Previale, "Due monodie, " 28 , lines 1 5-22.
Gabalas , reminded Eulogia that she was no stranger
to death and bereavement , having lost at such a

tender age her young and beloved husband (cf. ibid . ,
lines 26-31). Indeed we know from her own father
that the young widow was so afflicted by that loss
that Choumnos wrote to her begging her to control
her sorrow as a favor to him and her mother and
brothers . See IIpoe; 'tllV Eau'tou 8uya'tEpa BaoiAtO
oav, bti 't4> nu8f:t 'tlie; Xll pEiae;, aU'tli e; El;Kat8EKa
'tov uYOUoll e; Xp6vov , ed . Boissonad e , Anecdota
Graeca, 1, 299. Despite the advice of her mentors
and her own vocation, Eulogia found it hard to ac
cept death with equanimity. Her weeping at a
memorial service for her father, several years after
his death , drew a reprimand from her new spiritual
adviser who found her conduct unbecoming to a
nun ; see Letter 21, lines 1-2.
31-32 unal; 'tou �llVOe; . . . uQnl;w : Reluctant to leave his

solitude , the director obj ected to Eulogia' s request
for monthly visits and offered instead to advise her
by correspondence (Letter 8, lines 39-53). He did not ,
however, exclude the possibility of visiting her in per
son (Letter 8, 53-54), and eventually, yielding to her
emotional appeals (Letter 9, 29-81), he went to her
convent (Letter 13, lines 60-61). But their first two
meetings reawakened his scruples and he wrote that
he could not leave his cell more than three or four
times a year without endangering his own spiritual
salvation (Letter 14, lines 1-34). Crying that her hap
piness had lasted only for a month and a half, the
despondent princess begged him to meet her halfway
by agreeing to visit her every other month (Letter
15, lines 20-55), and he reluctantly bowed to her
wishes (Letter 16, lines 41-43). It must b e noted that
as anxious as the abbess was to meet and converse
with her director , she never offered to visit him
herself, although this would not have been absolutely
impossible for a nun of her exalted rank . Laurent
Commentary 115
cites the example of an unidentified nun of noble birth

who was allowed to leave the cloister and visit her
mentor-an early fifteenth (?) century metropolitan
of Chalcedon-for the purpose of receiving instruc
tion. See Laurent, " La direction spirituelle des grandes
dames a Byzance . La correspondance inedite d' un
metropolite de Chalcedoine , " REB, 8 (1950) 71-73 .
32 EXOU -rllv aqn�lV : Note the incorrect use of the mid

dle instead of the active form . For such usage , see
Jannaris , Grammar, 1 486 .
40-41 apKOUIlUt de; OOOV: apKOUIlUt takes the dative, but
Eulogia prefers the prepositional construction
reflecting the living speech . For other examples , see
Letter 9, lines 5, 6 and 7 5 .
41 1tAEOV ou XP1]�O) : Verbs denoting need took the ac
cusative instead of the genitive in Byzantine ver
nacular ; See Jannaris , Grammar, 1319 . For another
example , cf. line 45 of this letter .
42-44 KallOl EVE1tlo-rEuoEv 6 0EOe; . . . 1tOAAOO'tTlIl OptOV:

After the death of her husband , Eulogia spent part
of her considerable fortune on the relief of the poor
and the redemption of prisoners , and the rest she
used for the restoration of the convent of P hilan
thropos Soter , which she completely and luxuriously
rebuilt , sparing no expenses . See Gregoras , Hist. ,
29, 22: 3, 238; and Theodore Hyrtakenos, Movcp8iu
E1tl -rep 1tEpt1t08i}-rcp . . . KUPep NtKll<PO PCP XOUIlVcp ,
ed. Boissonade , Anecdota Graeca, 1, 287 . Although
she says here that only a small fraction of her wealth
was left , and in another letter she claims that her
fortune was not sufficient for the maintenance of
a royal household (Letter 15 , lines 70-71) , Eulogia
was still a wealthy woman . As late as 13 5 5 she still
owned the village of Tholos , near Zichna-in the
theme of Serres and Strymon in Macedonia-which
she partly sold and partly donated to the monks of
the monastery of Saint John P rodromos on Mount

Menoikion. See A. Guillou, Les Archives de Saint
lean- Prodrome sur Ie Mont Menecee (Paris , 1 955),
no . 46, 1 42- 44.
45 OtKOVOIlWIlEV : For the ascendancy of the -uw over

the-EW contraction in the spoken language , see Jan
naris , Grammar, 85 4-5 5 .
48 UIlEATtOUtIlEV : Here Eulogia improperly substitutes

aorist optative for future indicative .
Letter 8
26-27 'tu<; un09EOEt<; 'twv AOYWV . . . E9uU Il UO U : Since
Eulogia speaks of their spiritual interest (cf. Letter
7, line 1 8) , the discourses in question may have been
Choumnos ' religious works , most of which were ad
dressed to Theoleptos . On these works , see
Verpeaux, Nicephore Choumnos, 1 8 and 1 46 .
3 4-36 t8civ K Ut 'toG 9 U'tEPOU nu'tpo<;, a 1111 IlEYUAU . . .
ElVUt OUK dKO<;, ooG 9uUIlU�OU01l <; 'tuG't u : The
reference is to the writings of Theoleptos of P hila
delphia, with which the director was obviously unac
quainted . This is further proof that he was not a
disciple of the metropolitan, as Laurent thought; see
commentary on Letter 9, lines 43 -5 4.
39-5 4 nEpt 88 'til<; OlltAiu<; . . . nOtTtoOIlEV : See commen
tary on Letter 7, lines 3 1 -32.
43 qnAOlltAoV : This word is n o t found i n t h e dic
tionaries . It is used here in contrast t o qnATt oux,oV
(fond o f peace/quietude/solitude) and undoubted
ly means " s ocial , " " gregarious . "
48-49 EX,Et<; E1ttO'tEAAEtV . . . nUt8EUoEcO<; 'tE KUt x,upt'to<;:

For other compliments to his correspondent ' s learn
ing, see Letter 2, lines 3-5 ; and Letter 10, lines 20-2 1 .
50-52 � u8i�EtV . . . 8tu IlE01l <; 'til<; nOAEw<; : As Laurent
observes ("La direction spirituelle , " 57 note 1 ) , the
Commentary 117
director may be here referring to the center of the

City-the area from the Forum o f Constantine to
the Palace and the cathedral of S aint S ophia, near
which Eulogia' s monastery was situated-or alluding
to the necessity of crossing the City' s central
thoroughfare , the so-called " Mese . " This main
artery led from the imperial palace to the Forum o f
Constantine , a t which point i t divided into two
avenues-one heading westward to the Golden Gate,
and the other northward to the church of the Holy
Apostles and the Gate of Adrianople . See R. lanin,
Constantinople byzantine (Pari s , 1964) , 88. For the
location of Eulogia' s monastery , see lanin, La
geographie ecc/esiastique, 541-42 .
5 5- 5 8 DEpt 'tiic; <J(O�anKiic; XPEiac; . . . E1rTtV'tA£lC;: See Let
ter 1 0 , lines 1 - 1 6 , where he again thanks the princess
for attending to his material needs so generously .
Letter 9
1-2 opQ. . . . on(Oc; OUK t<JXUE1 : Eulogia probably thought

that on(Oc; was more stylish than n& c; which had
become the common declarative conj unction after
verbs of seeing and hearing; see Jannaris , Grammar,
App . 6 , 13 and 14 .
4-6 EYKcb�la et c; <JE . . . 8TtYE<J8ai <J£ dC; ap£'tTtv . . .

etc; nvac; yivE'tat: For other examples of preposi
tional construction , see commentary on Letter 7 ,
lines 40-41 .
1 1-12 �,,8EV . . . t<Jxu<Jac;: Here we expect a genitive ab

solute, but Eulogia uses the nominative and , as in
other instances , she fails to observe the required
agreement between the participle and its subj ect .
13 -16 cO<Jn£p UlOV QHAonu'topa, d Kat �upiouc; <piAouC; E

X£1V <Ju�Piival . . . OUK E�i<J'ta'tal 'tii c; n poc; 'tOY na
'tEpa au'to\) 81a8E<J£(o C; : Note the lack of syntactical
agreement between the clauses and especially the use

of the infinitive instead of the finite mood of the
verb in the conditional sentence . In the latter case
we should perhaps postulate a scribal error and read
OUj..L�ij(?), s eeing that such a blatant breach of the
rules o f syntax does not appear anywhere else in
Eulogia' s letter s .
1 9-20 ou'tCt) K Ut Ot unoo'toAOt, OU'tffi K Ut Ot K U't U OE

80GAOt uU'toG : Laurent thought that this phrase was
an allusion to the director 's followers and concluded
that he was the leader of a group of hesychasts ; see
" La direction spirituelle , " 58 note 1 . In this case ,
however, KU'tU OE means " like you . " Eulogia likens
her correspondent to the Apostles and the other true
s ervants of God whom no temptation can separate
from God .
24 (iytOV EKUVOV n u'tEp u : The Desert Father , John

Kolobos ; cf. Letter6, lines 1 0- 1 4 .
40 unoAAouo U : o n the verb unoAAffi , a post classical
form of UnOAAUj..Lt , see Jannaris Grammar, 775 . The
learned Theoleptos also writes unoAAouoU . See his
first letter to Eulogia in Ottobonianus 405 , fo!' 232r :
't o j..L EV Ku'top9ffi9EV K UAOV unoAAouo U 8tu 'tii �
Olit oEffi� . . .
43 -54 tvu 'tt . . . Ttoox,uoov: Laurent ' s conclusion that the
director was a student of the metropolitan of
Philadelphia is based on his assumption that Eulogia
is here apostrophizing her correspondent (' ' La direc
tion spirituelle , " 55 and note 6) . However , a careful
reading of this paragraph leaves no doubt that the
disobedient student was Eulogia herself and not the
director , who was not even familiar with the writings
of Theoleptos (cf. Letter 8 , lines 34-36) .
43 -44 tVU 't t KUt o u OUK ElOEPX,1J K Ut 'tou� npo� 0EOV 'tPE
X,OV'tU� KffiAOEt� : I am indebted t o Professor
S evcenko for pointing out to me that this is a para-
Commentary 119
phrase of Matt . 23 . 13 -15 : Ouui b8111ltY, ypull llu

'tEte; Kui <l>upta UtOt l>1tOK pnui, on KAElE'tE 't1lY � u
atAElUY nov OUPUyroy £1l1t pOa8EY 'troY ay8 pc01twy'
Ullde; yap OUK daEPXEa8E , OUb8 'toue; daEPx o llE
VOl)e; a<piE'tE daEA8dv .
46-47 Kui ya p me; OUb8 'to. 'trov aAAWY 1t U'tEPWV f:<pUAU
�ue;: In addition to a resident priest, female monastic
communities were required to have a confessor who
visited the convent regularly to hear the confession
of the nuns and advise them on spiritual matters .
He had to be a monk (see the typikon of the con
vent of Lips in Constantinople , founded by empress
Theodora, the wife of Michael VIII Palaiologos , ed .
Delehaye, " Deux typika, " 1 1 2) or both a monk and
a eunuch ; see the typikon of Irene Doukas , the wife
of Alexios I , for the convent of the Theotokos Ke
charitomene� ed . Miklosich-Miiller , 5 , 346. Eulogi
a, therefore, must have had other spiritual advisers
after the death of Theoleptos , but she claimed that
only he and her current director truly inspired her .
See Letter 15 , lines 93 -97 .
48 1tu'tpoe; Kui bEa1t6'tol) : Theoleptos of Philadelphia.

58 f:1ttIlEAdaut: On the -Ea Ut form of the second per
son singular of medio-passive verb s , common in
modern Greek but present since the Hellenistic
period, see J annaris , Grammar� 773 . For other ex
amples , see Letter 1 5 , line 5 9 ; and Theoleptos ' let
ter to Eulogia, e d . Salaville , " Une lettre et un
discours inedits , " 1 06 and note 1 .
60-68 Kui £111 bta 1tUv'toe; 11 aYU1t11 . . . 8Eiol) <pw't6e;: Intel

lectual purification as a prerequisite for the attain
ment of contemplation and divine illumination is a
common theme of ascetic and mystical literature .
See , for example , Saint Basil , 'AaKI1TIKai l5zaTa�clC;,
flpOO[/.110V, PG 3 1 . 1324C - 1 325A; Evagrios , KcqJa
Aala npaKTIKa, 7 1 , P G 40 . 1244A-B ; Makarios ,
Il8pi 8A8vB8piac; vo6C;, 21-25 , PG 3 4 . 956A-957D ;

John of the Ladder , KAfl1a�, 28 , schol . 22 , PG 8 8 .
1145B-C ; 29 , P G 8 8 . 1148B-C; Maximos the Con
fessor K8qJuAala n8pi dyun'1C;, 2 , 61, PG 90 . 1004C;
Gregory Palamas , IlpoC; Eiv'1 v PG 150.1080C-81A.
See also Meyendorff, " Le theme du 'retour en soi '
dans la doctrine palamite du XIVe siecle , " Revue
d' histoire des religions, 145 , 2 (1954) , 18 8 -206 ;
reprinted inByzantine Hesychasm (London 1974) ,
Study 12 . Theoleptos-who initiated P alamas
himself to the hesychast method of prayer (cf. Philo
theos , Encomium, PG 151. 561A)- must have ac
quainted Eulogia with the hesychast tradition and
the doctrine of the pure prayer . The Ottobonianus
405-which in all probability was the property o f
t h e princess (cf. commentary on Letter 12 , lines
15-18)-contains , among other works of Theoleptos ,
a discourse on vigilance and prayer and a short ex
position on the ascetic life, whose preface shows that
it was written specifically for Eulogia. See Salaville,
" Formes ou methodes de priere , " 1-4 .
62-67 Tl VOEPU dpTtvll , dpllvEucHlvn.ov JlEV 'trov DUO nu-

81l'tlKroV JlEProv 'tii� \jJu'X,ii� KUt uno'tuYEv'tWV 'tQ) AO
yey , 'trov DE 'tECHJUpWV uta8Ttc}f:wv . . . uno'tuYEv'tWV
'tQ) vQ) , 'tOU DE YOU uu8t� uno'tuYEv'tO� 'tQ) Xpta'tQ),
Jl1l n pu't'tEtV, UAAU nua'X,EtV , Jlll D ' £VEPYEtV , UAA'
£vE PYEta8ut: Another example of the author ' s pre
dilection for assonantal devices .
62-63 'trov DUO n U81l'ttKrov JlE ProV 'tii � \jJu'X,ii � : The ap
petitive part and the passionate part of the soul. See
Plato , R epublic 439d-e; Aristotle, De anima, 432a
25 . Adopted by the fathers of the church , Plato ' s
tripartite division of the soul i s another topos in
patristic and ascetic writings . See for example, Greg
ory of Nyssa, Enl aroA Yt KavovlKYt npoc; AtirolOv,
'
PG 45 . 224 A; Evagrios K8qJuAaza npaKrlKa 61, PG

40 . 123 6 A-C ; Maximos the C onfessor , K8qJuAala
Commentary 121
nspi dyanIJ<; 3 , 2 0 , P O 90. 1 02 1 B-C; John

Damascene IIspi rwv oKrw r�<; novIJpfa<; nvsvf.1a
rwv, PO 95 . 92B - D ; Niketas Stethatos , 'EKarov
ra<;, 1 , 1 5 , PO 1 20 . 8 57 C .
64-65 rwv () s rsaaapwv ala8tjaswv avr�<; r�<; If/VX�<; vno
rayevrwv rep vep: Ascetic and spiritual writers
distinguish between the senses of the body and the
rational senses or senses of the soul . The latter , also
known as powers (8UVUJlEl<;) , are : 8lUVOlU, vou<; ,
8o�u, <puV'ruoiu , uto811ol<; (understanding, reason,
opinion , imagination and sense). See , for example ,
Makarios of Egypt, '0f.1lA[a 4, 7, PO 3 4 . 477B ; John
Damascene , IIspi rwv oKrw r�<; novIJP[a<; nvsvf.1a
rwv, PO 95 . 8 5B-D ; Theodore the Studite, 'Enlaro

Ar, 3 6 , PO 9 9 . 1 220B-C; Niketas Stethatos , 'EKa
rovra<; 1 , 1 0 , PO 1 20 . 8 5 6 C ; Theophylact o f
Bulgaria, 'EPf.1IJvsfa si<; ro Kara AOVKUV svayyeAlOv,
1 4 , PO 1 23 . 9 3 7A . See also the following excerpt
from the letter which Theoleptos wrote to Eulogia
shortly before she entered the cloister , ed . Salaville,
" Une lettre et un discours inedits , " 1 06 : "01'UV yap
1'0.<; Ut08i)oEl<; 1'OU ocOJlU1'o<; 1'oi<; 1'IDV EV1'OAIDV
ro pui�'IJ<; 1'POrtOl<; , 1'llV 8E YAIDOO UV 1'oi<; 8Eiol<; u
JlVOl<; K U1'uo<puAi�'IJ<;, 1'0.<; 8E 8UVUJlEl<; 1'11 <; 'VUX11 <;
1' ij rtt>KV01'l11'l 1' 11 <; rt pOOEt>X11 <; K U1'UOEJlVUV'IJ<; ,
EuqmID<; 1'01'E AEYEl<;· "JlVllo8i)ooJlul 1'OU 6voJlu1'o<;
o ot> EV rtuo'IJ YEVEQ. KUt YEVEQ.." (Ps 44[45 ] . 1 8) . I
do not know , however , to which of these five senses
Eulogia is referring when she speaks of the " four
s enses of the soul" which must submit to the mind .
64-65 Ut08i)oEWV . . . Urt01' UYEV1'WV: Note again the

breach of concord in gender .
84- 8 5 6 rtEPlortUOJl0<; 1'11 <; EOP1'11<; 1'OU LW1'11PO<;: The refe

rence is to the Feast of the Transfiguration of the
Savio r , celebrated on 6 August and often called
simply the " feast of the Savior . " See N. Louvaris ,
MsyaAIJ 'EAAIJV1Kr, 'EYKvKAOnal()sfa (Athens:
Pyrsos , 1 933), vol . 22, 728 ; E . Theodorou, epll

aKeVTZKr, Kai 'H8zKr, 'EYKvKAonazJe[a (Athens ,
1 966) , 8 , 1 053-54. Since Eulogia' s convent was de
dicated to Christ the Savior , this was a very impor
tant holiday , and she was not merely pretending
when she claimed to be busy . It was the custom to
celebrate the feast of the patron saint of the
monastery with a special liturgy and distribution of
alms and food to the poor . Irene D oukas included
in her foundation charter a special clause regarding
the celebr ation of the Feast of the Dormition of the
Holy Virgin after whom she had named her convent .
The instructions of the empress ranged from the type
of candles to be used for the illumination of the
church on that festive day , to the menu for the nuns
and the exact amount of bread and money to be
distributed to the poor who were expected to gather
at the convent ' s gat e .
See Miklosich-Miiller 5 ,
369-70. Theodora Synadena, a niece of Michael VIII
Palaiologos and founder of another convent de
dicated to the Holy Virgin (eeoT6KO� Ti7� Bepa[a�
'EAn[Jo�), left similar instructions for the celebra
tion of the Feast of the D ormitio n ; see D elehaye,
" D eux typica, " 79. For another example , see the
typikon of the convent of Lips (Delehaye , " Deux
typica, " 1 26-27) , where Theodora Palaiologina
specified how the feasts of the patron s aints were
to b e celebrated .
86-87 Ecn-EtAa OE K at x,ap"Cia K at "Co YPU\jlt�ov : A word

of the demotic, YPu\jIt�ov/ypa\jli�a"Cov meant either
the copying of a manuscript or the fee charged by
the copyist; see B. Atsalos , La terminologie du livre
manuscrit a I' epoque byzantine (Thessalonike ,
1 97 1 ) , 1 86-89 . Evidently there was n o scribe among
Eulogi a ' s nuns , for she did not o ffer to have her
director ' s works copied at her convent.
92-93 1tuv"Ca <p6� ov a1tE(JEt(JU�llV : This is not a misquota-

Commentary 123
tion but a deliberate p araphrase of Gregory of Na

zianzos (cf. critical apparatus , Testimonia) . Judg
ing from her director' s counseling , Eulogia was par
ticularly afraid of death . See Letter 2 1 , lines 1 -2, 7-8 ;
Letter 22 .
Letter 10
1 7- 1 8 a D E ft�lv EYPU<PE� . . . EKKuAun'tEtv : See Letter 9,
lines 1 -3 .
20-2 1 'tD YUVUtKroV un uarov . . . EUnUtDdg K pu'toUa1] :
For similar compliments to Eulogia ' s learning by
Manuel Gabalas , Gregory Akindynos and Nike
phoros Gregoras , see my article , " Irene-Eulogia, "
notes 1 , 68 and 69 .
21 EUn UtDdg : EUn UtDdu-a word not attested in the
dictionaries-is used here in the sense of EUn UtDEU
alu : " good education , " " culture , " " scholarship . "
See Liddell-Scott , Greek-English Lexicon, s . v .
Eun u tDEU alu .
37-3 8 d DuaXEpulVEt� avuytVcOa Kouau Dtet 'to KU KoXa
puyov , Ev8u�oG 'tet aEuu'tf1� : KUKoxa puyo� is not
found in the dictionaries , but it must have the same
meaning as KUKoxapuK'to�, i. e. "badly engraved/
drawn . " See Demetrakos Lexikon, 3 554. Although
her correspondent warned Eulogia that she was not
in a position to complain because her own hand
writing was equally bad , she did not refrain from
playfully describing her ordeal in trying to decipher
his illegible hand . See Letter 1 3 , lines 48-54 .
40-42 �t�AlCOV, Ot�Ut, acopov . . . EAAllVtKroV 'tE KUt 8ElCOV:
In his correspondence with the Protobestiarissa
Theodora Raoulaina , Choumnos complained that
he lacked the necessary books for his literary studies ,
and begged this learned niece of Michael VIII to
alleviate his disgraceful indigence by lending him the
books that he needed . See Choumnos , Letter 77 , ed .
Boissonade , Anecdota Nova, 93-94 . Verpeaux

(Nicephore Choumnos, 54) rightly points out that in
this instance Choumnos was exaggerating, for despite
the allegedly modest size of his library , he was able
to lend the Protobestiarissa a manuscript-albeit an
inferior copy and the only one he possessed-con
taining , among other works of Aristotle, the Mete
orologica and the commentaries on the letter by
Alexander of Aphrodisias. See Choumnos , Letter
76, Anecdota Nova, 9 1 . His two letters to Raoulaina
were written before her death on 6 December 1 300
(on this date , see Fassoulakis , R aoul R al(l)es, no .
1 1 , p . 27) , therefore they antedate his retirement
from public office . It was after the ascendancy of
Theodore Metochites , his political and literary rival ,
that Choumnos devoted himself to scholarly pur
suits and h e must have then enriched his library,
which was inherited by his scholarly daughter in
whose double monastery he spent his last days .
3 7-50 'til yp<i��a'ta . . . 1tE�<peit't(Oo<iv �Ot : This p art of

the letter formed a postscript . It is marked o ff by
crosses indicating the beginning and end of each letter
in the M S , but it is not numbered as a separate let
ter nor does the context warrant such an assumption.
49-50 MWo atK<l . . . Kat 'to 'tE't pa�aoi"-EtOV : The P enta

teuch and the four books of Kings .
Letter 1 2
1 -4 'to 1t apov �t�,,-iov EXEt ,,-oyou� U1tEP 'trov "-0-

ywv . . . ll�E"-llv'tat: This treatise in defense of
" outer" learning and against its detractors obviously
had not circulated , since it was still in draft form .
Written while the author was still a layman, it was
the earliest of his known works and it had certainly
nothing to do with the later dispute between P ala
mas and Barlaam ( 1 3 3 7 -4 1 ) which called attention
briefly to the issue of humanism in Byzantium . For
the attitude of the Church towards ancient Greek
Commentary 125
philosophy and science, see D. M . Nicol, "The Byz

antine Church and Hellenic Learning in the Four
teenth Century , "Studies in Church History, 5
( 1 969) , 23-5 7 ; idem ,
Church and Society in the Last
Centuries of Byzantium (Cambridge , 1 979) , 3 1 -65 .
8- 1 0 KU-r' uA<pciPll-rov Ku-ru-rux8Evn:<; . . . nu-rEptKOV E

�EtAEYJlEVOV novO)v: As indicated by Laurent (' ' La
direction spirituelle, " 66, notes 3 and 4) , such a work
has survived under the name of Ignatios and was
published by Boissonade from the Paris. gr. 3058
(fo1 . 3 2r ) . See Boisonade, Anecdota Graeca, 4,436-37
(PG 1 1 7 . 1 1 76C-77B) . An acrostic poem of twenty
four iambic verses in the regular sequence of the let
ters of the Greek alphabet , it is addressed to a
" diligent youth " (n po<; q>tAonovov n uiDu) and con
tains the usual pious exhortations . Versions of the
same poem have been preserved in twenty-two man
uscripts , eight of which assign it to Gregory of Na
zianzos , thirteen present it anonymously and only the
Paris MS attributes it to Ignatios, who has been iden
tified by Boissonade with Ignatios the Deacon , an
eleventh-century author of a similar alphabetos. See
D . N. Anastasij ewic, Die Pariinetischen Alphabete
in der griechischen Literatur (Munich , 1 905) , 44-45 ;
Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca, 4, 436 . Boissonade ' s
identification was rej ected by later scholars who con
sider this poem , for stylistic reasons , to be the work
of a writer of the late Byzantine period . See Anastasi
j ewic,
op. cit. , 46-48; K. Krumbacher, Geschichte der
byzantinischen Litteratur (Munich , 1 897), 7 1 8 ; and ,
especially, K . F . Muller , " Handschriftliches zu Ig
natius Diaconus , " BZ, 3 (1 894), 520-22 . Unfortunate
ly , even though the late date of this alphabetos has
been established , the name of its author remains
uncertain . It is impossible to determine whether he
was , in fact , a fourteenth century monk named Ig
natios or his work was arbitrarily assigned in the Paris
MS to the older Ignatios, j ust as it was elsewhere at
tributed to Gregory of Nazianzos , because both men
were known as the authors par excellence of such

poem s ; see F. D6lger,
Die byzantinische Dichtung
in der R einsprache (Berlin, 1 9 48), 28 .
1 5-18 0 8E q>1]C; Elvat 'toG �f:YUAOU . . . 1tE�\VOV " �lv : The

book in question may be the Vat. Ottob. gr. 405
which contains Theoleptos' discourses and letters to
Eulogia and which was originally her property ; see
J. Gouillard, " Theolepte, " DTC, 1 5 1, cols 3 40- 41 .
As already commented by Laurent (''Une princesse
byzantine au dOltre, " 34 note 7) , the Ottobonianus
dates from the fourteenth century and was copied
for a woman . The same practiced hand which has
transcribed most of the manuscript added on the
lower margin of fol . a: the invocation : XptcnE �OU,
(j)uAa't'tf: 'tnv Kf:KTrl �Evllv . If the copyist was a
woman, as Salaville suggests (''Une lettre et un dis
cours inedits, " 1 02) , she was certainly not the prin
cess because she did not have a neat handwriting (cf.
Letter 1 0 , lines 37-39) . Unfortunately, I was as yet
unable to obtain a microfilm of the other surviving
manuscript of the same works of Theoleptos, the
codex Alexandrinus 131 (126 PII�) For a descrip
tion of this MS, see T. D . Mosconas, " � i1t'tux,ov
uVf:K86'twv EAAllVtKWV x,f:tpoypuq>wv," 'AvaAeKTa
(Alexandria, 1 957), v . 6 , 95- 1 03 .
1 8-21 8ta 'toG uyiou �Ot K at 8f:<J1tf:<Jiou 1ta't poc; . . . EV

yap UAATtAOtC; E<J �EV: Probably the monk Menas
whom the director describes in Letter 17 as his alter
ego. See commentary on Letter 1 7 , line 6 1 .
24 'Aaprov: Aaron acted as Eulogia' s emissary, but we
do not know whether he was a layman or an ecclesia
stic. See Letter 1 3 , lines 59-6 1 ; Letter 1 5 , line 88; Let
ter 1 8 , line 1 ; Letter 1 9 , line 1 5 ; Letter 21 , line 25 .
The family name is known since the late thirteenth
century; see PLP (Vienna, 1 976) , fasc. 1 , no . 6. In
his study of the correspondence of an anonymous
Commentary 127
Byzantine of the first half of the fourteenth century

(now identified with George Oinaiotes ; see Kourou
ses , Manuel Gabalas, 1 0 1 - 1 1 0) , E . Rein mentions
a Nicholas Euapcov CEapcp [ ?] ) , to whom the author
had written to request a book containing the works
o f Aristophanes . See Rein , " Die florentiner Brief
sammlung . (Codex Laurentianus S . M arco 3 56) , "
Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, Ser . B ,
1 4 , 2 (Helsinki , 1 9 1 5) , 5 ; 7 8 . I f the correct reading
of that name is "Aaron , " as cited in the PLP, no .
7 , then Nicholas Aaron may be identified with
Eulogi a ' s learned friend .
Letter 1 3
4 and 8 'roue; <Joue; AOYODe; cO�tAllKcDe; . . . 'roue; <Joue; AOYODe;

EVE'rDX£: On this construction, see commentary on
Letter 5 , line 1 7 .
22-23 aK pt�£iae; . . . a K po'ra'rllv aKpi�£tav: Eulogi a ' s

penchant for assonance is again reflected in this in
stance o f alliteration.
27-28 6 . . . aA<pa�ll'rOe;: Many feminine substantives in

-oe; changed to masculine in early medieval Gree k ;
S ee Browning , Medieval and Modern Greek, 5 9 .
Eulogia uses both forms interchangeably .
29 aytoe; , Ap<JEVtOe;: One of the most venerable ascetics,

Arsenios was a Roman nobleman noted for his
ed ucation in both Greek and Latin . Theodosios I
(3 79-3 95) summoned him to Constantinople to be
the teacher of his s ons , Arkadios and Honorios .
After spending forty years at court , Arsenios retired
to the Egyptian desert where he became the follower
of the anchorite J ohn Kolobos . See Theodore the
Studite, Encomium, P G 99. 849B-8 1 C ; critical edi
tion by Th . Niesen, " Das Enkomion des Theodoros
Studites auf den heiligen Arsenios , " Byzantinisch
Neugrichische Jahrbucher, 1 ( 1 920) , 24 1 -62 .
28-32 d ya p . . . OU1tCO �E�u81l K a : This is rather a play

on the word alphabetos (the title of the director ' s
didactic poem) than an appropriate use of Arsenios '
saying . Arsenios-who made this remark when a
fellow ascetic was surprised to see him engaged in
a serious conversation with a rustic Egyptian ancho
rite-implied that in his pursuit of spiritual perfec
tion he could learn even from the simple but pious
monks of the desert . See Arsenio s , 'AnoqJ8iY/-lara,
no . 6, 'AnoqJ8iY/-lara ayzwv yspovrwv, PG 65 . 89A .
42-44 vGv �Ev 'toue; Aoyoue; £YKCO�lU�COV . . . aKu8pco1toue;

£uaae;: An allusion to her correspondent ' s treatise
in defense o f " outer " learning which was left in the
form o f an unedited draft.
48-49 a1tO �Ev yap 'trov ypa��u'tcov K at 'tf\ e; 'tot)-rcov auy

xuaEco<; : See commentary on Letter 10 , lines 3 7 - 3 8 .
52-53 'tu pavvou�Eval . . . 'tupavvi8a : This i s an instance
of a cognate accusative-a Hebraism , common in
the New Testament (cf. Moulton , Grammar, 245)
rather than an example of the rhetorical device
known as Jiguraetymologica (cf. J . D . Denniston,
Greek Prose Style, 4th ed . [London , 1970] , 134) .
Since Eulogia had no literary training , it is safe to
assume that she reflects the influence o f Biblical
Greek .
54-59 au 8E Ete; 'tnv KU'tCO aO<piav . . . 80UAEU1J: Eulogia

is here expressing the traditional Byzantine view that
all profane studies were ancillary to the supreme
wisdom of God. For similar statements by other
learned contemporaries , including Eulogia ' s own
father , see Nicol ''The Byzantine Church and Hel
lenic Learning , " 3 5 -46 . Eulogia's protege , Grego
ry Akindynos , was of the same opinion and he con
gratulated his erudite correspondents for making
philosophy the h andmaiden of theology, w hich he
called the ultimate goal o f all philosophic pursuits .
Commentary 129
See The Letters of Gregory Akindynos, ed . H ero ,

Letter 1 9, lines 8- 1 3 ; Letter 42, lines 1 5-2 1 .
59-60 'Aa pwv: See commentary on Letter 1 2, line 24 .

60-6 1 1tEpt 'tfj� Ev8u8E a<pi�Eco� 'tfj� uYtcoauvll � aou : This
was to be the director ' s first visit and the abbess was
anxiously awaiting it .
Letter 14
1 K a8iaa� EV 't ep KEAAiQ) /lOU K at auvayayffiv E/laU
'tOY: The director wrote this letter after his first visit
to Eulogia . We can only guess that they met more
than once from the following statement, in which Eu
logia' s use of the present tense suggests recurrent ac
tion : E1tEt Kat Eyffi E� E/lau'tfj� /lEV n aya80v . . .
OUK £Xco, o'tav £A81J�, 8E�tOua8ai a Ot, 8tu 'tOU'tO
'trov uyicov /lOU 1t a'tEpcov 'tou� Piou� 1t POpUAAO /lat
K at 8tlly ou /lat £/l1tpOa8EV aou (Letter 1 5 , lines
1 2- 1 6) . On the other hand , his visits could not have
been more than two , since Eulogia did not ask for
more than monthly visits (cf . Letter 7, lines 3 1 -32) ,
and the present letter was written a month and a half
after their first meeting ; see Letter 1 5 , lines 53-54,
where s h e complains that h e r happiness lasted only
for a month and a half.
36 o u8a/lro� E�EPX1J 'tfj� 8Ea1tEaia� /lovfj�: See Eulo

gia ' s comments on this statement in Letter 1 5 , lines
59-72 .
42-43 't T] V /If:V KU'tCO p aatAEiav a<pEtaa Kat pi'Vaaa: A
reminder to the imperial widow that she h ad given
up the comforts and splendor of life at court in order
to seek salvation .
46-48 d 8f: 'tu 1t po'tEpa Ev8u /l1l8Eill � . . . 8tatpE8Ei� AOyt

a /lo�: The director had originally offered to direct
Eulogia by correspondence , although he did not ex
clude the possibility of an occasional visit . See Letter
8, lines 39-54; and commentary on Letter 7, lines

31-32.
Letter 15
14, 16-
17, 18-19 8E�tOUOeu{ OOt . . . 8E�tOUIlEV11 'tllv 0llv eEoqnA:ii KUt
uyiuv 'VUXllv . . . EIl1t08wv . . . 'tllv 0llv uyiuv 'VU-
XTlv: On Eulogia' s uncertainty about verbs taking the
dative case, see commentary on Letter 1, lines 24-25.
34-35 0EO� Ktvr10W; . . . aVE1tVEuOU: Note the anacoluthon.

39-43 OUK EO'ttV a'ttlloHEpO� 'tou K'tTlVOU� 6 uvepro-
1tO� . . . K Ut 'tuu'tu VOEpa� 'VuX'ii � �OTleEtUV 8EOIlE-
YOU . . . 1t p0080KQ.�: Despite the breach of concord
in case, I believe that the subject of 8EOllEVOU is uv
e pro1tO� (sc . Eulogia) and have translated it
accordingly .
39-40 'tou K'tTlVOU� ... 6 �Ol1eciv 6 v61l0� 8tUKEAEUE'tUt:

P ossibly an allusion to Si . 7.22:K'tTlV11 ooi EO'ttV;
E1ttOKE1t'tOU uU't u .
40 6 �Ol1eEtV:It is tempting to treat this a s another in
stance o f itacism and change the accusative to the
correct dative , but I suspect that here, too, Eulogia' s
syntax reflects the influence of the spoken language.
53-54 1111 EO'tro" avuKroXll KUt" Eu8utlloviu 1l0U f.VO� 1111 -

V O � K Ut"1l{OEO� Ilovou : See commentary on Letter
14, line 1.
59-83 o'tt 88 OUK E�EPXOIlUt . . . ooov 8uVUIlUt: The direc
tor claimed that by asking him to leave his cell while
she never left h er convent , Eulogia proved that she
cared more for her salvation than for his (cf. Letter
14, lines 35-38 and Letter 16, lines 37-40) . In
response to this charge, Eulogia explains here the
reasons for which she never ventured outside the
confines o f her convent and points out that her
reasons differ from his . The director ' s visits to her ,
Commentary 131
she argues, present no spiritual risk; on the contrary,

they may be of spiritual advantage to him since his
counselling benefits not only herself but also her
nuns (cf. lines 50-51) . On the other hand, if she had
broken the rule of enclosure, it would have been for
secular reasons, such as visits to her exalted relatives .
This would have been extremely expensive, in addi
tion to being spiritually unproductive .
5 9-62 on 8f. OUK E�Epx,OJ.lat . . . 8EOATpt'tOU \VuX,f} C; :

Another instance of confused syntax .
64-65 cmYYEVEtaV Kat YVll (::nOTll'ta EX,CD dC; 'tllV �a(jtAEiav:

Eulogia was the aunt by marriage of the reigning
monarch Andronikos III .
67-68 unEpx,E(j8at . . . nEV81l Kat £VcD(jEtC;: In accordance

with the 46th canon of the Synod in Trullo, which
enj oined that religious be given permission to leave
the convent only in extraordinary circumstances,
nuns were allowed to pay a brief visit to a gravely
ill parent, but they had to be accompanied by two
aged and venerable members of their community and
were under strict orders to return to the convent
before sunset . See G. A. Rhalles-M . P otles, eds . ,
}2uv'taYJ.la 'trov 8EiCDV Kat lEProv KavovCDv (Athens,
18 52-56), 2, 4 1 4 ; Typikon of Irene Doukas
(Miklosich-Miiller, 5, 3 47) ; Typikon of Theodora
Synadena (Delehaye, "Deux typica, " 6 3 ) ; Typikon
of Theodora P alaiologina ( " Deux typica, " 1 1 4) .
This rule, however, was not strictly enforced in the
case of imperial princesses and other noble ladies .
They were permitted to spend two or three days by
the bedside of a sick relative and, if they had a dy
ing kinsman, they could remain with him until the
end . See the typikon of Irene Doukas, Miklosich
Miiller, 5, 3 3 6. We do not know ho'w strict Eulogia' s
Rule was . Only a fragment from h e r typikon sur
vives and, as already noted by its editor, it indicates
that she had copied the typikon of Irene Doukas . See

Ph. Meyer, " Bruchstiicke zweier wnlKu K'tTrrOptKU, "
BZ 4 ( 1 895) , 48-49 . According to this letter the ab
bess never left her convent but suprisingly enough ,
she says that if she had not observed so strictly the
rule of enclosur e , she would have been expected to
attend not only the funerals but also the weddings
of the various members of the imperial family .
68 Evd)(JEt� aUeEV'tlKU�: For this meaning of Ev(Ocn�

(assembly, meeting) , see E. Kriaras, AE�lKD "Cii � �E
aat(OvtKii � EAAllVtKii � 81l �c080u� ypa��a'tEia�
(Thessalonike , 1 978), 6 , s. v. Ev(Oat�, 4a-4J3
70-7 1 Kat noG E�EAAE 81apKElV 6 J3io� �ou J3aalA1KDv Aa

DV K at oIKOV; : After explaining that if she left her
convent t o attend her relatives ' weddings and
funeral s , she would have needed the proper retinue
of men and horses , Eulogia asks : " And how was
my fortune to provide adequately for a princely
retinue and household ? " She does not say-as
Laurent thought-that she would have had to
" spend her life running a princely household " (cf.
" La direction spirituelle , "
79) . For the meaning of
J3io� (property) and 8ta pKw (to sustain; to satisfy
the needs) , see Demetrakos , Lexikon, 1 4 1 5 and 1 929
respectively . Instead of maintaing a royal equipage ,
the princess preferred to spend the funds for the
benefit of her nuns and her worthy proteges such
as the director .
75-77 6 r.yffi notw Kat ot na"CEpE� �ou r.noill aav . . a

.
nal"Cw : By providing for the salvation of other s ,

Eulogia followed in t h e footsteps of h e r father and
Theoleptos . Eulogia' s father was the founder of the
monastery of Theotokos Gorgoepekoos in Constan
tinople ; see Laurent, "Une fondation monastique . "
As for Theoleptos , h e had been the spiritual adviser
and teacher of many of his fellow citizens , even
Commentary 1 33
before his appointment to the episcopacy , when he

liv,ed as an ascetic in the wilderness near his native
city of Nikaia. See his eulogy by Nikephoros Choum
nos , 'E7rlTUrplOe; de; TOV /1aKUpIOV Kai aY1WTaTOV /111-
TP07rOAlrI1V lP1AaosArpsiae; BSOAI17rTov, Boissonade,
Anecdota Graeca, 5, 2 1 2- 1 3.
78-79 Kat OUK EK plVa 1taV'TEAW<; 'Tii<; UAll <; Kat 'TWV aAAwv
tll1t68loV 'Tii<; 1tVEUlla1"lKii<; tpyaaia<; : Because of
Eulogi a ' s faulty syntax-the incorrect use of the
genitives and the lack of accord between them and
their modifiers-it is not clear whether by aAAwv
she means " other secular concerns , " such as the ad
ministration of her large monastery , or her concern
for " other human beings . " I have opted for the lat
ter interpretation in view of the following statements
that she makes further on in this letter : 1 )
tyw 8lU
'TTtV 'TWV aAAwv ro<pEAElav K u811 llal 8E80UAWIlEVll
c08E (lines 77-78): unlike the director who stays in
his cell for the sake of his own salvation , the ab
bess remains confined to her nunnery for the pur
pose of serving her nuns and providing for their
salvation . 2) 1i
'TWV t� aU'ToG ro<pEAOUIlEVWV J30rl8Ela
llelAAOV t<pW1"laEV au'Tov (lines 85-86): it was not his
retirement from the world but the guidance he of
fered to others that provided Theoleptos of P hila
delphia with a higher degree of spiritual illumination .
82-83 8lU 'TTtV 'TWV Ilova�ouawv aW'TllPiav . . . oaov 80-

vallal: According to Gregoras , there were over one
hundred nuns at Eulogia's convent (Hist. , 29, 22: 3,
238, lines 22-23). This was an unusually large number .
Irene Doukas limited the number of the religious at
her convent to forty (Miklosich-Miiller , 5, 337); Le
on the bishop of Nauplion mentions only thirty-six
nuns in his typikon of the convent of Areia, (ed . G .
Choras , II ayia /1ovr, 'Apsiae; Na V7rA iov [Athens ,
1 975], 239); and the Palaiologan convents of Bebaia
Elpis and Lips were allowed fifty nuns each ,
while that of Saint Kosmas and D amian, no more

than thirty (Delehaye, "Deux typika, " 97 ; 109; 139).
Gregoras tells us that Eulogia was not only a mo del
of virtue to her nuns but , like a true fellow servant ,
she shared with them the most menial duties , in
cluding work in the kitchen and even more " vulgar"
tasks if necessary (Rist. , 29 , 22 : 3 , 23 8 , line 2 3 -2 3 9 ,
line 5) .
83 -86 6 oE<JnO't ll <; �Ol) . . . Ull'tOY : This type of anacolu

thon- a nominative standing at the head of a clause
without construction-is not uncommon in the New
Testament ; see M oulton , Grammar, 231.
84 ano oyOOOY iho<;: For the substandard construction

of ano with the accusative instead of the genitive
since the Greco-Roman period, see Jannaris , Gram
mar, 1517 .
84-85 ano oyOOOY E'tO <; . . . 't ptUKO<J't<p 't pi'tcp E'tEt: The
inference from this obscure passage is that Theolep
tos was elected to the episcopacy at the age of thirty
three , after spending eight years as a solitary (cf. Let
ter 16 , lines 20-22 , where the director clarifies
Eulogia's statement) .
According to Nikephoros Choumno s , Theolep

tos was a young deacon of twenty-five when John
Bekkos , upon his ascension to the patriarchal throne
in 127 5 , ordered the strict enforcement of the union
of Lyon (cf. C houmnos , E nt't<iq no <; , Boissonad e ,
'
Anecdota Greaca, 5 , 199-200) . Instead of comply

ing with the patriarch ' s order s , Theoleptos left his
native city of Nikaia and set o ff for Mount Athos
(cf. Choumnos , Ent't<iq>to<; , 200-04; Philotheos,
' En
comium P G 151. 561A) . H e was later summoned to
Constantinople , but even a personal interview with
Emperor Michael VIII failed to move him from his
firm antiunionist stand and he suffered im
prisonment . When he was released, he resisted his
Commentary 135
wife ' s pleas to return to their home, and settled in

stead as a solitary in the wilderness near Nikaia, re
maining there until his appointment to the metro
politan see of Philadelphia shortly after the restora
tion of Orthodoxy by Andronikos II in 1 283 (cf.
Choumnos , op . cit . , 204- 1 7) . The exact date of his
appointment is not known , but on the basis of Eulo
gia ' s evidence we can now assign it to 1283 , eight
years , that is , after his retirement from the world
in 1 275 . This date agrees with the purported age of
the metropolitan at the time of his appointment, for
in1 28 3 Theoleptos was thirty-three years old , in
asmuch as he had been twenty-five in 1 275 .
88-90 KU pOU MllVU . . . 9EpunEuaco K Ul TOUTO : Eulogia

obviously obj ected to the presence of a third per
son at her meetings with the director . We do not
know how she proposed to deal with the matter , but
her correspondent ' s complaint that her alleged ex
cuses for refusing to talk before his companion were
not valid and that she was as contentious about this
matter as about everything else suggests that he
found her answer unsatisfactory. See Letter 1 7 , lines
6 1 - 1 00 .
88 'Au pmv : S e e commentary on Letter 1 2, line 24 .
89 nwc; ou AUAOUJ..L EV : For declarative clauses intro

duced by nwc; in modern Greek, see Jannaris, Gram
mar, 1 942 .
93 -94 tiC; un080x-r,v EVl: For the replacement of EaTl by

EVl, see commentary on Letter 3 , lines 1 9-20 .
94 T UUTll n All PO<po piu : For the substitution of T UUTll

for uihll in subliterary texts , see Jannaris , Gram
mar, 567b•
97-98 auvEu80KtlV TOU AOYOU : Here Eulogia uses the

genitive instead o f the correct dative.
Letter 1 6
3-14 EVVOll<JOV yap 't a e; lEpae; yuvalKae; EKEtVae; . . . E�E

't£AE<Jav 'tllV eaUl-la<JtaV �ffiitV : In his consolatory
address following the death of Theolepto s , Manuel
. Gabalas gave Eulogia similar advice , urging her to
imitate the example of the martyr Thekla who , hav
ing been converted to Christianity by Saint P aul,
never saw the Apostle again but lived piously on the
memory of their one and only meeting . See Previale,
" Due monodie , " p . 30, lines 27- 3 7 . O n Thekla, see
now G . Dagron-M . Dupre La Tour , eds . , " L a vie
et miracles de Sainte Thecle , " Subsidia Hagio
graphica, 62 (Brussels , 1 978) .
Eulogia must have been familiar with the history
of other early women ascetics whose monastic life
was spent in total isolation such as , for example ,
Saint Mary of Egypt, who lived for forty-seven years
in the desert b eyond the river Jordan ( Vita by
Sophronios, PG 87 3 . 3 697A-3 725C) ; or Saint Pelagia
the H arlot who , after her baptism by the bishop
Nonnos of Edessa retired in secrecy to the Mount
of Olives where she spent the remainder of her life
confined to a cell
( Vita, by ps. -Jacob, ed. H. Usener,
Legenden der hi. Pelagia (Bonn, 1 879) ; or Saint The
odora of Alexandria, the transvestite nun accused
of having seduced a young girl and forced to stay
for seven years in the desert ( Vita by Symeon Me
taphrastes , PG 1 1 5 . 665A- 89C) ; or finally Saint
Theoktiste of Lesbos , a late ninth-century nun taken
p risoner by the Arab s , who succeeded in escaping
from her captors and lived for thirty-five years
hiding on the deserted island of P aros ( Vita by Ni
ketas Magistro s , Acta San ctorum, 9 Novembris
[ 1 925) 224-23 3 ) .
1 5- 1 8 'tile; 'tou eeiou apx,lEpEffie; EKEtVOU 1tapou<Jtae; . . .

K at Eva Kat 8uo . . . Kat 1tAeioue; EVlaU'tOUe; <J'tE
PlleEl<Ja : Shortly after her t onsure in 1 307/8 ,
Commentary 137
Eulogia was separated from her spiritual father for

nearly a decad e . Theoleptos remained in P hila
delphia from 1 309 , when he sent M anuel Gabalas
to Constantinople on a mission regarding his belea
guered diocese (see Kourouses, Manuel Gabalas, 68),
until September 1 3 1 7 , when his name reappears in
the acts of the Permanent Synod . See Miklosich
Muller , 1 , no . 4 1 , pp . 75-76; J. D arrouzes , Les
Regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople,
vol . 1 , fasc . 5 [Pari s , 1 977] , n o . 2082; H . Hunger
O. Kresten, eds . , Das R egister des Patriarchats von
Konstantinopel (Vienna, 1 98 1 ) , no . 52, pp . 342-47 .
He did not leave the capital again until sometime
between November 1 3 1 8 and February 1 3 1 9 (Miklo
sich-Muller , 1 , nos 43 -45 , p p . 76-83 ; no . 50, pp .
92-93 ; Darrollzes , R egestes, nos . 2083 , 2085-87,
2093 ; Hunger-Kresten, Das R egister, nos . 54-56 , 6 1 ,
pp . 3 54-65 , 3 88-93) and h e returned in June 1 32 1
t o intercede i n the dispute between the two An
dronikoi . See Gregoras , Hist. , 8, 6: 1 , 320-2 1 ; Kan
takouzenos , Hist, . 1 , 1 4 ; 1 9 : 1 . 67 ; 94-96 . By
November of the s ame year , Theoleptos was back
in P hiladelphia from where he wrote his last four
letters to Eulogi a . He died in that city in the last
months of 1 322 . See Kourouses , Manuel Gabalas,
3 3 5-39. It was during the last five years of his life
that the Metropolitan kept in closer contact with his
spiritual daugther and , as Kourouses notes (Manuel
Gabalas, 334, note 1 ) , it is to this period that the
director refers in this letter when he says that Eulogia
was at times separ ated from Theoleptos for one or
two years .
32 8Eiac; oq>payicSoc;: For this meaning of o<ppayic; (in

vestiture/ordination) , see J . Darrouzes , Recherches
sur les O<l><I>IKIA de I' eg/ise byzantine (Paris , 1 970),
index, s . v. oq>payic;.
43-44 ouvayroY'Jlv: Literally " assembling" or " collecting

one ' s mind within one ' s self" during prayer . The
expression <Juvuyro "Cov VOUV is widely used by
spiritual writers in connection with prayer and the
need for the monk to avoid distraction and the
wanderings of the mind . See, for example , Kallistos
Xanthopoulos , MiBobor; Kat Kavwv, P O 1 47 . 680B ;
Nikephoros the Hesychast , IIept Vrjlflewr; Kat ({JVAa
Kllr; Kapb{ar;, PO 1 47 . 963 B ; P alamas , TplUr; 1 , 2:
3 , 7 , 1 0 , ed . P . Chrestou , rp17YOp{OV rou IIaAal16"
Ivyypapp,ara (Thessalonike, 1 962) , 1 , p. 3 96 , lines
1 0- 1 4 ; p. 3 9 9 , lines 1 9-25 ; p. 403 , line 7. See also
the passage from Theoleptos ' address to Eulogia and
Agathonike quoted below (commentary on lines
44-49) .
44-49 8iuYE K U8E�0�EV11 . . . n p 0 0 p ro � E v 11 "C 0 v

K U P t 0 V . . . Q)ro"Ci�ou<J u 8t11VEKWe; "CT,V 8tuvotuv :
Years earlier , Eulogia had received identical instruc
tions from Theoleptos who wrote to her in his s hort
manual on ascetic life : Ku811 �EV1l youv EV "(4) OtKq:>,
�V11 �6vEuE E>Eou , Enuipou<Ju "Cov VOUV uno nuv"Crov
K Ut n pOe; "Cov 0EOV uQ)86yyroe; Entppin"Cou<Ju , K Ut
nU<Juv "C11 e; K u p8iue; 8tu8E<JtV EKXEOU<J U EVc01ttOV
uU"Cou Kut 8Ul "C11e; uyun11 e; uu"(4) n po<JKoAAro�EV11 .
�Vrl �l1 yap 0EOU 8Eropiu 0EOU E<J"CtV EAKOV"COe; "CT,V
o PU<JtV KUt "CT,V EQ)E<JtV "Cou vou n po e; EUU"COV K Ut
"(4) n u p ' EUU"COU <pro"Ct nEptUuyu�ov"Coe; uu"COV (as
quoted in Salaville , " Formes ou methodes de
priere , " 1 1 , note 1 ) .
I n his long address t o Eulogia and the nun Aga

thonike , written shortly before his death , the metro
politan, who was one of the inspirers of the hesychast
revival in the fourteenth century (cf. Meyendorff,
Introduction, 3 0) , reiterated the importance of con
tinuous prayer for intellectual purification and the
attainment of contemplation. See, for example , the
following two excerpts from Ottobonianus 405 , fols .
1 99v-200r: a) <I>EUYroV yap 6 voue; "C a E�ro KUt <Juv-
Commentary 139
UYOIlEVOC; btl 'ta EVDOV , 1t pOC; £uu"["()V E1tUVUYE'tUt,

El't"OUV 'tcp q>UOtKroC; Ku'ta DtUVOtUV K PU1t'tOIlEVq:>
£UU'tOU AOyq:> oUyyiVE'tUt, K Ut Dta 'tOU ouvov'toC;
uU'tcp OUOtCODro C; AOYOU, OUVU1t'tE'tUt 'tij EUXij , K Ut
Dta 'tli c; Euxli c; dC; yvroOtV 't OU GEOU uvuBuivEt IlEe '
OA11C; 'tli c; uYU1t111"tKllC; DUVUIlEcOC; 'tE KUt Dtu8EOECOC;.
'to'tE O U PKOC; Il£V E1tt8ulliu oiXE'tut, 1tCiou D£ il KU-
8itDovoC; upyd ui0811 OtC; , KUt 'ta cOpuTu 'tli c; Yli C;
U11Dli K U'tuq>uivE'tUt · o1tioco yap £uu'tli c; il \vUXTJ
1t uv'tu 't a 'tOU ocOIlU'tOC; KUt 'ta 1tEpt 'to orollu 8E
IlEV11 , o1tioco 'tli c; cOPUto't11'tOC; 'tOU X pto'tou yiVE'tUt,
uU'tcp KU't UKOAou80uo u IlE'ta 'trov EPYCOV 'tli c; OE
IlVO't11'tOC; KUt 'tli c; KU'ta DtUVOtUV uyvtiuC; KUt \VUA
AOUO U u 1t E V E X 8 it 0 0 V 't U t 't cp B U 0 t
A E T 1t U P 8 E v 0 t 0 1t i 0 co U U 't 0 U (P s .
44 [45] . 1 4) , Xpto'tov q>uV'tU�OIlEV11 K Ut 1t poopro
ou KUt AEYOUOU 1t p O CO P cO 11 11 v 't OV K u p t
o v E v cO 1t t OV Il 0 U D t a 1t U v 't 0 C; (Ps .
1 5 [ 1 6] . 8); b) fo1 . 201 r : Kut W01tEP 6 'ADall XEtpt
GEOU 1tAu08tiC; , U1tO XOOC; YEYOVEV dC; \vUXTJV �ro
o uv EV q>uoit IlU1"t 8Eiq:> , oihco KUt 6 vouc; 'tuTC; UPE
'tuTC; DtU1tAU08tiC;, 1tUKVij E1ttKAit oEt Kupiou EK KU-
8upCiC; DtuvoiuC; KUt 8EP lllic; Dtu8EOECOC; U1tgDoIlEVl] ,
'tTJv 8Eiuv UAAOtOU'tUt UAAOicootV , �cooYOVOU IlEVOC;
KUt 8E01tOtOUIlEVOC; EK 'tou YtVcOO KEtV KUt uyu1t Civ
't ov GEOV.
67-70 DEpt D£ 'tou iEPOU M11VCi . . . 01tEP 1l0t YEypUq>UC;:
S e e Letter 1 5 , lines 87-9 1 ; and commentary o n Let
ter 1 7 , line 6 1 .
Letter 17
'E1tEtDit oot 't o �l1'tOUIlEVOV DEDO'tUt: Eulogia had

asked her correspondent to visit her six times a year
and he finally agreed ; see line 58 of this letter , Let
ter 1 5 , line 45 ; and Letter 1 6 , lines 4 1 -43 . Apparent
ly, in her answer to Letter 1 6 (now lost) , Eulogia
still belabored the subj ect .
1-3 n£pl't'tov Tiv . . . 'tOU edou UPXl£P£COC; K at 'tIDV

<J£n'tIDV yuvalKIDV : See commentary on Letter 1 6 ,
lines 3 - 1 4 and 1 5 - 1 8 .
4-5 n poc; 'tTtV v£o'tn'ta 'tOU uv8poC; EKdvou . . . 'tov

AOYOV uV't£nup£pov'ta : The director reiterates his
argument that Theoleptos was an anchorite in his
youth and did not undertake the task of directing
others before he was elevated to the episcopate (see
Letter 1 6 , lines 20-3 2) . It must be noted , however ,
that in his eulogy of Theoleptos , Nikephoros
Choumnos wrote that even while in the wilderness
the future metropolitan taught all those who visited
him seeking his advice ; see Boissonade , Anecdota
Graeca, 5 , 2 1 2- 1 3 .
1 1 -23 K ai �TtV Kai <J u �ap'tu p£iC; . . . 'tou't ' u v E8uvil en c;
EK£ivou : The director points out t o Eulogia that in
offering to direct her by means of four visits and
twelve letters per year , he had offered more
favorable terms than she had at times enjoyed under
the direction of Theoleptos .
22 't£'t paKlC;: The four letters which Theoleptos wrote

to Eulogia during the last year of his life ; see com
mentary on Letter 1 6 , lines 1 5 - 1 8 .
3 3 -3 4 uv8pan08ov � £ vo�i<Jal Aal�ou Kai KOlAiac; Kai

uvepconivnc; 8o�nc;: During the hesychast controver
sy , Akindynos ' close association with the wealthy
abbess made him the butt of similar imputations by
his opponents . See , for example , Kalothetos , A oyos
Tpfros KaTa TO U Klvt5vv8 vaavTos 'A K1Vt5VVO V, Syn
grammata, 1 43 , lines 49-5 3 : AAA U 'ti no't' UV <J£ 'tTi c;
'
'tou XPl<J'tOU uyannC; Kai 'tou 8£<J �ou anayayol;

MfiAAOV 8t. 'tiC; n8uvilen un ayay£i'v <J£; rUVTt K a'tu
YTi v £uy£vil C; , �apoc; a pyu piou , Aln apai 'tpan£Sal,
� aydpcov �ayyav£u�a'ta, epU\jflC; <JapKoc;, olVOC;
uveo<J �iac;, Ka't£ppa<J'tcov£u �£voC; �ioC; . . .
Commentary 141
36 na't" puipXllv : The reference is either to Patriarch

Isaiah ( 1 323-34) or to John XIV Kalekas ( 1 3 34-47) .
The evidence points to the latter because Dexios ,
whom the director proposes as a suitable mediator
between the princess and the patriarch she had dis
pleased with her arrogance (Letter 1 8 , lines 1 0- 1 2) ,
was a member of Kalekas ' entourage . See commen
tary on Letter 1 8 , line 1 0 .
61 KGp Mllvii: This simple-minded monk , who was the

director ' s constant companion, is otherwise un
known . He certainly cannot be identified with the
staunch P alamite monk by the same name who was
one of Akindynos ' fiercest persecutors , nor with the
hesychast Menas , author of an ascetic work contain
ing instructions to the monks for the period of Lent .
See, Her o , ed . , The Letters of Gregory Akindynos,
commentary on Letter 63 , line 1 5 .
93 -94 anAll PoQ)oPllaia : Not in the dictionaries . The word

anAllpoQ)oPll't"o� is defined in G. Lampe (A Patristic
Greek Lexicon, 6th ed . [London , 1 982] , s . v . ) , as
" unsatisfied , " " lacking in confidence , " " uncer
tain " ; and in D emetrakos (Lexikon, s . v .) as apE
p al0� , aaaQ)iJ � , ayvowv . I have translated anAll
pOQ)oPll aia " lack of confidence , " on the basis of
the director' s own use of the word anAll poQ)oPll't"o�.
He writes in the present letter (line 76) that he did
not wish to offend his companion, Kyr Menas , by
excluding him from his conversations with the
princess " as if I did not fully trust him " (&anEp
Ef..101YE anAll PoQ)o Pll't"ov) . When he says therefore
that anAll PoQ)o Pll aia was one of Eulogia's alleged
reasons for refusing to talk in the presence of Menas,
he must mean that she claimed not to trust the man .
Letter 18
aniiya : Here the director lapses into the demotic .
On the modern Greek verb unuyeo-nllYU(veo-n uyui

veo (to go) , see Jannaris, Grammar, 996 . 3
2-4 £noill a u 'to n po<; 'tou<; !-lOVUXou<; YPU!-l!-lU !-lOU . . .
n u't ptUPXtKcD<; uVEta8ut 't1lV �ll'tll atV n !-ltv: I d o not
know the nature of Eulogia's complaint nor the iden
tity of the monks against whom it was addressed .
Perhaps they were members of the adjacent male
monastery which was also under her p atronage and
management , although not under her spiritual j uris
diction. See Laurent , " Une princesse byzantine au
cloltre, " 48-50; Salaville, " Une lettre et un discours
inedits , " 1 08 - 1 2 ; R. Trone , "A Constantinopolitan
D ouble Monastery of the Fourteenth Century : the
P hilanthropic Saviour , " Byzantine Studies/Etudes
Byzantines, 1 0 ( 1 983) , 8 1 -87 .
The patriarchal tribunal, composed o f the
patriarch and the synod of bishops, had jurisdiction
over all disputes between ecclesiastics. See Epanagoge,
title 3 , 1 0 (J . and P . Zepos , Jus Graeco-Romanum
[Athens, 1 93 1 ] , 2, 243). Proceedings were initiated by
the plaintiff who filed a formal complaint in writing;
see P . Lemerle, " Recherches sur les institutions
judiciaires des Paleologues . I I . Le tribunal du patriar
chat ou tribunal synodal , "A nalecta Bollandiana, 68
( 1 950) ( = Melanges P. Peeters, 2) , 324 .
10 6 8uu!-luato<; �E�t6<;: Theodore Dexios , known from

his role in the hesychast controversy . At the synod
of July 1 34 1 , Dexios was asked by Patriarch Kalekas
to read a patristic passage on the incomprehensibility
of God which was damaging to the P alamite cause;
see Akindynos , R eport to the Patriarch and the
Synod, e d. Th . Uspenskij , Sinodik v nedelju Pra
voslavija (Odessa, 1 98 3 ) , 89 . Later that summer , he
was one of the emissaries sent to Epibatai by the em
pres s , the patriarch , and J ohn Kantakouzenos to
assure Alexios Apokaukos that he had been granted
1 43 Commentary 1 43
amnesty for his machinations following the death

of Andronikos I I I (Kantakouzenos , Hist. , 3 , 1 6 : 2 ,
1 03 ) . After t h e death o f Kalekas and Akindynos ,
D exios emerged as one of the leaders of the anti
P alamite p arty and as such he participated in and
was condemned by the council of 1 3 5 1 . See the frag
ment of an anti-Palamite tome by Arsenios of Tyre ,
ed. Mercati, Notizie, 223 , notes 8-9 ( Meyendorff,
=
Introduction, 1 42 , note 7 1 ) ; Gregoras , Hist. , 1 8 , 5 :

2 , 894 ; Kantakouzenos , Hist. , 4 , 23 : 3 , 1 68 ;
Lvvol5zKor; r0I10r;, PG 1 5 1 . 720C , 7 3 1 D .
Later on, Dexios became involved in a dispute with
Isaak Argyros , another prominent anti-Palamite over
the created nature of the light of the Transfiguration
(cf. M. Candal, "Argiro contra Dexio, " Orientalia
Christiana Periodica, 23 [ 1 957] , 80- 1 1 3) and this , as
Meyendorff suggests (Introduction, 1 5 3 , note 1 30) ,
may be the reason why he is represented as a moderate
anti-Palamite in the Dialogue on Dogmatic Theology
by Philotheos of Selybria (cod . Patmiacus 366, fols .
3 93r-393v, as cited by Meyendorff) .
For the polemical works by Arsenios of Tyre

which were erroneously attributed to Dexios , see
Meyendorff, Introduction, 409 .
10 �E�tOC; 8E�t(J) C; unEPyuoE'tUt: For similar puns on
D exios' name , see Akindynos , R eport . . 89 and
.
Gregoras , Hist. , 1 8 , 5 : 2 , 894 .
1 6- 1 7 nu'tTt P EO'tt 'trov nuv't{()v Xpto'ttuvrov: According to

the Epanagoge, the patriarch was the living image
o f Christ ; see Title 3 , 1 (ed . J. and P . Zepos , Jus
Graeco-Romanum [Athens , 1 93 1 ] 2 , 242) .
28-29 'tllv eUl>�uoiuv 'Pu",UtVuv: This competent assistant
of Eulogia cannot be identified with any certainty.
For references to the Rales , or-according to the
original and more common form of the name-Raoul
family during the first half of the fourteenth century,
see Fassoulakis , R aoul-R al(l)es, nos . 1 6-3 1 . The

Raouls , whose Norman ancestors entered the ser
vice of the Byzantine emperors at the end of the elev
enth century, had by this time intermarried with such
prominent Byzantine families as the Palaiologoi and
Asanes (cf. Fassoulakis , p . 3 ) , and were among the
leading members of Byzantine nobility; see E. Folli
eri , " 11 poema bizantino di Belisario, "
Atti del con
vegno internazionale sui tema c cLa poesia epica e la
sua jormazione, Accademia nazionale dei Lincei ,
"
Problemi attuali di scienza e di cultura, quad . 1 3 9

(Rome , 1 970) , 622 , 5 2 ; 63 7 , 3 1 6 .
It must b e noted that the variant " Ralaina" , used

here by the author is one of the earliest instances
of the Hellenized form of the name (Rales) , w hich
did not become prevalent in Constantinople until the
fifteenth century ; see Fassoulakis , p . 5 .
33-36 d� 'ta� WUXa� 1tEpt<J1tW, KUt 'tou'to 8it iH1EPCO� . . .

'tij 8UIlW8Et 8tu8E<JEt K Ut 'tij Otll 1lU'ttKij IJ.Expt 8 u
vu'tou IJ.Uxou : This is one of the rules prescribed for
superiors by St . B asil ; see " OPOt K U'ta 1tAU'tO�,
'EpW'tll<Jt� N : nw� xPit E1tt'ttIJ.Uy 'tOY 1t POE<J'tW't U
(PO 3 1 . 1 040A-40B) : 'AAAa Kui 'ta� E1tt'ttIJ.Tl<JEt� Ilit
EIJ.1tu8w� 'tol� Tt IJ.UP'tll Ko<JtV 6 1t p OE<J't(D� 1t pO <J U
yE'tCO. To yap IJ.E'ta 8uIJ.OU KUt 6pYii� EAEYXEtY 'tOY
U8EA<j>OY ouxi EKElYOY E<J'ttY alJ.up'tiu� EAEU8EPW
<J Ut , UAA' EUU'tOY 1tEptpUAEIY 1tAll IJ. IJ.EATl lJ.u<Jt.
3 3 -3 4 'tOU'to 8it TtIJ.EpCO�: I proposed this conjectural emen
dation because the reading 8t' Tt IlEPWY does not ap
pear satisfactory in the context . The phrase 8t' Tt IJ.E
PWY is not attested in the dictionaries . Both Liddell
Scott and Demetrakos (s . v. Tt IJ.EpU) cite 8ta 1tOAAWY
Tt IJ.EpWY, 8t' Tt IJ.EpWY 'ttYCOY, meaning " at a distance
of, " but such an interpretation would not m ake
sense in this passage . Even if we assume that 8t' Tt IJ.E
PWY is used here in the same sense as 8t' TtIJ.EpU� (the
whole day long) and translate accordingly , " divert
Commentary 145
your attention to the care of the souls , and do this

for whole days , as I h ave said to you before , " we
find that nowhere in his letters did the director give
such advice to Eulogia . On the other hand , the need
to control her irascible disposition is a recurrent
theme in their correspondence . See lines 5 -25 and
36 0 f this Letter , and Letter 1 9 , lines 7- 1 0 .
36 �EXPt Suv a:r o u : This i s apparently a favorite phrase
of the director , for he uses it again in Letter 2 1 , line
11.
38 1t U PCO�UVSll s, 'tou't ' EO't"tV eppiycoous: Eulogia

evidently suffered an attack o f fever of malarial
character , usualy accompanied by p aroxysms
marked by chills , high fevers and sweating . On 1tU
po�uVO� Ut (to suffer a n attack or exacerbation of
a disease) , see , e . g . Hippocrates , IIepi apxa[11C; [11-
rpIKijc;, 6. On ptym (to have a shivering fit) , see idem,
'E1ttbll �iut, 3 , I , o 't . '
Although she lived to be sixty-five , the rigors of
monastic life must have affected Eulogia physical
ly . In the first letter he wrote to her after his return
t o P hiladelphia in 1 3 2 1 , Theoleptos prays for her
deliverance from her " ailments and her suspected
serious illness . " See Ottobonianus 405, foI . 234r :
6 bf. iu'tpos 'tmv \VUXmv K Ut 'tmv oco �u'tcov Xpt
o'tos . . . puoUt'to Of: a1tO 'tmv OU�1tt1t'tov'tcov OOt
a p PCOO'tll �a'tCOV K Ut 'tOU U1t01t'tf:UO �EVOU XUAf:1tOU
1tuSous ·
45 LUYKAll't"tKit : It is not clear whether the word is used
here as a proper name or a title. However , since
Simonis-the widowed queen of Serbia-was by that
time living as a nun in Constantinople , and since
Synkletike happens to be a monastic name, it is most
probable that the reference is to an unknown nun
in the service o f Simonis .
45 KpuAuivlls: Eulogia' s sister-in-law Simoni s , daugh-

ter of Andronikos II from his marriage to Yolanda

of Montferrat and widow of Uros I I Milutin of Ser
bia. After the death o f her husband in 1 3 2 1 , she
returned to the capital, became a nun and ended her
life at the convent of Saint Andrew in Krisei . See
P ap adopoulos , Genealogie, no . 65 , for pertinent
bibliography . Like Eulogia, Simonis must have
espoused the Akindynist cause because her name is
listed among those of prominent anti-Palamites ; see
Mercati, Notizie, 223 , no . 28 . For her alleged literary
interests , see my Additional Note below .
45-5 1 ava01t a08EV ya p 1tVEU� a . . . avTjA8Ev E1tt 'tOU

8wpaKoe; K at CWvava01to.oav <pAEy�a . . . E1tVtYE
�E . . . U1to1t'tuoae; 'tOU'to . . . aVE1tVEuoa: On the
symptoms described here by the director , I consulted
my husband , who is a physician, and he agrees with
Laurent 's observation that Eulogia's correspondent
suffered from pulmonary oedema due to cardiac
failure . See " La direction spirituelle , " 58 note 2 .
Unconnected with Eulogia' s correspondence but

of possible prosopographical interest is a note that
appears on the last folio of the Scorialensis (254v) ,
immediately after the director ' s last letter (Letter 22) ,
by a hand different from that of the main scribe. In
the note the author offers his condolence to a fellow
monk who had lost his father, and concludes with
the following request for the medicines for his own
serious illness : "01tEP EXW �aeito1] 1t pOe; 'trov acSEA
<prov o ct n ouv cSUV1] , poit81loov �Ot, 1tE�\jIae; aAE�ll
'tit Pta <pup�aKa Kat Tij VOoev 1tOAE�ta . Ka'ta01tU
�o�ai OE, �OVE YV1l0tw'ta'tE <piAE Kat acSEA<pE, 1tAT1V
E1ttOaAEUE'tW EA1tie; ne; Kat 8upooe; �E'ta 0EOV' 'tie;
yap OtcSEV d �E'ta�EA1l8itoE'tat Kat au8te; E�1tVEUOEt
�WT1V 'tep VEK Pep Kat o\jlo�ai OE 'tOY <piA'ta'tov . The
note ' s position in the manuscript and the complaints
of ill health that it contains suggest that it might
belong to the director . However , if he wrote it soon
Commentary 147
after his last letter to Eulogia and in extremis , this

evidence would argue against his identification with
anyone who lived into the 1 3 40s .
Letter 1 9
2-3 1'i;C; n poc; 1'00C; (JuYYEvdC; (Jou npo(Jnu90uc; O!J,lAiuC;:

Citing Luke 1 4 . 26 ( " If anyone comes to me and
does not hate his own father and mother and wife
and children and brothers and sisters , yes , and even
his own life, he cannot be my disciple " ) , the Fathers
of the Church ordained that the monk must have
no earthly family . See , for example , Saint B asil ,
'AaK1]TlKai ()zaTU�8l(;, 20 , PO 3 1 . 1 3 89C- 1 3 9 3 C ;
Evagrio s , Twv KaTa f.1,ovaxwv npaYf.1,UTWV TO. ai'rza,
5 , PO 40 . 1 257A. Consequently , any contact b et
ween nuns and their relatives outside the cloister was
o fficially discouraged, although in practice a limited
number of visits by a nun ' s close relatives was per
mitted as a concession to human weakness .
Irene Doukas allowed the mothers , sisters and

sisters-in-law of her nuns to visit the convent twice
a year . On those occasions they were invited to par
take of the common meal at the refectory but they
could not remain overnight . Only the mother of a
seriously ailing nun was allowed to spend the night
with her daugther . Fathers, brothers and brothers
in-law , on the other hand , were received at the outer
gate of the convent , and if a nun happened to be ill ,
she was carried thither on a litter . Even the imperial
princesses were subject to this rule , for the convent
was strictly out of b ounds to men . See Miklo
sich-Miiller, 5, 346- 47 . The typika of the Palaiologan
convents of Bebaia Elpis and Lips are equally strict
on this point (Delehaye, "Deux typica, " 6 1 ; 1 1 5) ,
although Empress Theodora authorized occasional
visits by her son Andronikos I I , and the female
members of her family ; see Typikon of the Convent
of Lips, Delehaye , "Deux typica, " 1 1 5 .

I n his short manual on monastic life , addressed
to Eulogia at the beginning of their association ,
Theoleptos warned her that her close relatives were
among the many things she would have to renounce
when she embraced monastic life (Salaville, " Formes
ou methodes de priere , " 7 and note 2) . It appears
that his advice went unheeded for we know from
Choumnos ' correspondence that Eulogia received
her father every Saturday and Sunday ; see Choum
nos , Letter 1 63 , ed . Boissonade , Anecdota Nova,
1 82 . Until the end of his life , Theoleptos continued
to voice his disapproval of Eulogia ' s passionate
attachment to her family and , like her future direc
tor , he held this attachment responsible for her
general malaise . See H ero , " Irene-Eulogia , " 1 29 .
3 KU'tU Map9uc;: An unknown nun who had provoked
the abbess ' quick temper .
7 on 9u�oC; £(jnv 6 'tufhu �aAAcov KUt aKov1"i�cov:

Theoleptos also advised Eulogia to exercise greater
self-control in dealing with the nuns in her charge
and reprimanded her for her occasional pettiness and
severity . See Hero , " Irene-Eulogia, " 1 25-26 .
1 3-14 �E�tOG : Theodore Dexios ; see commentary on Let
ter1 8 , line 1 0 .
14 Muvourl A: Unknown .
15 , Au pcbv : See commentary on Letter 1 2 , line 24 .
21 <PuAuivll C; : See commentary on Letter 1 8 , lines
28-29 .
Letter 20
5 AU�1tpOtC; (jUAAOYOtC;: Eulogia had invited her cor
respondent to the commemoration of the anniver
sary of her father ' s death
( 1 6 January; on this date,
cf. commentary on Letter 5 , line 44) , which accord-
Commentary 149
ing to custom would have b een solemnized with a

special liturgy, followed by an elaborate meal for
members of the family, friends and the monastic
community . See, for example , the typikon of Irene
D o ukas for the c onvent of Kecharitomene
(Miklosich-Miiller , 5 , 3 74-75) and Theodora Syna
dena ' s typikon for the convent of Bebaia Elpis, in
which she too gave detailed instructions for the re
quiems of the various members of her family
(Delehaye , " D eux typica, " 9 1 -94) .
7-8 aVE'lllwV aou : It is not clear whether these nieces of

the abbess were members of the monastic communi
ty or occasional visitors . The director says here that
he had just seen them recently, and in Letter 21 (line
27) he offers to meet with them again during his forth
coming visit to the convent . Eulogia had one attested
niece, the daughter of her eldest brother John; See
Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques , " no. 24 . It is
possible, however, that she had other nieces from her
three younger brothers. Of her nieces by marriage,
only two were living at this time: Theodora, the
daughter of Michael IX and widow of Michael Sisman
of Bulgaria, who was by then the nun Theodosia at
the convent of Kyra Martha, and the young Princess
Irene, daughter of the Despot Demetrios and future
wife of Matthew Kantakouzenos . See Papadopoulos,
Genealogie, nos . 7 1 and 64 respectively .
13 Ku p Nit<pcov a : Perhaps the monk Nephon who car
ried one of Eulogi a ' s last letters to Theoleptos in
1 322; See Theoleptos ' second letter to Eulogia in Ot
tob. 405 , fo! . 234v . He may even be further iden
tified with the anti-Palamite Nephon who is men
tioned in the Fifth Antirrhetic of P atriarch Philo
theos Kokkinos together with Dexios and Oregoras ,
(PO 1 5 1 . 872C ; latest edition by D . Kaimaki s , lPl
A o8iov KOKKlvov LJ oY/.1UTlKa "Epyu [Thessalonike,
1 98 3 ] , 1 5 3 ) , and who is listed among the prominent
anti-Palamites as hieromonk and father confessor

(nvEU�l(l'ttKOC;) ; see Mercati , Notizie, 223 , no . 1 0 .
Letter 2 1
3-4 1"OU nupUKOtJ.1(J)J.1EVOU: As suggested by Laurent ("La

direction spirituelle , " 52) , the reference is to Eulogi
a's eldest brother John, the Bearer of the Great Seal
(nupUKOlJ.1cOJ.1EVOC; 1"iiC; J.1EyaA:11 C; oq>Ev8oVll C; ), a Palace
official, successful general and man of letters . See
Verpeaux, "Notes prosopographiques , " no . 1 6, pp .
257-59 . John had been governor of the island of Chios
for one year when he died (cf. his eulogy by Manuel
Gabalas, Vindobon. gr. 1 74, foI. 1 94r, as in Verpeaux,
"Notes . . . , " 259, note 52) , but the exact date of
his death is unknown . Kourouses recently concluded
that John was dead by 1 3 3 8 because Manuel Gaba
las in a letter dating from the middle of 1 3 39 wrote
that he had composed the eulogy of John Choumnos
" sometime ago " ; see Manuel Gabalas, 1 9 1 .
1 2- 1 3 apXtotK08oJ.10C;: According t o W . Petersen and C .
Buck (A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjec
tives [Chicago , 1 945] , 1 95 ) , this extremely rare word
is found only in an early Byzantine inscription from
a building in Assuan , Egypt ; See F. Bilabel . ed . ,
Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus A gypten
(Heidelberg , 1 93 1 ) , I V , no . 7425 , p . 72.
1 2- 1 3 apXtotK08oJ.10C; 8€ KUt rpllyoptOC;, roc; aA1l9roc;, J.10-

voc; t01"tV 6 eEOC; ' OU1"OC; yap to'ttv 6 Y PTtYoP0C; 8t
a n uv1"oc; Oq>9UAJ.10C;: H ere the director appears to
be answering a statement which Eulogia had made
using the words apXtotK08oJ.10C; and rpllyoptOC; . It
i s , however , difficult to determine how Eulogia had
used these terms . The first thought that comes to
mind is that her correspondent ' s name was probably
Gregory and that she h ad made a pun on it , since
the verb YPllYOPro means " to be fully awake , to
watch , to live . " In that case it would be very tempt-
Commentary 151
ing t o identify the director with Gregory Akindynos ,

Eulogia's protege and close associate during the he
sychast controversy. Certain evidence would, in fact,
support such a conjecture. Like the director , Akin
dynos was a scholar-monk who arrived in the capital
from Thessalonike in the late 1 3 30s and became
known in the patriarchal circles . Furthermore, four
of his letters are found in the Escorial manuscript
adjacent to Choumnaina' s correspondence edited
here. Unfortunately, however, there is no evidence
that Akindynos , who had been denied admittance by
most of the Athonite monasteries (cf. Hero, Letters
of Gregory Akindynos, x-xi) , was a highly respected
hesychast, nor is there any evidence in his surviving
writings , or in those of his opponents , that he ever
wrote any such works as are here attributed to Eulo
gia' s correspondent . M oreover, there are no notice
able similarities between the director ' s style and that
of Akindynos in his correspondence , although this
may be due to the difference in their respective
readers . Akindynos' surviving letters are addressed
to his fellow-literati and other learned men, and con
sequently they exhibit all the traits of the rhetorical
style . On the other hand, the director ' s simple and
concise manner of writing most probably reflects the
fact that he is addressing a woman . Still , one small
but interesting detail must be noted : Akindynos does
not share the director 's predilection for rare words .
His seventy-six letters contain only two words which
are unattested in the dictionaries , whereas the direc
tor ' s fourteen letters show five such words . Finally
had she been writing to Gregory Akindynos , it is
highly unlikely that Eulogia would have missed the
opportunity to make some pun on his last name , as
he himself and his opponents did later during the
controversy . For that matter neither are there any
other puns in her letters on the name rpllyo ptO C; or
the verb YPllYo pw and its derivatives . I am inclined ,
152 Princess Irene-Eu/ogia
therefore , to dismiss the possibility of a pun and the

only explanation I can suggest regarding this obscure
allusion is that Eulogia might have referred to
Gregory of Nazianzos who was her favorite Church
Father , according to her statement in another letter
(Letter 9, lines 9 1 -92) .
26-27 'trov it �EProV Tii <; 'AnoK pEco : The Director promises
to visit Eulogia at the end o f the three-week period
which precedes the Great Lent . The whole period
receives its name from the third Sunday , the Sun
day of the Apokreo , so called because after that day
no meat may be eaten until Easter Sunday . See E .
Theodorou , AnoKpEco<;, " epl1aKSVTlKY, Kai 'B81-
' "
KY, 'EYKvKAonalbs[a (Athens 1 960) , 2, 1 098- 1 1 02 .
Letter 22
1 -2 'tOY VEKPOV 'tf\<; 9Eiu<; 000 . Nothing is known about

the brothers or sisters of Eulogi a ' s parents , except
that Choumnos had one attested brother ; s ee Ver
peaux, " Notes prosopographiques , " no . 2 1 , p . 262 .
Of her husband ' s aunts-the sisters of Andronikos
II-Anna, the wife of Michael of Epiros died in 1 300
and Eudokia the empress of Trebizond died in 1 302 .
See P apadopoulos , Genealogie, nos . 47 and 5 2 , p p .
2 9 ; 3 2- 3 3 . However, t h e date of death of Irene , the
wife of John III Asen, is unknown; see Papadopou
l o s , op . cit . , no . 44 , p p . 27-28 .
Additional note
When this edition was already in press , I was in

formed by Father Darrouzes of G. A. Papademe
triou ' s article, " <H
KpaAUtyU 'troy TptpuArov K Ut
( ± 1 340) , " Msaalw
6 Kco8tKoypa<po<; 0EOK'ttO'tO<;
vlKa Kai Nia tEAAI1V1KU, 1 ( 1 9 84) 4 1 9-5 1 . In this
study, the author convincingly identifies Simonis
the daughter of Andronikos I I and widow of Uros II
Commentary 153
Milutin of Serbia-with an unnamed ' ' kralaina of

the Tribali " for whom a scribe by the name of
Theoktistos had copied several manuscripts contain
ing an anthology of ascetic writings known as Ever
getinos (Barlaam 1 5 1 ) , various menaia (Vindob.
theol. gr. 1 32, Vindob. hist. gr. 66, Vindob. theol.
gr. 1 3 8) , seven tragedies of Sophocles (Marc. gr.
467) , and Plutarch ' s Moralia (Bruxellensis 1 8967) .
Papademetriou identifies this scribe with Theoktistos
the Studite, author of several works on P atriarch
Athanasios I of Constantinople, and concludes that
the same man was the spiritual director of Choum
naina through whom he must have made the ac
quaintance of the latter ' s sister-in-law , Simonis .
Unfortunately the evidence from their letters
does not permit us to identify Eulogia's correspon
dent with a man who was a scrib e . We know from
his own as well as Eulogia's comments that the direc
tor ' s handwriting was very b ad (see commentary on
Letter 10, lines 37-38 , above) and that when the prin
cess requested fresh copies of his writings she pro
vided both paper and money for a copyist 's fee (Let
ter 9, lines 86-87 , above) . Indeed , if Theoktistos the
Studite was the copyist of the manuscripts commis
sioned by Simonis , this would be further evidence
against his identification with Eulogia' s corre
spondent .
I wish to thank both Father Darrouzes for bring
ing D r . P apademetriou ' s study to my attention and
D r . P apademetriou for providing me with an off
print of his article .
Addenda
The following passages were misprinted in my arti

cle , " Irene-Eulogia, " notes 15 and 75 : Letter 9, lines
78-80 (EV xapl"U . . . u \V ux o u) and Letter 1 8 , lines
1 6-20 (1to:nl P . . . U1tEpXOU) .
Indices
INDEX ΤΟ ΤΗΕ GREEK ΤΕΧΤ OF ΤΗΕ CORRESPONDENCE
* Distinguishes unattested or rare words
, Ααρών (emissary of Eulogia) 12. , Αθανάσιος, patriarch of Con

24, 28; 13. 60-61; 15. 91; 18. 1; stantinople 1. 29; 2. 18-19; 3.
19. 15; 21.25 23; 4. 6
αβαρής 7. 31 αθόλωτος (ήδονή) 9. 61
αβαρώς 9. 100 αϊσθησις (ψυχής) 9. 64
αβίαστος (έξαγγελία) 5. 23 αιχμάλωτος 15. 33
αγάλλομαι 5. 1, 43-44 άκαρπος 9. 51
άγαμαι 1. 2-3 ακατάλυτος 21. 19
άγιοπρεπής 5. 6 ακηδέω 7. 28-29
αγιος (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5. 41; (of ακηδία 7. 33
director) 1. 1; 5. 45; 9. 1; ακμαίος 7. 4; 13. 15
(monk) 12. 18; 15. 87; (others) ακοίμητος (οφθαλμός): of God
16. 9, 11. Cf. also Αρσένιος,
' 21. 15
Τριάς ακορέστως 21. 10
άγιότης, ή σή (director) 11. 1 ακρίβεια 13. 22, 23; 18. 18
άγιωσύνη, ή σή (director) 1. 13, ακριβολογέομαι 18. 23
26, 29; 3. 20, 27, 30; 5. 45; 9. ακριβόω 16. 69
1, 56, 88; 13. 61-62; 15. 11, 89 ακρισία 16. 64
άγιώτατος (Patriarch Athanasios άλογον (horse) 15. 69
Ι) 1. 28; (director) 13. 41-42; αλφάβητος 12. 8; 13. 28, 31, 33
15.1 αμαθής 2. 14; 3. 33
αγράμματος (γυνή) 3. 36 αμαθία 1. 5
αγροίκος 13. 29, 32. αμέλεια 19. 1
αγροικωτάτη (ref. Eulogia) 13. άμετρος 9. 49; 15. 20
34-35. άμισθος 15. 8
αδιάλειπτος (προνοητής): of God άμωμος 21. 18
14. 56 ανάβασις 9. 72
αδυνατώτατος 14. 16 αναγκαίος (προνοητής): of God
αηδία 3. 25 14. 56
αηδίζομαι 3. 31-32 αναισθητέω 9. 3-4
αηδώς (έχειν) 18. 7 ανακωχή 15. 53
155
αναλλοίωτος 8. 12-13 αποσείω 9. 93

αναξιότης 9. 45 απόστολος (St. Paul) 8. 9, 13; 9.
ανάπαυσις 7. 46; 9. 71 7; (ρl.) 9. 19
αναχωρέω 8. 40-41; 17. 24 αποσώζομαι, arrive 11. 2
αναχώρησις 17. 9 αποταγή 16. 21
ανδράποδον (λαιμοϋ καΙ κοι , Αρσένιος, αγιος 13. 29
λίας) 17. 32 άρτιος 7. 27
ανέκφορος 3. 24; 4. 12-13 αρχιερεύς (Theoleptos of Phiala
ανελάττωτος 19. 21-22 delphia) 9. 48; 15. 32-33, 83-
ανεξικακία 5. 15 84; 16. 16; 17. 2, 13; (others)
ανεπιλήπτως 5. 12 17. 34
ανεπίσκεπτον, τό 17. 48 αρχιερωσύνη 16. 22
ανεπιστημοσύνη 17. 64 * αρχιοικοδόμος (of God) 21.13-14
άνεσις 15. 21, 56; 17. 55 ασθένεια, ή εμαυτοϋ 6. 3; ή ήμών

ανεψιαί (nieces of Eulogia) 20. 10. 2-3
7-8; 21. 27 ασθένημα 18. 42
άνθρωπος (Θεοϋ): ref. director ασκανδάλιστος 17. 25, 40
13. 1, 20; (θαυμαστός) ref. ασκητήριον 16. 8
Nikephoros Choumnos 7. 15-16 ασπούδαστος 4. 9
(παρακοιμωμένου) 21. 3 αστοχέω 9. 39
ανομίλητον, τό 17. 48 ασύνετος 3. 9
αντέχομαι (τοϋ λόγου) 9. 96 άσχετος 14. 8
αντίγραφον 11. 2 ατίθασος 18. 26
αντίστοιχον, itacism 1. 6 ατιμία 8. 8, 10-11
αξιολογώτατος 12. 8-9 άτιμος 17.74
αξιόω, ask 1. 26. 27; 17.65 ατοπία 15. 71
απαιδεύτως 5. 8 αυθέντης (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5. 41;
απαναίνομαι 7. 26-27 (Gregory of Nazianzos) 9. 91
απαρρησίαστος 3. 11 αυθεντικός 15. 68
απειρία 9. 84 αυτοπρόσωπος 17. 18
άπειρον, τό 9. 1-2 αυτοπροσώπως 17. 16
απέραντος 22. 8-9 αυτόσοφος 2. 5
απερισκέπτως 3. 6-7 αφέλεια, ή ήμετέρα 16. 41
απέριττος 14. 10 άφθονος, genial 5. 47
* απληροφορησία, lack of con- αφόρητος 15. 53
fidence 17. 93-94 αφρονέστατος 14. 16
απληροφόρητος 17. 76 άψυχος 9. 80
απόγνωσις 15. 27
Άπόκρεω 21. 27 βάρος (εχειν) 15. 89
απόλλω 9. 40 βασιλεία (of empire) 14. 42;
άπορον, τό 9. 75 (emperor) 15. 65; (kingdom
Indices 157
of heaven) 21. 20-21 γύμνωσις 13. 44

Βασίλειος ό μέγας 19. 12-13; 20. γυναικείος 2. 4
2 γυνή 3. 36; 10. 20; 16. 3; 17. 3, 30,
βασιλεύς (Andronikos ΙΙ) 5. 47
41; 6. 21
βασιλίς (ψυχή) 2. 6-7 δάκρυον 5. 39; 15. 57
βέλτιστος (form of adress) 6. 13 δακρύω 11. 6
βιαστός 21. 20 Δαυίδ (bibl.) 10. 13; 13. 35; cf.
βιβλίον (book of Nikephoros also ίεροψάλτης, προφήτης
Choumnos) 8. 21; (of the direc δαψιλως 8. 57
ιοτ) 9. 90; 12. 1, 14; (of Theo δειλία 21. 7; 22. 3
leptos) 12. 16; (Eulogia's libra Δεξιός (Θεόδωρος) 18. 10; 19.
ry) 10. 40 13-14
βίος (fortune) 15. 70 δεσπότης (God) 7. 40, 42, 47;
βουλευτικός 14. 44 (Theoleptos of Philadelphia) 9.
48; 15. 83
γάμος (βασιλικός) 15. 67 διάθεσις 1. 16; 7. 37; 13. 7; 14. 38;
γενναίος (of patriarch Athanasios 15. 61; 16. 39; Ι8. 36; 19. 13, 19
Ι) 2. 19; (gen.) 2: 3; 8. 27; 14. διάπυρος 13. 7
13-14 διαρκέω, suffice 15. 70
γεννήτωρ (Nikephoros Choum- διασχεδιάζω 2. 16
nos) 5. 44; 6. 21 διδασκαλία 5. 13
γεύμα, taste 3. 30 διδάσκαλος 8. 4; 12. 16; 17. 63,
γλυκύτης (Χριστού) 9. 61 69, 91
γλυφίς 7. 34 δούλος (Χριστού) 8. 13; 9. 19-20,
γνήσιος, relative 15. 81 74; 13. 2
γνησιότης (είς την βασιλείαν) δραστήριος 18. 29
15. 65 δυνάστης (των κακων): of God
γογγυσμός 7. 39 21. 9
γράμμα, letter of complaint 18. 2 δυσαίσθητος 3. 34
γραμματική 1. 6, 10-11 δυσδιάκριτος 2. 16
γραφή (letter) 1. 1, 13; 3. 30, 31; δυσεφίκτως 3. 10
5. 56-57; 15. 47; 16. 71; δυσφημία 7. 9; 8. 11
(writing) 5. 5, 26, 56, 58; 9. 2;
13. 24, 50 εγκωμιάζω 3. 35; 13. 42
γράψιμον, writing <fee > 9. 87 εγκωμιαστικός 9. 27
Γρηγόριος, Gregory of Nazianzos εγκώμιον 1. 15; 3. 39; 7. 12, 14;
9. 92; (of God) 21. 13 9. 4, 20, 22
γρήγορος (οφθαλμός): of God 21. είρήνη, peace 15. 22; (διπλή) 5.
14 16; (θεία) 5. 18; (νοερά) 9. 62
γυμνάσιον 9. 10 (Χριστού) 5. 17
158 Princess /rene-Eu/ogia
ειρηνεύω 9. 62; 15. 35 ευφροσύνη, 5. 29; 15. 55

εκγράφω 4. 12 ευφυως, 2. 8
εκκαθαίρω, edit 2. 22 εχθρός (of devil), 22. 4
εκκλησία, congregation 10. 14;
11. 12-13; (metropolis of ζεύγλη, 15. 30-31
Philadelphia) 16. 18-19 ζήτησις, inquiry 18. 4, 35
εκπαιδεύω 1. 11 ζυγός (νοερας ύποταγής), 15. 32
<Ελληνικός, profane 10. 42;
Greek 13. 30 ήδονή (Χριστου) 9. 61
<Ελληνισμός, Hellenic learning ήδύνω 3. 32-33
10. 22 ήμερόω 18. 6
εμβριθως 9. 42 ήμέρως 18. 34
εμφροντις 16. 72 ήρωϊκός (στίχος) 12. 3
ενανθρώπησις 18. 39 ήσυχάζω 21. 2
ενδιάθετος 17. 31 ήσυχία 8. 39, 45, 52; 9. 32, 32-33;
ενδόσιμον 16. 32 12. 9, 16
ενεργέω 9. 66, 67
ενωσις, gathering 15. 68 θανατηφόρος 18. 4243
εξοδον, τό 3. 22 θαυμασιώτατος (of director) 13.1
έορτή (του Σωτήρος) 9. 85 θαυμαστός (of Nikephoros Chou-
επίδειξις 4. 15 mnos) 7. 15
επίλοιπος 5. 57 θαυμαστόω 13. 36, 38
επίσκεψις (θεία) 16. 64 θεία (Eulogia's aunt) 22. 2
επιστήμων (ήσυχίας) 8. 39-40 θείος (of patriarch Athanasios Ι)
επιστρέφομαι (προς εμαυτόν) 14. 2. 19; (Theoleptos) 16. 15; 17.
21 (προς Θεόν) 16. 60 13
επόπτης (of God) 14. 53-54 <Θεόληπτος >, metropolitan of
επωφελης 13. 13 Philadelphia cf. αρχιερεύς, δε
εραστής (ήσυχίας) 9. 32 σπότης, θείος, θεσπέσιος, μέ
ερως (ήσυχίας) 9. 31-32 γας, πατήρ
ευδαιμονία 15. 53-54 θεόληπτος (of director) 13. 18;
εύδρομον (τής φράσεως) 13. 27 15. 62
ευλαβής 5. 7; 8. 58 θεολογικώτατος (of Gregory of
ευλογία (ε. επώνυμος) 16. 59 Nazianzos) 9. 91
* ευπαιδεία, education 10. 21 θεοποιός 15. 1-2
ευπετής 3. 26 θεοπρεπως 16. 3
ευπορία 5. 24-25; 13. 26 θεοφιλής (of director) 15. 16-17;
ευπορώτατον, τό (του νοός) 5. (Theoleptos) 16. 26
21-22 θεσπέσιος (of Theoleptos) 12. 15
ευτέλεια (of director) 3. 11 (monk) 12. 18; (monastery) 14.
ευφημία 7. 9, 10; 8. 11 36
Indices 159
Θεσσαλονίκη 2. 18; 3. 16; 4. καταρτίζομαι 7. 11-12

7-8 κατάστοιχον 10. 46
θεωρία contemplation 9. 71 κατατρυφάω 9. 90
θέωσις 9. 72-73 κατεργασία 9. 98
θησαυρός (of director) 9. 35, 40 κέλευσις 4. 12
θηριάλωτος 15. 31 κέλλα 14. 23
θλίψις 8. 15 κελλίον 14. 1, 8, 27; 15. 73, 74;
θυμικόν (της ψυχης) 19. 9 16. 44
θυμός 19. 7 κίνημα (αρετης) 13. 25
θυμώδης (διάθεσις) 18. 35 κολακεύω 5. 53
< Κολοβός 'Ιωάννης >, Desert
ιαμβικός (στίχος) 12. 3 Father 6. 10; 9. 24
ιδιασμός 16. 60 κοσμικός layman 12. 4
ίδιόομαι 12. 29-30 Κράλαινα, Simonis, Queen of
ίδιωτεία 1. 5; 3. 8 Serbia 18. 45
ίδιώτισσα 3. 37 κράτιστος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
ίερός (of monk) 16. 67; (nuns) 17. 41
46 κρίμα 9. 46
ίεροψάλτης, David 16. 47 κτηνος 15. 39
'Ιησους (κύριος) 17. 99; 'Ιησους κυρ, ό (indecl.): of monks 16.
Χριστός 1. 9; cf. also Χριστός 67; 17. 61, 66; 20. 13; others
ίλιγγιάω 3. 39 18. 1
ίσον, τό 3. 24 κυρις, ό (Patriarch Athanasios Ι)
1. 29; 3. 23; (monk) 15. 88
καθαίρω, edit 3. 16
* κακοχάραγον, bad hand writ λαλιά 11. 4
ing 10. 38 λαός (βασιλικός) 15. 70
< Καλέκας 'Ιωάννης >, J ohn λογικός, literary 7. 18, 27; rhe-
ΧΙV Patriarch of Constantino torical 10. 22
ple cf. πατριάρχης λόγιος 3. 38
κάλλιστος (ref. director) 13. 5, λογιότης 5. 33
11 λογισμός 5. 38; 14. 48, 49-50; 15.
καλλονή (γραφης) 1. 2; 5. 4; 13. 87; 16. 63
50 λογιώτατος 1. 1; 3. 4; 9. 99
κανονίζομαι 10. 26; 17. 49 λόγος, argument 5.11; learning
καρδία 7. 30; 9. 50, 69; 15. 95 9. 95; 13. 42; Hellenic learn
Kαταβαπτ�oμαι 9. 41 ing 12. 1, 2; written work
καταθέλ γω 5. 25 2. 10-11, 13; 3. 19; discourse
καταμέμφομαι 5. 48 4. 3, 5, 11; 5. 20, 27; 7. 15;
κατανύσσομαι 11. 6 8. 24, 26; 9. 88; 12. 1, 3,
καταξιόω 3. 21 16-17; 13. 4, 8, 20; reason
καταποντίζομαι 15. 34, 38-39,
52, 56-57
160 Princess Irene-Eu/ogia
9. 63; teaching 15. 95, 98; 16. μυριοπλάσιος 11. 8

11 μυσταγωγέω 7. 23
λοχεία 4. 8 Μωσαϊκά (Pentateuch) 10. 49
λύπη 5. 31; 9. 41, 43; 15, 53
λυτρωτής (τών κακών): of God ναοποιέω 21. 16
21. 9-10 νεκρός, funeral 22.
νευρά 7. 33
μακαρίτης (of Nikephoros Chou νήπιος 8. 3
mnos) 20. 5-6 νηπιώδης 8. 3, 5-6
Μανουήλ (emissary of Eulogia), Νήφων (monk) 20. 13
19. 14 νοερός (ειρήνη) 9. 62; (ύποταγή)
Μάρθα (nυn) 19. 3 15. 32; (ψυχή) 15. 40
μάρτυς (ή αλήθεια) 9. 56; (ή συν- νόημα 5. 22, 24; 13. 26
είδησις) 15. 80 νους 1. 20; 7. 3; 8. 17; 9. 65; 13.
μεγαλοπρέπεια 8.25-26 5,28; 15. 29
μεγαλοφυια 13. 39-40
μέγας (of Gregory of Nazianzos), όδηγέομαι 15. 93
9. 91, 92; (Theoleptos of Phila οδυνηρώς 7. 26
delphia) 12. 15 οιηματικός 18. 36
μέλαν, τό, ink 9. 79; 15. 58 οικίδιον 16. 5
μελίττω 8. 4 οικονομέω 5. 57; 7. 43, 45; 17.
μένος 5. 6 100
μεταγράφω 3. 21; 9. 87; 10. 45 οικονομία (Θεου) 9. 44-45
μεταίχμιος 5. 3 οικονόμος 7. 43
μετάνοια 18. 61 όμιλία, association 17. 49; 19.
Μηνας (monk) 15. 88; 16. 67; 17. 3; company 7. 26, 30-31; 9. 37,
11, 66; <12. 18 > 97; 10. 19, 28; 12. 20; 13. 14;
μήτηρ (Χριστου) 15. 37 conversation 17. 91; talk 15. 18;
μικροπρεπής 9. 6 visit 8. 39, 47, 50; 9. 81, 17.18
μισθαποδότης (of God) 11. 7 όμότροπος 17. 83-84
μνημόσυνα, memorial service 21.1 οξύς (πους) 5. 49-50
μοναδικός 8. 40 ορεκτόν τό 9. 70
μονάζων 12. 5; 15. 82 ορφανία 7. 19
μοναστήριον (of Patriarch ουράνιος (αλφάβητος) 13. 33
Athanasios Ι) 4. 5-6; (Philan
thropos Soter) 18. 27 παθητικός 9. 62-63
μοναχικός 7. 22; 15. 73 παίδευσις 1. 10; 5. 8, 9; 8. 49; 12.
μοναχός 5. 43; 18. 2 24; 13. 31
μονή (of Philanthropos Soter), 14. <Παλαιολόγος 'Ανδρόνικος >,
36; 15. 64; 16. 33 Andronikos ΙΙ cf. αγιος, αυ
μοχθηρός 6. 1 θέντης, βασιλεύς, κράτιστος,
Indices 161
πενθερός, φιλάρετος, φιλόκα πλάτος (νοημάτων) 5. 22, 24

λος, φιλόλογος, φιλομόναχος, πληροφορία, full assurance 15.
φιλόσοφος, φυσικός; Andro 34-35, 92, 94; 22. 5; tutelage 17.
nikos πι < 15. 65 > 62
πανάγαθος (Χριστός) 12. 22 πνεύμα, Holy Spirit 5. 18-19;
παντοκρατορικός 15. 4 spirit 5. 39; 7. 29; breathing 18.
παρακοιμώμενος, John Chou- 49; vapor 18. 46, 53
mnos 21. 3-4 πνευματικός (διάθεσις) 14. 38;
παραλιμπάνω 5. 9 15. 61; (έμφασις) 12. 9; (εργα
παροξύνομαι 18. 38 σία) 15. 79; (όμιλία) 7. 26-27;
παρουσία (δευτέρα)� 11. 13; 9. 97-98; (πατήρ) 7. 25 (ωφέ
(of director) 15. 8 λεια) 7. 18;
πατερικός 12. 10; 16. 2 πνιγηρός 16. 63
πατήρ, author 13. 6; father πνιγμονή 17. 55
(Nikephoros Choumnos) 5. 42; ποιητής ref. Christ 1. 8-9
8. 22, 23; 9. 82; 15. 15, 76; 20. πόλις, Constantinople 8. 52
6; spiritual father (patriarch) πολιτεία (μοναχική) 13. 23
18. 16; (Theoleptos of πολλοστημόριον 7. 44
Phialdelphia) 7. 25; 8. 34; 9. 48, ποταμός (δια συγγραμμάτων
82; 12. 15; 15. 15, 76; (John ρέων): ref. director 3. 28
Kolobos) 6. 10; 9. 24; (monk πράγματα, <material > goods
Menas) 12. 18; 15. 88; (others) 7. 43, 46; matters of dispute
9. 47; 16. 4; 17. 7, 53; form of (ref. legal disputes) 18. 24, 31
address (ref. director) 1. 1; 5. πραγματεύομαι 5. 36-37
23-24, 45; 9. 1; 13. 42; 15. 1, 9 πραγματικός 18. 19
πατριάρχης, Athanasios Ι 1. πραότης 5. 15
28; John χιν Kalekas (?) 17. πρεσβύτατος 17. 26-27
34; 18. 1, 6, 10, 15, 24 πρεσβυτικώτατος 13. 22-23
πατριαρχικώς 18. 4 προνοητής (of God) 14. 55-56
πενθερός, Andronikos ΙΙ 5. 42 προοικοδομέω 16. 13
πένθος, funeral 15. 68 προπετώς 3. 6
περιέχομαι (τού λόγου), 9. 96 προσκόλλησις 9. 16
περισπασμός 9. 84; 16. 73 προσπαθής 19. 3
πηγαίνω 18. 1 προσφυέστατος 2. 5
πηγή (ζώσα): ref. director 3. προφήτης, David 10. 14
26; (παντός αγαθού): ref. πτωχεία (of director) 3. 11
Christ 17. 99 πυρίτης (λίθος) 3. 18
πηχυς (βασιλικός) 10. 21 πυρσός (λόγων) 3. 19
πικρία, 15. 55
Πίνδαρος 8. 28
πλακούντιον 19. 14 ρqθυμία 19. 2
162 Ρrίncess Ιrene-ΕuΙοgία
ρ�θυμoς 9. 6 συνάγω, collect oneself 14. 1

'Ράλαινα, nυn 18. 28-29; 19. 16, συναγωγή, meditation 16. 43-44
21 συνεδρία 17. 88
ρητορικός 5. 6; 17. 58 συνείδησις 14. 29; 15. 63, 80
ριγέω 18. 38 σύνεσις (of director) 13. 22, 24;
ρυθμίζω 19. 5 (Eulogia) 16. 54
'Ρωμαϊκός 13. 30 συνετός 3. 6; 5. 7
συνήθεια (ανθρωπίνη) 21. 24;
σεβασμιώτατος (ref. director) 15. (βασιλικη) 17. 93
1 σύννοια 22. 5
σεμνοπρέπεια, ή σή 14. 42 συνοδοιπόρος 17. 73
σημαδεύω 7. 17 συντάσσομαι 9. 94
σκαφίδιον 6. 19 συντέμνω 1. 19-20, 22-23
σκοτίζομαι 15. 28 σύντονον, το 7. 33
σκότωσις 13. 44 σύστασις (ref. spiritual direction)
σκυθρωπός 13. 43 14. 15
σκυλον 5. 2 σφραγίς, ordination 16. 31
σοφία (ανωτάτω) 13. 58; (κάτω) σχεδίασμα 3. 15, 21-22; 9. 88
13. 56; (θεου) 13. 39; (of direc σχήμα, monastic habit 7. 22
tor) 3. 7, 10, 13; 5. 33; 14. 13; σχολάζω 15. 71
(Eulogia) 16. 56; (Nikephoros σχολή 16. 11
Choumnos) 8. 23 σωτήρ, Christ 1. 9; (εντολη του
σοφιστής (κακίας), devil 16. 56 Σωτήρος) 14. 34; (έορτη του
σοφός (director) 3. 38; (Nikepho Σωτήρος) 9. 85
ros Choumnos) 5. 42; 6. 21; 8. σωτηρία 15. 82; 16. 36; 18. 62; 21.
22 20
σπήλαιον 16. 4
τάλαινα (of Eulogia) 7. 20
σπυρίς 6. 11
τάλαντον 7. 35; 15. 12
στενοχωρία 8. 15-16
ταπεινοφροσύνη 18. 14
στομόω 7. 2
ταπείνωσις (of director) 1. 21;
στερρότης, ή σή 22. 11
7. 38
στοχάζομαι 9. 34, 36
τεκμήριον 1. 19; 9. 34
συγγένεια (εις την βασιλείαν) 15.
τέλεος 6. 10-11
64
τελεόω 2. 17
συγγενής 19. 2
τελειόω 2. 17
σύγγραμμα 1. 29; 3. 14, 28; 11.
τετραβασίλειον, the four books
5-6; 17. 7
of Kings 10. 49-50
Συγκλητική, nυn 18. 45
τεχνολογέω 21. 7
σύλλογος 20. 5, 11
τιμιώτατος (of director) 15. 9
σύμβουλος 17. 95, 96
τομός 16. 58
Indices 163
τόνος, accent (gramm.) 1. 7 φιλονεικία 15. 59

Τριάς, άγία 16. 45, 58-59 φιλονεικέω 17. 97
φιλοπάτωρ 9. 14
ύπεράγαμαι 15. 3
φιλοσοφία 1. 18, 18-19
ύπέραγνος (μήτηρ Χριστου) 15. 37
φιλόσοφος (of Andronikos Π) 5.
ύπερθαυμάζω 8. 23
40; (ref. director) 7. 3; 9. 23; 13.
ύπήκοος 17. 51, 57, 68
34
ύποβρύχιος 6. 20
φιλοτιμία 5. 51; 10. 5
ύπόθεσις 1. 20; 8. 26; 18. 19
φιλοτίμως 4. 15
ύπόληψις Ι. 17
φιλόχριστος (of Eulogia) 10. 1
ύπομνήσκω 3. 29
φίλτρον 7. 16
ύποταγή 15. 29, 32; 17. 45; 18. 8
φίμωτρον 7. 32
ύποτάσσομαι, submit to the
φλέγμα 18. 48, 50, 55
direction 7. 23; 17. 23, 50
φράσις 13. 27
ύστερέω 1. 28
φρόνησις 19. 22
ύψηλόν (της φράσεως) 13. 27
φρόνιμος 18. 29
ϋψωμα 9. 8
φυά 8. 27
φήμη 5. 47-48 φυσικός (φιλόσοφος): ref. An-
Φιλαδέλφεια 12. 16; 15. 96 dronikos Π 5. 39-40
φιλανθρωπία (of Christ) 1. 8 φύσις 2. 11; 13. 59
φιλανθρώπως 18. 40 φως (θείον) 9. 68
φιλάρετος (Andronikos Π) 5. 40; φωτίζω 15. 86; 16. 49
«Ράλαινα) 19. 15-16 φωτισμός 9. 60-61
φιλέρημον, τό 17. 10
φιλήσυχος (of Eulogia) 8. 43 χαλινός 15. 30
φιλόδοξος (of director) 6. 1 χαρά (συνειδήσεως) 14. 28-29
φιλοθεϊ"α, ή σή: ref. Eulogia 10. 45 χάρις (diνine) 9. 67; 12. 21;
φιλόθεος (of Eulogia) 8. 44; 16-24; grace < of style > 8.
(director) 9. 23 49; gratitude 10. 1
φιλόκαλος (of Andronikos Π) 5. χάρτης 2. 16; 9. 78
40-41 χαρτίον 3. 22; 5. 58; 9. 87; 11. 1
φιλόλογος (of Andronikos Π) 5. χειροπέδη 13. 51
40; (Eulogia) 6. 4; 12. 13 (gen.) χορηγία 17. 82
13. 46 Χριστιανός 18. 17
φιλομαθία (of Eulogia) 10. 30, 41 < ΧοΟμνος Ίωάννης > cf. pa
φιλομαθής (of Eulogia) 2. 6 ρακοιμώμενος
* φιλόμιλος, loνing society, com < ΧοΟμνος Νικηφόρος > cf.
pany 8. 43 γεννήτωρ, θαυμαστός, μακα
φιλομόναχος (of Andronikos Π) ρίτης, πατήρ, σοφός
5. 41 Χριστός 1.9; 3. 12; 8. 13, 14; 9.
10, 11,61,66,93; 11. 13; 12. ώραιότατος (λόγος): ref. director

22; 13.2; 15.5,36,38,48; 16. 13. 5
57; cf. also Ίησούς ωφελιμωτάτη (ομιλία): ref. direc
tor 9. 37
ψήφος (θεία) 10.36
ψυχή 2.5,7; 6.1; 7.28; 9.23,63,
64; 13. 18; 15. 17, 19, 35, 41,
50-51,62; 19.9; 21.2, 12
Index to Biblical and Other Quotations
BIBLE
Genesis 1 Corinthians
4.7: 9.53-54 10. 24-25: 9.76-77
Psalms 2 Corinthians
15 (16).8: 16. 45-46 6.7-8: 7.7-10; 8.7-15
21 (22).25: 10.13-15; 11.12-13 6. 9-10: 9.7-9
44 (45). 4: 15. 3-4 Philippians

60 (61).2: 7.28-29 4.7: 9.68-69
76 (77).3: 7.27-28
1 Timothy
117 (118).162-163: 5.1-2
1.9: 9.101-102
138 (139).6: 13. 36-37
6. 11: 13.1, 20
149 (150).8: 13.51-52
2 Timothy
Isaiah 4.7-8: 15.6-7
10.15: 7.1-2
Hebrews
Siracides 11. 7: 11. 12-13
/6.19: 9.50 1 John
Matthew 3.17: 9. 52-53
7. 12: 14.38-40 5.20-21: 11.12; 15.5-6
18. 7-10: 17. 41-42

B. OTHER
18.26, 29: 13.16-17
25.15-28: 7.35; 15.11-12 Arsenios
Apophthegmata, 6 (PG 65.
89A):
Luke 13.30-32
17.1-3: 17.41-42
Saint Basil
John Epist. 210, 1 (Courtonne, 2,
14. 27: 5.16-17 189-90): 20. 2-4
Romans Saint Gregory of Nazianzos

8.35: 8.14-16; 9.9-10 Or. 2,40 (Bernardi, 142, 16): 3.18
165
166 Princess /rene-Eulogia
Or.4, 100 (Bernardi, 248, 10): 9. St. John Chrysostol1l

95-96 Liturgia (Brightman, 361, 13): 11.
Or. 21, 1 (Mossay- Lafontaine, 12; 15.5-6
112, 25): 9.70-71
John Kolobos
Or. 21, 2 (Mossay-Lafontaine,
Apophthegmata, 32 (ΡΟ 65.
114, 5): 9. 73
213D-16A): 6. 13-14
Or. 24, 3 (Mossay-Lafontaine,
44, 7-10): 9.92-94 Meletios
Or.42, 13 (ΡΟ 36.472D): 5.8-9 De Natura hominis, 30 (ΡΟ 64.
Or.42, 13 (ΡΟ 36. 472D-73A): 5. 1276D): 14.44-45
10-11
Pindar
Herodotos Olymp. 2, 86: 8. 27-28
Hist. 1, 178; 7.117: 10.20-21
Homer
Iliad 6, 182: 5. 6
INCIPITS
"Αγιε πάτερ 1
Αι μεν αλλαι αμέλειαι 19
Ει ηθελον τοις εμαυτου συνηγορησαι 16
Ει ηρωτήθη ό ηλιος 3
Εις τόν πατριάρχην απηγα 18
Έπειδή σοι τό ζητούμενον δέδοται 17
Ήγ α λ λ ι α σ ά μ η ν ε γω 5
Καθίσας εν τφ κελλίφ μου 14
Μη δ οξα σ θ ή σ ε τ α ι αξί ν η 7
<ο Θεός συγχωρήσαι σοι 22
'Όπλον αρετης ό επαινος 8
<Oρ� ή άγιωσύνη σου 9
ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν 6
ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμεν 2
Σεβασμιώτατέ μοι και άγιώτατε πάτερ 15
Τί ψιjς, ώ θαυμασιώτατε 13
Τό αποσταλεν παρ' εμου χαρτίον 11
Τό παρόν βιβλίον εχει λόγους 12
Τόν επι τών μνημοσύνων εκπεφωνημένον κλαυθμόν 21
Χάριν μεν όμολογειν 10
"Qμην μεν σβέσειν 4
<Ως εοικεν, οϋπω μου κατέλαβες τό φρονοΟν 20

A Woman'S Quest For Spiritual Guidance

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A WOMAN'S QUEST

FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE

ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO

HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

ANGELA CONSTANTINIDES HERO

HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

FOR SPIRITUAL GUIDANCE

Published by HELLENIC COLLEGE PRESS

All rights reserved

Cover design by MARY C. VAPORIS

Cover Illustration: Constantinopolitan nuns. Fourteenth century.

Mitte. Graz-Viel1na, 1965, plate 24).

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

(Archbishop Iakovos library of ecclesiastical and historical sources;

BX384.174 1984 248.4'8190943 84-25264

The letters of the Princess Irene-Eulogia are a rare personal

Angela Constantinides Hero

Boissonade, Anecdota Graeca: J. F. Boissonade, Anecdota

L,UyypŒ�.q.ta'ta (Thessalonike, 1980).

Salaville, "Une lettre et un discours inédits": Salaville, "Une lettre

medieval counterparts, the personality of Eulogia remains excep­

monk, Gregory Palamas, to another nun, Xene, who was in

strict in following the two other traditional vows of monasti­

1341, and we know that Ignatios did not.

peace during much of the reign of Andronikos II (1282-1328).

The correspondence edited below consists of twenty-two let­

refers to a meeting between the abbess and a "man of the para­

guidance in Byzantium. He also announced his intention to edit

Patriarchate of Alexandria, studied Choumnaina's corre­

t!, Αγιε πάτερ, την λογιωτάτην Khi σοφωτάτην

< Έπιστολη Δευτέρα )

ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμέν τι χρηστόν, αλλ' ήδη και αν­

1 έπιστολη δευτέρα smg 11 5 γένημα S 11 12 σοι SSV

< Έπιστολη Τρίτη )

Ει ηρωτήθη ό ηλιος τί των κτισμάτων επιποθεί πλέον

18 Greg. Naz., Or. 2, 40 (ed. Bernardi, 142, 16)

των συγγραμμάτων ρέοντος ποταμου.

30 γραφη S 11 32 αΥτλήσωμεν S 11 32-33 forsitan corrige ήδυνθέΥτες: ή ..

< Έπιστολη Τετάρτη )

"Qμην μεν σβέσειν σου την προθυμίαν οίς γράφοιμι,

I thought that what I wrote would quell your eagerness. But

< Έπιστολη Πέμπτη >

< Letter 5 >

ΚαΙ τα μεν της ευφροσύνης αίτια ταυτα, πλέον δε μαλ-

30 ση S 11 31 προξενίσαντα S 11 33 λογιωττ ος (supra ω 1 littera [?] quae legi

< Έπιστολη 'Έκτη >

ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν και φιλόδοξον, δι' ών θαυ­

6 εοικεν 11 13 έξότου S 11 18 γίνωμαι S

< Letter 6 >

< Έπιστολη Έβδόμη )

'1-2 Is. 10. 15 11 7-10 2 Cor. 6. 7-8 11 27-28 Ps. 76 (77). 3

< Letter 7 >

δ ί α σ ε ν ε π' ε μ έ τ Ο π ν ε υ μ ά μ ο υ, δια τουτο κε-

28-29 Ps. 60 (61). 2 11 35 cf. Mt. 25. 15-28

28-29 ήκηδίασεν S 11 32 φίμοτρον S 11 33 νευρά S 11 34 αναιθηναι S 11 το γλυ­

and my spirit was in trouble." This is why my heart moved me

< Έπιστολη Όγδόη )

'Όπλον αρετης ό επαινος ου καθ' αύτό, αλλα κατα

Praise is a weapon of virtue not by itself but by accident, and

ήμιν ιδειν και τα θατέρου πατρός, a μη μεγάλα και θειά

39 ήσυχίαν S 11 45 μηδέπωθ' S 11 60 τι φαίνυ ssv

< Έπιστολη Ένάτη >

ΌρQ, ή άγιωσύνη σου, πάτερ αγιε, το ασθενες καΙ άπει­

medieval counterparts, the personality of Eulogia remains excep

strict in following the two other traditional vows of monasti

The correspondence edited below consists of twenty-two let

refers to a meeting between the abbess and a "man of the para

Patriarchate of Alexandria, studied Choumnaina's corre

ουκ αρα μόνον δεδώκαμέν τι χρηστόν, αλλ' ήδη και αν

ου παύσ1] ψυχην μοχθηραν και φιλόδοξον, δι' ών θαυ

28-29 ήκηδίασεν S 11 32 φίμοτρον S 11 33 νευρά S 11 34 αναιθηναι S 11 το γλυ

ΌρQ, ή άγιωσύνη σου, πάτερ αγιε, το ασθενες καΙ άπει

Σεβασμιώτατέ μοι και άγιώτατε πάτερ, τον σον θεο

30 εθάρσησεν, αλλ' εν ερήμοις διέτριβε τόποις καθαρεύου

τέ σε λέγω αναμφιβόλως ακούοις καΙ καρτερώς ύπο

64 άκρισίας]άκρασίας S 1173 ώμην S 11 άπανταχόσε S 1177-78 παραδεικνυν