Irish and Old-Norse Battle Spirits: Protective

Goddesses or Omens of Death?

Bachelor Keltische Talen en Cultuur 2005

Christel Franken
0227498
 Contents

Introduction 3
1. Battle spirits in the Irish and Old-Norse material 4
2. Battle spirits making prophecies 9
3. Comparable motifs in the Irish and Old-Norse literature 17
4. Irish and Old-Norse battle spirits as protective goddesses 27
Conclusion 36
Bibliography 38
Abbreviations 42

2
 Introduction

Battle spirits play an important role in the lives of warriors. It is considered a bad omen when
they appear to warriors previous to battle. They seem to reign over life and death, but are they
connected to fate? Are they just evil beings who delight in slaughter and blood or is it possible
that they also have a more affectionate, protecting side? Morrígan evidently shows this
protectiveness when Cú Chulainn is concerned, but how about the Old-Norse valkyrjur?
In this essay I investigate different situations in which battle spirits appear in both the
medieval Irish and the Old-Norse literature. The first chapter will mainly be an introduction of
different battle spirits. In the second chapter I will look at prophecies in both Irish and Old-
Norse texts, the way they are made and what they prophesize.
I will discuss comparable motifs in the Irish and Old-Norse literature in the third chapter.
There I will look at birds, the washing of armour with blood and discuss a possible connection
of battle spirits to fertility and fate, since battle spirits seem to reign over life and death.
In the last chapter I will discuss two main tales, one from the Irish and one from the
Old-Norse literature. The central tale in the Irish part will be Táin Bó Cúailnge (‘The cattle raid
of Cooley’, TBC), and in the Old-Norse literature the focus will lie on Völsunga Saga (‘The
saga of the Völsungs’). In TBC I will specifically look at the role Morrígan plays since her
character seems most ambiguous and interesting. I chose these specific stories because I believe
that the role Morrígan plays in Táin Bó Cúailnge shows many similarities with the role the
valkyrja Brynhild plays in Völsunga Saga.
During my research I noticed that whenever Irish material is compared to Old-Norse
material, the focus lies on comparing Irish battle spirits with valkyrjur. I believe, however, that
the Irish battle spirits, and especially Morrígan, show aspects of many different Old-Norse
beings including the valkyrjur. I will therefore also discuss the fylgjur and mara in the Old-
Norse material. I also believe that the protective role that the valkyrjur play is often neglected,
the focus in earlier research was mainly on valkyrjur seen as frightening beings and their
connection to birds of prey.1 I will therefore pay attention to this protective role as well, since
guidance and protectiveness is also present in Morrígan’s relationship with Cú Chulainn.

1
Donahue, C.: “The valkyries and Irish war-goddesses”, Publications of the Modern Language Association of
America 6 (1941) 1-12: 3-4.

3
 1. Battle spirits in the Irish and Old-Norse material

In this chapter I will introduce the main battle spirits found in the Irish and Old-Norse literature.
First I will look at the names of Badb, Neman, Macha and Morrígan. Then I will take a closer
look at the most important Old-Norse battle spirits: the fylgjur and valkyrjur.

The names of the Irish battle spirits Badb, Neman, Macha and Morrígan
William Hennessy mentions Neman, Macha and Morrigu as the so called sisters of the
Badb but: “The name badb seemed to refer to the mythological beings supposed to rule over
battle and carnage.”2 Sometimes Morrígan is equated to the Badb so there is not always a clear
distinction.
In an unpublished dictionary compiled by Peter O’Connell, Badb-catha is explained by
“Fionóg, a royston crow, a squall crow” and Badb is said to be “bean sidhe, a female fairy,
phantom, or spectre, supposed to be attached to certain families and to appear sometimes in the
form of squall crows, or royston crows”.3 The remark that she was supposedly attached to a
certain family resembles the Old-Norse fylgja who was a spirit connected to a person or family,
usually this being would only appear to warn for an upcoming death. In the literature there is,
however, no evidence found to support this statement. According to the Dictionary of the Irish
Language (DIL) Badb is the name of a war goddess, and gives the meaning “scald crow, in
which form the goddess appeared”. Furthermore it states that it is used in the sense of “deadly”,
“fatal”, “dangerous” and “ill-fated”.4
Némain, or Neamhan as O’Connell spells it, is equated to “a badb catha, or a royston
crow” in his list, but this is not an etymological explanation.5 According to DIL she is the wife
of Neit, a war god, and she is sometimes identified with Badb, which explains O’Connel’s
equation. Her name is said to mean “battle-fury”, “warlike frenzy”, “strife”, “murder” and
“malice”.6
Macha is said to mean “royston crow” in O’Connell’s list and magpie in DIL. DIL also
says that Macha is one of the three war goddesses of the Túatha Dé Danann, a daughter of

2
Hennessy, W. M.: “The ancient Irish goddess of war”, Revue Celtique 1 (1870) 32-55: 34.
3
Hennessy, 1870: 34.
4
Quin, E.G. (ed.): Dictionary of the Irish language, compact edition, hereafter DIL (Dublin, 1983) 62, s.v. Badb.
5
Hennessy, 1870: 35.
6
DIL: 476, s.v. Némain.

4
Ernmas and the sister of Badb and Morrígu. It notes that she is sometimes identified with Badb
and that her name is indeed also interpreted to mean “royston crow”.7
Morrígan’s name consists of two parts of which the second part, rígan, means queen.
The first element, however, has been variously interpreted. O’Connell gives “Morrighain: i.e.
the great fairy” in his word list.8 DIL, however, gives for Morrígan:

Morrígan and Morrígu f. name of an ancient Irish war-goddess. Acc. to Stokes RC xii 128,
De Jubainville RC xxix 195, the first component is cognate with O.H.G. mara and A.S. maere
cf. Eng. nightmare, Fr. cauchemar, the second being identical with rígan ‘queen’; attempts have
also been made to equate the Morrígan with the fairy Morgan of the Arthurian saga (< mor ‘sea,
water’), see RC xxxiv 259. In the Mid. Ir. period the first syll. seems to have been commonly
equated with mór ‘great’ and the vowel is often accented.9

DIL seems to favour the interpretation given by Whitley Stokes since it presents that one first
and furthermore is the vowel in the first element of Morrígan’s name not accented. The root
mor refers to a fearful female spirit, a nightmare. If this interpretation is correct, Morrígan’s
name would mean “phantom queen”. Since the entry in DIL is under Morrígan, thus without
an accented first vowel, I will use the same spelling throughout this essay.
Morrígan is obviously associated with the supernatural, and Stokes’s connection to the
mara shows that she was seen as very frightening. According to Folke Ström the mara is the
manifestation of someone’s jealous thoughts and evil desires in a tangible form. These evil
thoughts can take many different forms. Often the shape of an animal but there are instances of
a mara appearing in an inanimate form, for example a straw. She would then pay her victim a
nightly visit. The mara was said to cause anxiety, pain and loss of breath. Often the person
(usually female) turning into a mara is not aware that this happened and only feels tired the
morning after the attack. A mara can also be the result of magic.10
By comparing these meanings it becomes clear that these women are associated with
the supernatural, battle, bad luck, ill omens and crows.11 They represent negative, chaotic
powers closely connected to slaughter, fate and battle. Sometimes Badb, Macha and Morrígan
are mentioned as being sisters.

7
DIL: 448, s.v. Macha.
8
Hennessy, 1870: 35.
9
DIL: 468, s.v. Morrígan.
10
Ström, F.: Nordisk hedendom (Göteborg, 1961) 222.
11
Crows are, however, not mentioned in connection to Morrígan, but she is able to take the shape of a crow, as I
will discuss later.

5
 Battle spirits have many different functions; in some stories they appear for example as
prophetesses, in other as protective and guiding (in an educational way) goddesses or beings
strongly connected to fate. They can either play an important role in stories or just be mentioned
as frightening, screaming beings present on the battlefield.
In the following I will first discuss different beings associated with battle in the Old-
Norse literature, and afterwards I will look into the different roles battle spirits play in both
cultures.

Fylgjur and valkyrjur in the Old-Norse literature

In the Old-Norse literature the most important beings associated with battle and death
are the fylgjur (sg. fylgja) and the valkyrjur (sg. valkyrja). They show some similarities with
the Irish battle spirits mentioned above.

Fylgjur
In the Old-Norse literature we find two types of fylgjur. The term fylgja seems to be
derived from the Old-Norse fylgð, “to follow”.12 The first type appears in the shape of an animal,
the second type appears in the guise of a woman. The only thing they have in common is the
name.
The animal-fylgja was the alter ego of the person it belonged to. It belonged to a specific
person; it came into this world together with him, and died together with him (or a little before
him, to be precise). These fylgjur only became visible in times of crisis and this was then often
followed by bad luck and death. They also showed themselves when someone was about to die
as an omen of death.
The animal-fylgja did not have its own identity and when seen acted the way its owner
would act later. Its behaviour could not be influenced and the animal was not able to do anything
to help its alter ego and prevent him from dying. The animal-fylgja was an outer soul that
someone had besides the soul of the body. It was always near its owner, though mainly invisible.
The only thing the animal-fylgjur and the Irish battle spirits have in common is that they
both appear as a warning sign and often an omen of death. In my opinion both the Irish battle
spirits (and then I mean the ones who are only depicted screaming, Morrígan does have more
influence as I will discuss below) and the animal-fylgjur are guided by some sort of external
fate. They are not able to influence fate.

12
Mundal, E.: Fylgjemotiva i Norrøn litteratur (Oslo, 1974) 20.

6
 Fylgjur could also appear in the guise of a woman. They could appear both in groups
(each person had more than one fylgja in that case) or alone. It was not so common for these
fylgjur to appear as an omen of death, but when they did, they would often ride death-horses
which made it very difficult to distinguish them from valkyrjur (Odin’s ‘choosers of the slain’
and warrior maidens). The fylgjur usually emerged to protect and help people. They could for
example give people advice (which would ultimately lead to the death of the person the advice
was given to, whether he followed it of not), they could give information about the future and
help giving birth (in those cases they are closely related to the nornir: the fates in Old-Norse
mythology). When a fylgja left the person she protected, it would inevitably lead to misfortune
and death.13
The female fylgjur are very different from the animal-fylgjur since the female fylgjur
have their own identity and will and are not always near a specific person. The individual fylgja
does often protect a specific person, but she can choose to leave him at any time. If she does
leave someone, that person will die. She is therefore connected to fate, like the nornir. Unlike
the animal-fylgja the female fylgja does not die together with the person she protects. She will
move on to someone else. She is in this aspect more connected to a tribe than to a specific
person. These fylgjur share similarities with the Irish battle spirits who also do not die when the
people they protect die. Irish battle spirits also have a will and identity of their own.

Valkyrjur
The valkyrjur are described in the Poetic Edda and Snorra Edda as the maidens of Odin
who join in battle and choose the warriors who are to fall. The word has the etymology kjósa
val which refers to the fact that the valkyrja chooses which warriors are going to fall. The
traditional valkyrja has two functions: she is present on the battlefield where she chooses the
bravest warriors whom she then brings them to Valhöll, Odin’s hall, where she presents them
with drinks. In Valhöll the warriors are trained to fight alongside the gods during Ragnarök, the
last big battle before the world ends.
The names of the valkyrjur are mentioned in Völuspá (‘The seeress’s prophecy’); a
poem found in the Poetic Edda:

Sá hón valkyrior, / vítt um komnar, / görvar at ríða / til Goðþióðar; / Skuld helt skildi, / en
Skögul önnor, / Gunnr, Hildr, Göndul / ok Geirskögul. / Nú ero talðar, / nönnor Herians, /
görvar at ríða / grund, valkyrior. “She saw valkyries, coming from afar, ready for their journey

13
Mundal, 1973: 68-71.

7
 to the people of the gods, Skuld raised her shield, Skogul another, Gunn, Hild, Gondul and
Geirskogul; now they are named, the maidens of the Warrior, the valkyries, ready for their
journey to the earth.” 14

The valkyrjur are clearly an omen for battle: where valkyrjur are present, a battle is not far
away. In Völuspá they warn for the end of the world. The fact that Skuld is named as both one
of the nornir and as a valkyrja, shows, in my opinion, that the valkyrjur have something to do
with fate; they do after all choose who is going to die.
I do not think valkyrjur were always regarded as scary beings, the way Badb is seen in
the Irish literature, for death did not frighten the warriors. On the contrary, they saw death
almost as a reward: only the best warriors were chosen to follow Odin to Vallhöl.15 It is true,
however, that in the mythological Eddic poems the valkyrjur mainly appear in battle riding on
horses accompanied by thunder and lightning, while in the more heroic tales the valkyrjur
usually play a more protecting role, as I will discuss below.
Valkyrjur were also connected to ravens, just like the Irish battle spirits are connected
to birds of prey. Haraldskvæði presents a valkyrja interrogating a raven. The later version of
Völsunga Saga mentions a valkyrja taking the shape of a crow. The ravens also strengthen their
connection to Odin, the god of battle. He is called the Raven’s God by Snorre since he has two
ravens, Huginn and Muninn (Thought and Memory) who keep him up to date on what happens
in the world. 16

14
Steinsland, G. and Preben Meulengracht Sørensen: Voluspå (Oslo, 1999) 113. The Norwegian translation reads:
“Valkyrjer så hun, vidt fra kom de, gitt til å ride til gudefolket; Skuld holft et skjold og Skogul et annet, Gunn, Hild,
Gondul og Geirskogul; her er de nevnt, Herjans kvinner, valkyrjer, rede til ritt over landet.” (18). English
translations from Norwegian are my own unless otherwise stated.
15
Steinsland, G.: Eros og død I norrøne myter (Oslo 1997) 104.
16
Sturluson, S., E. Hagen (tr.): Den yngre Edda (Oslo, 1973) 59.

8
 2. Battle spirits making prophecies

Badb and Morrígan appear as prophetesses in some stories, usually predicting death and sorrow.
The most important instances concerning Badb occur in Togail Bruidne Da Derga (‘The
destruction of Da Derga’s hostel’, TBDD)17 and Bruidne Da Choca (‘Da Choca’s hostel’,
BDC).18 Morrígan makes significant prophecies about the fate of the world in Cath Maige
Tuired (‘The second battle of Mag Tuired’, CMT), which can be compared to the Old-Norse
prophecy Völuspá’ (‘The seeress’s prophecy’).19 Throughout Táin Bó Cúailnge (‘The cattle raid
of Cooley’, TBC) we also find various instances of battle spirits predicting death.

Badb prophesizing death while closing the left eye

In Togail Bruidne Da Derga Badb appears as a big, old bearded woman with her mouth
on one side of her head. She comes to king Conaire, the main character of the tale while he is
staying in Da Derga’s hostel. There she casts a baleful eye upon him and foretells his death.
King Conaire then asks the woman her name and she chants him a list of names while standing
on one foot, holding one hand up and breathing one breath. This list includes Badb and Némain,
the names of war goddesses. Here Badb is described as a big woman having an evil eye and
this eye makes king Conaire think that she might be a seer.
Badb is portrayed in TBDD as a very big woman when she warned for slaughter. Right
before the start of a battle a big female being called a trollkona (witchwoman) would sometimes
appear in the Old-Norse literature. An example of such a woman can be seen in Harald
Hardrådes saga (‘The saga of Harald Hardråde’) in Snorre Sturlusons Heimskringla (generally
translated into English as: The chronicle of the kings of Norway, but literally meaning ‘The
round world’). In chapter 80 Gyrd, one of the men on Harald’s ship, has a dream in which he
stood on the ship and saw a trollkona (witch woman) standing on the island. She had a sword
in one hand and a trough in the other. He also saw ravens and ernes on every stern of the ship.
She then recites a poem which warns them for battle and death and says that the ravens will
find enough on the ships to feed on if the king sails to the west.20
In the next chapter a man on a ship close to king Harald’s ship also has a dream. He
dreams about king Harald’s ship arriving in England, where a big army awaits them. Before the

17
Koch, J. T. and J. Carey: The Celtic heroic age (Aberystwyth, 1994, 4th edition 2003) 166-184.
18
Stokes, W.: “Da Choca’s hostel”, Revue Celtique 21 (1900) 149-165, 312-327, 388-402.
19
Steinsland, 1999.
20
Sturluson, S., A. Holtsmark and D.A. Seip (tr.): Heimskringla: Snorres kongesagaer (Oslo, 2003) 206-7.

9
army he sees a big woman riding a wolf. The wolf has a dead man’s body in his mouth and
blood is dripping from his jaw. When the wolf finishes eating one body, the woman throws
another one into his mouth until he has eaten all of the bodies. She also recites a poem in which
she describes how magic will let the red shields shine when a battle approaches and she sees
that the king will be travelling towards ill-luck.21
It becomes clear that these Old-Norse frightening battle spirits, who are not necessarily
fylgjur or valkyrjur, are also connected to ravens and blood, just like the Irish Badb and
Morrígan. These Irish women are also often represented as very big, as in TBDD.
Wolves also often seem present on battle fields; here in Harald Hardrådes saga the big
woman rides the wolf and feeds it with the corpses. The woman is from the Jotun race, the race
of giants. These people were connected to the Otherworld, and they often appear together with
wolves. Wolves are therefore also associated with otherworldly beings. The wolf and the raven
were in addition animals associated with Odin, the god of war. According to Grímnismál (‘The
song of the masked one’) Odin has two wolves: Freki and Geri (Eager and Voracious).22 In
Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan takes the shape of a wolf when she attacks Cú Chulainn. Here we
also see wolves connected to battle and the Otherworld.23 John Carey wondered why wolves,
and werewolves in particular, were associated with the Otherworld.24 The Irish term conricht
‘wolf-shape’ is used in connection to the afterlife, but Carey is unable to find out why this
specific term is used in that context.25 Carey mentions a Norse author who wrote about Irish
werewolves depicting them as an entire clan who turned into wolves as a result of a curse.26
These were probably shape-shifters and Carey notes that in the Old-Norse tales the people
turning into wolves were merely wearing wolfskins and acting with wolfish ferocity, but they
were usually not shape-shifting. Some Irish tales also use the werewolf as a metaphor for fierce
behaviour.27
In Bruidne Da Choca Badb makes two prophecies but here her height is not mentioned.
In the first one she appears as a red woman washing Cormac’s bloody harness at the ford.
Cormac asks one of his followers to ask the woman what she is doing, and Badb answers with

21
Sturluson, 2003: 207.
22
Otten, M.: Edda (6th edition, Amsterdam 2004) 69, Grímnismál: 19.
23
O’Rahilly, C.: Táin Bó Cúailnge. Recension 1 (Dublin, 1976) 177 (hereafter TBC).
24
Carey, J.: “Werewolves in medieval Ireland”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 44 (2002) 37-72.
25
Carey, 2002: 47.
26
Carey, 2002: 51-52.
27
Carey, 2002: 69.

10
a prophecy while standing on one foot with one eye closed. She tells them that she is washing
the harness of the king who will perish and the harnesses of his men of trust.28
Badb visits them again to foretell the death of the army appearing as a “bigmouthed,
swarthy, swift, sooty woman, lame and squinting with her left eye.”29 She predicts death while
leaning her shoulder against the doorpost, which possibly means that she is standing on one
foot.
A blind left eye or closing the left eye is obviously linked to the supernatural and
associated with having access to or possessing otherwise hidden knowledge. John Carey also
states that in the Irish literature the blinding of an eye was associated with gaining wisdom.30
Jacqueline Borsje writes that the word túatcoech, a variant of túatcháech, meaning one-eyed or
blind in the left eye, is mentioned in Bruidne Da Choca in connection to Badb,31 and is found
in this tale in a context of the supernatural and mortal danger for the hero of the tale.32
A possible parallel is found in the Old-Norse literature where Odin, the god of wisdom,
has sacrificed one of his eyes to gain wisdom from a well. Odin possessed remarkable sight; he
could see over all the worlds and even see hidden things, so his sight was one of his most
valuable possessions.33 In the Old-Norse mythology the blinding of one eye also gives more
wisdom. The literature never mentions, however, which eye should be blinded. In the Irish texts
the left eye is specifically mentioned. Possibly because the term túath- covers ‘northern; (on
the) left; perverse, wicked, evil’ and therefore associated the left with negative and the
supernatural. I do not know if such a strong negative association with the left was present in the
Old-Norse culture, but it is not mentioned in this context.
Odin was also said to be able to perform a paralyzing spell which put shackles on
enemies thus causing a state of momentary immobility.34 Borsje mentions a possible parallel
between Odin and the Irish hero Balor, as Balor’s eye was said to be paralyzing.35

Morrígan’s final prophecy in Cath Maige Tuired and the Old-Norse Völuspá
Cath Maige Tuired narrates the epic battle between the Túatha Dé Danann and the
Fomoire. It is a battle between the pagan gods of Ireland and their enemies who once were

28
Stokes, 1900: 157.
29
Stokes, 1900: 315.
30
Carey, J.: “Irish parallels to the myth of Odin’s eye”, Folklore 9 (1983) 214-218: 217.
31
Stokes, 1900: 314.
32
Borsje, J.: “The meaning of túatcháech in Early Irish texts”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 43 (2002) 1-24:
21.
33
Turville-Petre, E.O.G.: Myth and religion of the North (Connecticut, 1975) 63.
34
Otten, 2004: 55, Hávamál: 148.
35
Borsje, J. and F. Kelly: “‘The evil eye’ in early Irish literature and law”, Celtica 24 (2003) 1-39: 6.

11
supernatural beings as well. It starts describing the root of the conflict and recounts the first
battle of Mag Tuired, Cath Maige Tuired Cunga (‘The battle of Mag Tuired of Cong’ CMTC).
There are two versions available of this text, one of them based on Old-Irish material and one
Early Modern-Irish version. The dates assigned to the earlier version range from the early ninth
to twelfth centuries. It seems most likely that it is the product of an eleventh- or twelfth-century
redactor working on ninth-century material.36
Morrígan’s prophecies in CMT are bigger and of a greater importance than the
prophecies Badb makes. After the battle was fought, in §166 of CMT, Morrígan proceeds “to
announce the battle and the great victory which had occurred there to the royal heights of Ireland
and to its síd-hosts, to its chief waters and to its rivermouths. And that is the reason Badb still
relates great deeds.”37 Morrígan is then asked for news and at this point she recites a prophecy
about good fortune. It promises peace and wealth: “Peace up to heaven. / Heaven down to earth.
/ Earth beneath heaven, / Strength in each, / A cup very full, / Full of honey; / Mead in
abundance. / Summer in winter… / Peace up to heaven…”.38 Morrígan’s role in battle is
obviously an important one, since it is her task to announce the end of the battle. This prophecy
also strengthens the belief that Morrígan is associated with the fertility of the land and
prosperity; if she was not, why then would she make this prophecy?
Then Morrígan prophesies the end of the world:

Ní accus / bith na mbéo: / bieid sam cen blátha, / nieit baí cen mlichta, / mná cen féli, / fir cen
gail,(…) Fáilte fri olc, / ilach im gnáth, / gnúse uli / inchráda do chredbad, / gluind ili, /
imairecc catha, / toeb fri echdelceta, / imda dála, / brath mac flaithe, / forbuid brón, / sen
saebbretha, / brécfásach mbrithemon, / braithem cech fer, /foglaid cech mac. / Regaid mac i
llige a athar; / regaid athair I llige a maic; / cliamain cách a bráthar; / ni sia nech mnaí assa
thig. / Gignithir cénmair: / olc aimser / I mméra mac a athair, / I mméra ingen… “I shall not
see / a world of the living (?): / summer will be without flowers, / cows will be without milk, /
women without modesty, / men without courage, (…)Welcome to evil, / a lament for custom, /
all faces / withering in guilt (?), / many crimes, / conflict of battle, / trust in horse-goads (?),
many trysts, / betrayal of princes’ sons, / a shroud of sorrows, / crooked judgement of elders, /
lying maxims of judges,/ every man a betrayer, / every youth a brigand. / The son will go into
his father’s bed; / the father will go into his son's bed; / everyone will be his brother’s brother-
in-law: / no one will seek a wife away from home. / Good fortune will be born (?): / evil is the
time / in which a son will betray his father, / in which a daughter will betray…”39

36
Gray, E. A.: Cath Maige Tuired. The second battle of Mag Tuired (Kildare, 1982) 11.
37
Gray, 1982: 71.
38
Gray, 1982: 71. Gray only offers a partial translation of this prophecy.
39
Carey, J.: “Myth and mythography in Cath Maige Tuired”, Studia Celtica 24/25 (1990) 53-69: 67-8.

12
Carey says about CMT and this final prophecy:

The story is a parable of Ireland’s state in the second half of the ninth century, concerned
primarily with the erosion of traditional values. In the story, the threat is recognized, opposed
and thwarted; but we are not allowed to take much comfort in this paradigmatic victory. At the
very moment of triumph, the war-goddess looks into the future and sees the same dangers
resurgent in the Ireland of the author, the “present” in which CMT was written. What she beheld
may indeed have seemed, to many of those then living, to be the end of the world.40

The prophecies of the Morrígan have often been compared to the Old-Norse Eddic poem
Völuspá, ‘The seeress’s prophecy’. This is a prophecy describing the development of the world,
from the creation of the world itself and its inhabitants, until its inevitable ending and following
immediate resurrection. The degeneration of society’s rules which signifies the beginning of
Ragnarök, the end of the world, is described in stanza 45:

Brœðr muno beriaz / ok at bönom verðaz, / muno systrungar / sifiom spilla; / hart er í heimi, /
hórdómr mikill, / skeggöld, skálmöld, / skildir ro klofnir, / vindöld, vargöld, / áðr veröld steypiz;
/ mun engi maðr / öðrom þyrma.41 “Brothers will be each others curse; relatives will break blood
ties, the world is hard, prostitution reigns, a time of axes, a time of swords, shields will split, a
time of wind, a time of wolves, before the world rotates, no man will spare another.”

This prophecy shows a close resemblance with the way Morrígan describes the end of the world.
Both cultures associate the end of the world with a diminishing of the values of society.
Morrígan starts by prophesizing the victory of the Túatha Dé Danann in the battle of
Mag Tuired. Yet this victory will be pursued by a destruction of the values, beliefs and customs
of the era she lived in; this destruction will take place in the time that CMT is written. Völuspá,
however, first describes the terrible things that will happen when the world comes to an end,
but promises that a better, prosperous world will emerge afterwards.
The very last stanza of Völuspá, in which the prophetess sees a dark dragon holding
corpses between its wings approaching, might be interpreted as a warning that even this
wonderful new world will also eventually come to an end. This might signify that the world
somehow is not complete without a chaotic power and that even when the chaotic powers are

40
Carey, 1990: 62.
41
Steinsland, 1999: 115. Norwegian: “Brødre skal bli hverandres bane; søskenbarn bryte slektsbånd; hard er
verden, horskap rår, økstid, sverdtid, skjold blir kløvet, vindtid, vargtid, før verden styrter, ingen skåner en annen
man.”(23).

13
destroyed, they will always find a way to return. I, however, do not think this is the case. I agree
with the interpretation Gro Steinsland and Preben Meulengracht Sørensen give in their recent
annotated translation of Völuspá. They believe that the poem should be read as a frame tale: the
prophecy of the new world must be seen as a flash forward to the future while the last stanza is
set in the present, right before the end of the world. The approaching dragon then represents the
beginning of the end.42
So where Morrígan’s prophecies predict a victory that will eventually end in destruction
in the future, Völuspá prophesises a destruction that will lead to the emerging of a much better
world. We do not know, however, if Morrígan’s prophecy is complete. So no final conclusions
can be made.
Old-Norse mythology is all about maintaining order. Ragnarök is in that view an
outburst of chaos which will lead to a perfect orderly world. Morrígan represents a chaotic
power in the Irish literature. The chaotic quality is not a matter of how she behaves towards the
Dagda but the forces which she symbolizes. E.A. Gray says about this:

Throughout Irish literature, the Morrígan represents the destructive and chaotic violence of
warfare. Because the powers she symbolizes inevitably inflict losses on both sides of the
conflict, the Morrígan is an ambiguous figure; and the extent of her support for any given cause
can never be simply assumed. By making the Morrígan a kinswoman of the Túatha Dé Danann,
the forces of order, rather than of the Fomoire, Irish myth symbolically supports the belief that,
on the whole, battle tends to establish justice and to maintain social order.43

This shows that Irish myth is also all about trying to maintain order. This big battle, the battle
of Mag Tuired, will restore the order but ultimately chaos will reappear. The Fomoire will
invade Ireland again which will destroy the order. In Old-Norse mythology the outburst of final
complete chaos and the following defeat of that chaos, will make a new orderly world possible.
Morrígan plays an important role in CMT. Her character has a lot of depth and goes
beyond depicting her as solely a battle spirit. She seems to be a very important person for the
Túatha Dé Danann and her presence often works invigorating; for example when she appears
at a crucial point in battle and recites a poem to strengthen the Túatha Dé.44 However, in CMT
her role is not only associated with war, she also seems to be connected to fertility and the land.
Prophecies and omens of death in Táin Bó Cúailnge

42
Steinsland, 1999: 72-73.
43
Gray, 1982-1983: 241.
44
§137 of CMT.

14
 Early in Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan prophesizes the cattle raid to the big black bull.45
In the form of a bird she perches on the pillar stone on Temair Cúailnge and predicts a great
war to the bull the Táin Bó Cúailnge is about. Here Morrígan is equated to Allecto, one of the
Greek furies. She can see the future and predicts death and sorrow.
The connection to Allecto is remarkable and shows that the writer of this version of
TBC was familiar with Greek texts. We could ask ourselves what this says about the Celtic
authenticity of TBC, which elements of the story are originally Celtic and which elements and
influences from other cultures found their way into the story later on? This question, however,
is extremely difficult to answer, but we should be aware that influences from other cultures are
often present in medieval texts.
Throughout TBC battle spirits appear as an omen of death. They often appear to the
armies and scream and frighten them. In ‘The fight of Fer Diad and Cú Chulainn’, for example,
Fer Diad recites a poem to encourage his charioteer: “Let us go to this encounter, to contend
with this man, until we reach that ford above which the war-goddess (Badb) will shriek. Let us
go to meet Cú Chulainn, to wound his slender body, so that a spear-point may pierce him and
he may die thereof.”46 The scream of the war-goddess is here seen as a clear omen of death.
After a description of the vision that the poet Dubthach has, the army is attacked by
Némain and is totally confused after her appearance.47 A closer look at Némain’s name might
explain the confusion: her name means panic. According to Hennessy “she confounds armies,
so that friendly bands fall in mutual slaughter”.48 Némain also occurs after another vision of the
poet Dubthach; she then attacks the host: Cotmesca ind Némain forsin slog. Adbail cét fer díb.
“The war-goddess attacked the host. A hundred of them fell dead.”49 In these instances Némain
has an active role: she attacks the army and brings confusion, panic and death.
In ‘The march of the companies’50 Morrígan is standing between the encampments of
the Érainn and the Ulaid and says: “Ravens gnaw the necks of men. Blood flows. Battle is
fought… Hail to the men of Ulster! Woe to the Érainn! Woe to the men of Ulster! Hail to the
Érainn!’ These were the words she whispered to the Érainn: ‘Woe to the men of Ulster for they
have not won (?) the battle.’”51 Here she urges both sides on to battle and foretells victory to
both. Her promise to the Érainn is a false one since Badb, Bé Néit and Némain shriek above

45
TBC 1, lines 954-962.
46
TBC 1: 202.
47
TBC 1, lines 189-213.
48
Hennessy, 1870: 41.
49
TBC 1: 107, 220, line 3537.
50
TBC 1, lines 3877-3883.
51
TBC 1: 230.

15
their encampments later that night which causes hundreds of Érainn warriors to die of terror.
There are two other instances where the screams of the war goddesses prophesizes the death of
warriors.52 The screams of Badb, Bé Neit and Némain scare a hundred Érainn-warriors so much
that they die from fear.
Here we see that the Irish battle spirits sometimes make false promises. The valkyrjur
did not do that; they acted out Odin’s will. Odin granted victory to a certain army, and the
valkyrjur ensured this. If they acted on their own accord a punishment would follow as
happened to Sígrdrífa in Sígrdrífumál (‘The lay of Sígrdrífa’) which will be discussed in the
last chapter. In this instance I do not think Irish battle spirits show many similarities with the
valkyrjur since for the Old-Norse warriors being chosen to die by the valkyrjur was not seen as
negative: after all only the best warriors were chosen. I think the screaming battle spirits who
are an omen of death can however tentatively be compared to the fylgjur, since both were not
always present but only showed themselves before a battle to warn for slaughter and death.

52
TBC 1 lines 3942-3944 and 4022-4035.

16
 3. Comparable motifs in the Irish and Old-Norse literature

In this chapter I will discuss and compare motifs that are present in both the Irish and the Old-
Norse literature.

Genealogical relationships between battle spirits

In Leabhar Gabhála ‘The book of invasions of Ireland’ (LG)53 and in Cath Muige
Tuired Cunga ‘The battle of Mag Tuired of Cong’ (CMTC) Morrígan, Badb and Macha are
depicted as sisters.
Leabhar Gabhála provides a fictitious history of Ireland until the coming of
Christianity. It contains accounts on the Túatha Dé Danann and the Fomoire. The version I use
is the first Recension which is found in the Book of Leinster, R. Mark Scowcroft dates this text
to the 12th century.54
In §103 of LG the genealogical relation is mentioned:

Badhb, Macha, 7 Moir-Rioghan, teora hingena Dealbaoith meic Neid, meic Iondai. Earnbas
ingen Eatarlaim, meic Ordain, meic Iondai, meic Alldaoi, mathair na mban sin uile. Moir-
Rioghan, Anann ainm oile di; 7 as uaithe aderar Ciche Anann in Ur Luachair.
Badb, Macha and Moir-Rigan, the three daughters of Dealbaeth, son of Ned, son of Ionda.
Ernbas, daughter of Eatarlamh, son of Ordan, son of Iondae, son of Alldae was the mother of
all those women. Mor-Riogan had another name, Ana; from her are named the Paps of Anann
in East Luachair.55

In the version Koch used are Badb, Macha and Anand the three daughters of Ernmas in the
corresponding episode. 56 In the next paragraph, §72, a significant change is made: the name of
Anand is changed to Morrígan. 57 In §91 of this version it becomes clear that Anann from §71
is in fact Morrígan: “Ernmas had three more daughters: Badb and Macha and Morrígu (whose
name was Anann).”58 Here we see that Badb, Macha and Morrígu were the daughters of a
female witch.
The poem in §72 in Koch’s version also contains interesting wordplay:

53
MacAlister, R. A., Leabhar Gabhála. The conquests of Ireland (Dublin, 1916).
54
Scowcroft, R. M., “Leabhar Gabhála. Part I: The growth of the text”, Ériu 38 (1987) 79-140: 130.
55
MacAlister, 1916: 152-153.
56
Koch and Carey, 1994: 254.
57
Koch and Carey, 1994: 255.
58
Koch and Carey, 1994: 259.

17
 Badb is Macha mét indbáis,/ Mórrígan fotla felbáis./ Indlema ind ága ernbais./ Ingena ana
Ernmais.59 Badb and Macha, great wealth; / the Morrígan, foundation of sorcery / the guides of
savage battle, / the splendid daughters of Ernmas.60

In the statement Indlema ind ága ernbais, “the guides of savage battles”, the word ernbais is a
different spelling of Ernmas, the name of their mother. This word literally means ‘iron death’
which is the fate awaiting a warrior when he participates in battle. The term indbáis in the first
stanza, meaning ‘wealth’, might connect Badb, Macha and Morrígan to fertility and prosperity
of the land as well, suggesting that they were not just associated with battle.
Cath Muige Tuired Cunga deals with the travellings of the Fir Bolg and the Túatha Dé
Danann and their arrival in Ireland. It then continues with their meeting in Ireland and narrates
of the negotiations for a peaceful settlement of the claims of the Tuatha Dé Danann and it
concludes with the actual first Battle of Mag Tuired. We are told that after the battle was fought,
the defeated Fir Bolg settled in Connaught. This text is of a later date than Cath Maige Tuired
and it might have used CMT as a model. The language of the text is Early Modern Irish, with
occasional Late Middle-Irish forms.
In §39 at the beginning of the battle, Badb, Macha and Morrígan are said to have
accompanied the chiefs who went in front of the Túatha Dé Danann. I think this suggests that
these women actively participated in battle, not just as sorceresses watching from the side. The
fact that they are continuously mentioned throughout the story also shows that they were of
importance.
On the last day of battle the badba 7 bledlochtana 7 amaite aidgill, “furies and monsters
and hags of doom”, cried out so loud that their screams were heard everywhere.61 These fierce
cries of the battle spirits do not predict anything good: Robo comcosmail re hidnaib uathmara
in laithe dichra dedenaig ag dedail na droinge duineta o dirim in domain se. “It was like the
fearful agonising cry on the last dreadful day when the human race will part from all in this
world.” The Túatha Dé Danann then advanced together with a tri bantuathacha .i Badb 7
Macha 7 Morigan, “the three sorceresses, Badb, Macha and Mor(r)ígan”.62 Eventually, after a
fierce battle, the Fir Bolg were defeated.
Morrígan, Badb and Macha sometimes appear as a trio, the valkyrjur often appear in
groups of nine. I have not found any evidence for genealogical relationships between valkyrjur

59
Hennessy, 1870: 37.
60
Koch and Carey, 1994: 255.
61
§48 of CMTC.
62
Fraser, J.: “The first battle of Moytura”, Ériu 8 (1916) 1-63: 44-45.

18
but the valkyrja Svava is called the reincarnation of the valkyrja Sigrun in Helgakviða
Hundingsbana önnor (generally translated as: The second ballad of Helgi, the killer of Dog’s
son).63

Battle spirits controlling the weather

In §29 of CMTC, in the middle of the battle from the Túatha Dé Danann against the Fir
Bolg, Badb, Macha and Morrígan went to the Knoll of the Taking of the Hostages, and to the
Hill of Summoning at Tara, 7 do feradar cetha doilbthe draidechta 7 cithnela cothaigetha ciach
7 frasa tromaidble tened, 7dortad donnfala do shiltin as in aeer I cennaib na curad. “and set
forth magic showers of sorcery and compact clouds of mist and a furious rain of fire, with a
downpour of red blood from the air on the warriors’ heads.”64 Here the women work as a trio
of sorceresses to protect and help their own people.
This incident can be compared to the way the valkyrjur control the weather in
Helgakviða Hundingsbana önnor. When Helgi is on his way to declare war to the man who has
betrothed himself to Sigrun, a valkyrja who is the love of Helgi’s life, Sigrun protects him twice
by making a fierce thunderstorm calm down so that his ship can safely reach land.65 The arrival
of the valkyrjur in battle is also often accompanied by thunder and lightning. It is striking that
in both cultures these kind of supernatural beings are able to control the weather.

Birds in the Irish and Old-Norse material

Valkyrjur were able to take an animal form and usually chose the guise of a swan. An
example of this is found in Helreið Brynhildar (‘Brynhild’s hell-ride’) where Odin lets eight
sisters, including the young Brynhild, wear swan coats. By giving them these coats they are
made valkyrjur.66 In this saga a man named Agnar steals the swan coats of the girls when they
are bathing, he forces them into his service by doing so.
Another example is present in Völundarkviða (‘The lay of Völund’). There three
brothers meet three valkyrjur on the edge of a lake. They knew the women were valkyrjur
because their swan coats were lying next to them.67 The brothers wooed the girls and won them.
They lived together for seven winters, after that the girls flew away. They went back to their
battles, and never returned.

63
Otten, 2004: 154.
64
Fraser, 1916: 26-27.
65
Otten, 2004: 140 and 156.
66
Otten, 2004: 229.
67
Otten, 2004: 114.

19
 The swan coats allowed the valkyrjur to fly through the air. Swan maidens had another
specific function: they granted wishes, they are therefore referred to as óskmeyjar, ‘wish
maidens’. This name also strengthens their connection to Odin. Odin has many names; all
mentioned in Snorra Edda. One of them is Óski, derived from the Old-Norse word ósk ‘wish’.68
An interesting parallel with the motif of girls being able to take the shape of a swan is
found in the Irish tale Aided Derbforgaill (‘The death of Derbforgaill’).69 In this tale
Derbforgaill and one of her handmaidens take the form of swans and fly to Loch Cuan to seek
Cú Chulainn, whom Derbforgaill has fallen in love with. In Aided Derbforgaill it is stated that
Derbforgail was the daughter of the king of Lochlann, or Norway.70 Another variant of this
story is found in Tochmarc Emire (‘The wooing of Emer’). In this tale, however, Derbforgaill
is said to be the daughter of the king of the Western Isles.
In his article “The deaths of Lugaid and Derbforgaill” Carl Marstrander points out that
even though the idea of human beings in the form of animals is characteristically Germanic, it
should not be assumed that Aided Derbforgaill was composed under Norse influence, since
Irish texts of an undoubtedly earlier date (Marstrander gives Compert Conculainn, ‘The
conception of Cú Chulainn’, and Serglige Con Culainn, ‘The wasting sickness of Cú Chulainn’,
as examples) contain the same concept.71
In Serglige Con Culainn a group of women that has fallen in love with Cú Chulainn sees
a flock of beautiful birds. They all want to have a pair and Cú Chulainn shoots a pair for each
of the women, except for his own wife. He wants to give her two more beautiful birds connected
to each other with a red-gold chain. Cú Chulainn’s wife forbids him to hunt these birds; she has
a feeling that these birds possess some kind of power. Cú Chulainn ignores her warning. He
only succeeds to pierce the wing of one of the birds with his javelin. He is angry but falls asleep.
He then has a vision in which two angry women beat him up severely with a horsewhip. He is
barely alive when they finally leave him. Cú Chulainn then realises that the birds were
supernatural women.72

68
Sturluson, 1973: 41.
69
Marstrander, C.: “The deaths of Lugaid and Derbforgaill”, Ériu 5 (1911) 201-218.
70
DIL: 442, s.v. Lothlainn. The fact that Lochlann is used here to denote Norway makes a dating of the text easier,
Marstrander points out that since the name Lochlann is used both in text and in prose proves that it “cannot be
composed before the middle of the 9th century, for it was only then that this name became recognised as that of
Norway.” But the internal linguistical evidence proves that both prose and verse belong to the Old-Irish period.
Marstrander therefore dates this tale to the beginning of the 10th century. (Marstrander, 1911: 201.)
71
Marstrander, 1911: 203.
72
Dillon, M.: Serglige Con Culainn, Dublin (1953).

20
 In Oidhe Chloinne Lir ‘The tragedy of the children of Lir’ the jealous Aoife turns Lir’s
children into swans, she had planned to kill them, but her womanly nature prevented that.73
Another instance which shows that the concept of a girl transforming into a swan was
also known in Ireland, is found in the Irish tale Aislinge Óengusso (‘The dream of Óengus’).74
Óengus falls in love with a girl, Cáer Ibormeith, the daughter of the king of Síd Úamuin, who
takes the shape of a swan one year and the shape of a girl every day of the following year. The
fact that she is the daughter of the king of a síd might associate her with the Otherworld, which
suggests that the ability to take the shape of a swan is connected to the Otherworld.

The washing of armour with blood in Irish and Old-Norse material

Gísla saga Súrssonar (‘The saga about Gísli Sursson’)75 is part of the Icelandic sagas
that were written down around 1200 AD. The events described in the sagas are said to have
happened more that 200 years earlier.
In the saga two women appear in Gísli’s dreams: a good dream woman and an evil one.
The good dream woman gives Gísli advice and protects him, while the evil woman appears to
remind him of the terrible way he will die. The nature of the advice the good woman gives Gísli
in his dreams might suggest that the good dream woman is inspired by Christianity. She, for
example, urges him on to be nice towards lesser men and to stay away from the old religion and
magic.76
The bad dream woman often appears in Gísli’s dream and the nature of these dreams
make him realise that he will not have a long life, but at the same time he says that it does not
interfere with his sleep. Some of her appearances, however, do frighten him: one time she
emerges dripping with blood; she wants to smear it on him and wash him with it. He recognizes
that she is an omen of bad luck in battle and his death. In a later dream she tells him that she
will reverse everything the good dream woman promised him. She then washes his hair with
blood from his wounds and puts a bloody cap on his head; her hands are again dripping with
his blood.
The washing of armour with blood is not only present in Old-Norse stories, in Irish
stories war-goddesses also sometimes appear washing the armour of a warrior with blood. This

73
O’ Curry, E.: Oidhe chloinne Lir, Dublin (1908).
74
Jackson, K.: “The dream of Oenghus”, A Celtic Miscellany (1951) 93-97.
75
Aasen, D.: Soga om Gisle Sursson (Oslo, 1993).
76
Aasen, 1993: 116.

21
is a clear omen of death. An example is found in Bruidne Da Choca where Cormac and his
retinue see a red woman on the edge of a ford washing a chariot. When she lowered her hands
into the water, the water became red with blood. Cormac is repulsed by this sight and tells one
of his men to go ask the woman what she is doing. The woman answers with a prophecy while
standing on one foot and with one eye closed, telling them that she is washing the harness of a
king that will perish. The messenger tells Cormac about this prophecy made by Badb, and
Cormac then approaches her and asks whose harness she is washing. Badb answers that it is his
own harness and the harnesses of his company.77
In one version of Aided Con Culainn, ‘The death of Cú Chulainn’, called Brislech Mór
Maige Murthemni (‘The great defeat on the plain of Muirthemne’) Cú Chulainn meets two
beautiful young women washing a piece of clothing covered with blood while lamenting. In
that same version Cú Chulainn’s mother tries to give him milk three times, and every time the
milk turns into blood which also is a warning that his death is near.78
In Reicne Fothaid Canainne (‘The poem of Fothad Canainne’) we get a vivid
description of how Morrígan is perceived. It also mentions the washing of spoils:

Atá[a]t immunn san c[h]an, mór fodb asa fordercc bol, dreman inathor dímar, nodusnigh an
Mórríoghan. Donárlaith do bil óige, isí cotanasóide, is mór do fodboibh nigius, dremhan an
caisgen tibhes. Rolá a moing dar a hais, cride maith recht nodaais, cid gar di sund úan I mbé,
ná fubthad uaman do gné. “There are around us here and there many spoils whose luck is
famous; horrible are the huge entrails which the Morrígan washes. She has come to us from the
edge of a pillar (?), ‘t is she who has egged us on; many are the spoils she washes, horrible the
hateful laugh she laughs. She has flung her mane over her back, a stout heart… (?) that hates
her; though it is near us here where she is, let not fear attack thy shapes.”79

Mórrígan is presented here as a daunting woman encouraging slaughter and delighting in it. She
is seen in a negative light, a frightening omen of death.

Irish and Old-Norse battle spirits and fate

Valkyrjur could influence fate to a certain extent. Proof of this might be found in
Völundarkviða. This lay starts with a prose section which describes the encounter with the
valkyrjur. In the following poem this encounter is summarized and the poem continues

77
Stokes, 1900: 158.
78
Thurneysen, R.: Die irische Helden- und Königsage bis zum siebzehnten Jahrhundert (Halle a. S.,1921) 561.
and Hull, E.: The Cuchullin saga in Irish literature (London, 1898).
79
Meyer, K.: Fianaigecht (Dublin, 1910) 16-17.

22
describing what happens after the girls flew away. In the first verse of the poem the girls are
said to be: alvítur ungar / ørlög drýgja, ‘young beings who determine people’s fate’.80 It should
be noted that the Old-Norse word ørlög means “destiny”, “fate”, “death” and “battle”.81 Drýgja
means “to be engaged in”, “to occupy oneself with”.82 Destiny is given as the first translation
for ørlög in the dictionary, so it is probably the primary meaning. The other meanings are also
remarkable in the valkyrjur-context.
The word ørlög combines the primary function of the valkyrjur; battle, with the primary
function of the nornir, who mainly occupied themselves with determining people’s fate. This
word, then, also connects these beings to each other, and shows that their functions were
interwoven. This connection becomes even clearer when Snorre Sturluson mentions Skuld, the
youngest of the nornir, as one of the valkyrjur in his Edda.83
In a poem from Njáls saga (‘The saga of Njál’)84 called Darraðarljóð (‘Dorrud’s Lay’)85
a gruesome picture of the valkyrjur is presented. A man sees women, who call themselves
valkyrjur, weaving human guts. They use human heads as the weights, a sword for the beater
and an arrow for the shuttle while singing a poem. This poem explains that the weaving is a
warning for the slaughter that will follow. The women say that they will follow the king into
battle; they are after all valkyrjur and will choose the warriors that will fall. The poem further
predicts the defeat of the Irish men: Tronge tider / vil timast irar, / aldri av minnet / vil det
øydast. /Voven er veven / og vollen blodraud. / Fælslege tidender / vidt skal fara.86 “Bad times
are coming for the Irishmen, never erased from memory. The web is woven and the battlefield
is bloodred. Terrible tidings will travel far.” They also say that the sky is reddened from the
blood that was spilled. At the end of the poem the women declare that: Sjogande rid vi / på
sallause hestar, / med dregne sverd / svint her ifrå.87 “Humming we ride on horses without
saddles, with unsheathed swords fast away from here.” The fact that the woman are weaving
with human guts possibly connects them to the nornir and thus to fate, the nornir are, after all,
said to weave a person’s fate.
In the Irish stories we encounter battle spirits who try to warn against slaughter. The
battle they warn against occurs despite the warning. In TBC we find that a battle spirit plays a

80
This is translated by Marcel Otten as: “jonge wezens die het lot van de mensen bepalen.” Otten, 2004: 114,
Völundarkviða: 1.
81
Heggstad, L. (ed.): Norrøn ordbok (Oslo, 2004, 4th edition) 513.
82
Norrøn ordbok, 2004: 80.
83
Sturluson, 1973: 56.
84
Liestøl, A.: Njålssoga (Oslo, 1996).
85
Liestøl, 1996: 260-261.
86
Liestøl, 1996: 261.
87
Liestøl, 1996: 261.

23
massive role: Morrígan in fact causes the cattle raid. By her acts she ensures that the cattle raid
will occur.
Morrígan is also able to guarantee victory. In CMT she ensures the victory of the Dagda
and his people by sleeping with him. When Cú Chulainn refuses her in TBC she makes clear
that bad luck will come his way. Her relationship with Cú Chulainn is an ambiguous one,
however, as I will discuss in the following chapter.

Battle spirits associated with fertility and the earth

In Cath Maige Tuired we read about the union of Morrígan and the Dagda in §84. He
meets her while she is washing and they sleep together. Dagda meets Morrígan at the water
which again suggests that she was more than just a battle goddess. This associates her with
fertility and the land and also with water. In TBC we see that Morrígan threatens to attack Cú
Chulainn when he is fighting in the waters of the ford.88 Cú Chulainn however ends up severely
wounding her. Carey says:

There are, then, many stories in which sexually active or demanding women, associated or
identified with the waters of rivers or the sea pose a threat to men in general and to the heroic
warrior in particular. But it would be an oversimplification simply to equate water with ‘the
feminine’, and to oppose it to the world of men.89

In the case of CMT, however, the Dagda benefits from the encounter with Morrígan. By
sleeping with Dagda, Morrígan ensures his victory in battle. This becomes clear in the next
paragraph where Morrígan tells the Dagda where the Fomoire were going to land: at Mag
Céidne. She advises him to summon the áes dána of Ireland to meet her at the ford of the Unshin
and she promises him that she will destroy the king of the Fomoire:

7 noragad-si hi Scétne do admillid [ríg] na Fomore .i. Indech mac Déi Domnann a ainm, 7
dohérudh-si crú a cride 7 áirned a gailie úadh. Dobert-si didiu a dí bois den crú-sin deno
slúagaib bátar ocon indnaidhe for Ádh Unsen. And she would go into Scétne to destroy Indech
mac Dé Domnann, the king of the Fomoire, and would take from him the blood of his heart and
the kidneys of his valor. Later she gave two handfuls of that blood to the hosts that were waiting
at the Ford of the Unshin.90

88
TBC 1: 1845-1871.
89
Carey, J.: “The encounter at the ford: Warriors, water and women”, Éigse 34 (2004) 10-24: 19.
90
Gray, 1982: 44-45.

24
This makes clear that Indech mac Dé Domnann is doomed. Morrígan has chosen his death and
has sealed his fate by presenting two handfuls of his blood to the hosts. As I mentioned before,
blood is often used as an omen for death and battle in both the Celtic and Old-Norse literature.91
Carey notes a Norse parallel to this episode, in this tale the woman is set in a purely
negative light. The giantess Gjálp is standing upstream with one foot on each of the river
Vimur’s banks causing a flood. This flood almost overwhelms Thor when he's trying to cross.
He brings the water under control again by throwing a stone at Gjálp and remarks that a river
must be stopped at its source.92
The prophecies Morrígan makes at the end of CMT also show her connection to the
prosperity and fertility of the land. The most notable mention of Morrígan in the dindshenchas
(‘History of Placenames’) also shows a strong connection to fertility. She appears in the poem
about Odras, a tale about the wife of Buchet, the hospitaller. Morrígan is called ba samla día
sóach,93 “the shape-shifting goddess was a phantom (?)”94 as it is translated in DIL. Edward
Gwynn translates the sentence as follows “In this wise came the shape-shifting goddess”.95 She
is further described as Tuc léi tarb in tnúthach, / in rígan garb gnáthach “The envious queen
fierce of mood, the cunning raven caller”,96 and as in Mórrígan mórda, / ba slog-dírmach sámda
“the mighty Morrígan, whose pleasure was in murdered hosts”.97 Morrígan steals a bull, which
then covers a cow. She brings the bull to Cruachan, where this bull will later be the cause of
TBC. Odras follows her, but is overcome by sleep. Morrígan then comes to her and chants
powerful spells over her sleeping body turning her into a river.
Here Morrígan is depicted as a mighty, frightening sorceress and battle goddess who
has the ability to shape-shift and who delights in slaughter. She is strongly associated with
cattle, prosperity of the land and with water: she turns Odras into a river. This link to both cattle
and the land might again suggest a link with fertility. In Táin Bó Cúailnge Morrígan is also
often associated with cattle. She actually causes the cattle raid and during the cattle raid she
often appears next to cattle and once she even transforms herself into a cow. Máire Herbert
states that Morrígan’s activities have a tutelary character: “She oversees the land, its stock and

91
This is illustrated by my discussion about the washing of armour with blood above.
92
Carey, 2004: 23.
93
Gwynn, 1924: 196.
94
DIL: 521, s.v. samla.
95
Gwynn, E.: The metrical dindshenchas, Part IV (Dublin, 1924) 197.
96
Gwynn, 1924: 198-199.
97
Gwynn, 1924: 198-199.

25
its society. Her shape-shifting is an expression of her affinity with the whole living universe of
creatures, bird, animal and human.”98
In the Old-Norse literature the fertility goddess Freyja is also a goddess of death. She
and Odin divide the warriors chosen by the valkyrjur and take them to their halls, as is told in
Grímnismál (‘The song of the Masked One’).99 Freyja could therefore be seen as a chief-
valkyrja. She also has the ability to see in the future and is able to perform (evil) magic, just
like Morrígan.
To exemplify this twofold nature of Freyja, Máire Bhreathnach mentions that one of the
early kings of Sweden is said to have been crushed by a seidkona (a witchwoman) who took
the form of a mare. In a footnote she encourages us to note the part played by the white mare
in Irish initiation rites, but I wonder if the mare that is spoken of is not in fact a mara.100
Bhreathnach does not mention which king is meant and she also fails to mention the title of the
story, but I am tempted to believe that she means king Vanlande, one of the first kings of
Uppsala. This king was, according to Snorre Sturluson’s Ynglinga saga (‘The story of the
Yngling family’) as told in Heimskringla, killed by a mara.101 He had promised to return to a
Finnish girl, but after he failed to do so for ten years, the girl calls in the help of a seidkona who
then conjures the mara to kill him.
The valkyrjur might also have a connection to the land since they were often seen at the
side of a lake. They could also shape-shift and mainly took the form of a swan. In Herbert’s
vision, mentioned above, this shows an affinity with nature and its creatures.

98
Herbert, M.: “Transmutations of an Irish goddess”, Billington and Green (ed.): The concept of the goddess
(London, 1996) 141-151: 145.
99
Otten, 2004: 68, Grímnismál: 14.
100
Bhreathnach, M.: “The sovereignty goddess as goddess of death?”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 39 (1982)
243-260: 249-250 and 250 n. 41.
101
Holtsmark and Seip, 2003: 5-39.

26
 4. Irish and Old-Norse battle spirits as protective goddesses

In this chapter I will try to show that battle spirits sometimes have protective qualities. I will
discuss Morrígan’s role in Táin Bó Cúailnge ‘The cattle raid of Cooley’ (TBC), Táin Bó
Regamna ‘The cattle raid of Regamna’ (TBR) and Aided Con Culainn ‘The death of Cú
Chulainn’ (ACC). In these tales she seems to have a strong connection with the young hero Cú
Chulainn. I will compare Morrígan’s role with the valkyrja Brynhild. She appears in several
Eddic poems, I will concentrate on Sígrdrífumál (‘The lay of Sígrdrífa’) and Völsunga Saga
(‘The saga of the Völsungs’) where her role seems similar in certain aspects.

Morrígan as Cú Chulainn’s protective and guiding goddess

Morrígan often seems to guide and protect Cú Chulainn during his life. In other stories
she mainly appears as a war goddess, in Táin Bó Cúailnge, Táin Bó Regamna, and Aided
Conculainn, however, she fulfils a more important role in addition to appearing as ‘just’ a battle
spirit. Her role in TBC becomes more important as she is associated with the hero of TBC, Cú
Chulainn, and crosses his path on several occasions.
In ‘The Fight between Éogan mac Durthacht and Conchobar’, Cú Chulainn is searching
for Conchobar. On a battle field he notices a man carrying half of another man on his back. The
man asks if Cú Chulainn wants to help him carry his brother. Cú Chulainn refuses whereupon
the man throws his burden to Cú Chulainn. They start to fight and Cú Chulainn is thrown down.
Then the voice of the war goddess (in mboidb) is heard from among the corpses: “It’s a poor
sort of warrior that lies down at the feet of a ghost!”102 After hearing this, Cú Chulainn
immediately rises and decapitates his opponent. In this episode the consequence of the presence
of the badb/bodb, again translated as war goddess, is different from the situations discussed
earlier; here Cú Chulainn regains strength from her words and he can now defeat his opponent.
103

The presence of the war goddess is stimulating and revitalising. Rosalind Clark suggests
that in this instance it seems reasonable to identify Badb with Morrígan since Morrígan appears
throughout the Ulster Cycle as Cú Chulainn’s special protective goddess.104 Clark also wonders
if the remark made by the war goddess is meant in a satiric way, to mock Cú Chulainn. Does
she see him as an enemy, or are her words meant to be words of encouragement to a friend?

102
‘Olc damnae laích fil and fo chossaib aurddrag!’ TBC 1, line 500.
103
TBC 1, lines 492-502.
104
Clark, R.: “Aspects of the Morrígan in early Irish literature”, Irish University Review 17 (1987) 223-236: 227.

27
Her remark could very well be meant in a mocking way since Cú Chulainn is always eager to
prove Morrígan wrong, and he constantly turns down her help and refuses to pay any attention
to her warnings, which also happens in Aided Con Culainn.
After Morrígan’s assumed presence in `The fight between Éogan mac Durthacht and
Conchobar’, where she helps him, her role becomes more ambiguous when Morrígan and Cú
Chulainn have a talk in ‘The conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’105. She comes in
the shape of an extraordinarily beautiful young woman to him, dressed in colourful clothing,
bringing along her treasures and cattle. She introduces herself as the daughter of king Búan and
tells Cú Chulainn that she fell in love with him after hearing of his fame. Cú Chulainn declines
her advances, upon which Morrígan starts to utter threats. Her love and will to protect him
rapidly turn into a desire for revenge: during crucial moments in battle she will emerge to hinder
him in the form of an eel, a grey she-wolf and a hornless red heifer. Cú Chulainn is not
impressed by her threats and is sure that he will win this fight. He does not want her protection.
Morrígan’s role in this tale shows a parallel with her role in Cath Maige Tuired, where
she offers her love and protection in war to the Dagda. He accepts her offer, while Cú Chulainn
refuses. In the Old-Norse texts we often read of valkyrjur offering their love and protection to
a specific hero. In Völsunga saga, which will be discussed below, it is impossible for the
valkyrja Brynhild to get the man she wants and here her love turns into hate and will lead to the
death of the hero she had chosen to become her husband.
The threats from Morrígan and Cú Chulainn’s reaction are also present in Táin Bó
Regamna. Later in Táin Bó Cúailnge, when Morrígan acts upon her threats, there is a reference
to TBR. The text from TBR, however, is not found in TBC; only the version described above
is in TBC.
TBR is one of the fore-tales, or remscéla, of TBC. According to Tom Chadwin it might
even be the most important remscéla from the Táin.106 This story tells us what caused the Táin.
Chadwin points out: “The anticipation of TBC in Táin Bó Regamna is acknowledged in TBC,
not just in that the event occurs exactly as described in the remscél, but also in that the remscél
is cited by name as evidence.”107

105
TBC 1, lines 1845-1871.
106
Chadwin, T.: “The remscéla Tána Bó Cualngi”, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies 34 (1997) 67-75:75. In his
article Tom Chadwin puts forward: “there are various types of remscél, which can be categorized by means of the
way they are related to TBC. They are: Background remscéla; Causal remscéla; Remremscéla; and Referential
remscéla. It will become apparent that some of these categories have a greater relevance to the main text than
others. The Background remscéla provide information relevant to the text of TBC but do not describe any of the
causes to the plot which TBC narrates.” (70)
107
Chadwin, 1997: 75.

28
 In TBR Cú Chulainn and his charioteer Laeg meet a strange company. They see a one-
legged red horse in front of a red chariot. The pole of the chariot went straight through the horse.
On the chariot they saw a red woman with red eyebrows wearing a red cloak.108 When asked
for her name she gives an absurd long list, which infuriates Cú Chulainn. She is a satiric poet
and received the cow in exchange for a poem. Cú Chulainn asks her to recite the poem. When
the poem is finished, a furious Cú Chulainn wants to take another leap into the chariot, but the
chariot, together with the woman, man and cow have suddenly disappeared.109
He then notices a black bird on a branch near him. That is when he recognizes her as
Morrígan. He tells her that she is an evil woman, and that if he had known that he was dealing
with her, he would have acted differently. Morrígan says that it does not matter, since it would
lead to bad luck in any case. Cú Chulainn then argues that Morrígan does not have the ability
to cause him bad luck. She disagrees and tells him: ‘Cumgaim écin’, olsin ven. ‘Is oc do ditin
do báis-siu atáu-so ocus bia’, ollsí. “Doch, das kann ich bestimmt”, sagte die Frau. “Deinen
Tod zu besiegeln, dabei bin ich, und dabei werde ich sein”, sprach sie.110
In this story Morrígan shows in many different ways that she is a supernatural being.
She can shape-shift: she changes into a black bird. She also says that she is, according to Johan
Corthals’ translation, the sealer of Cú Chulainn’s death. This remark, however, is ambiguous
and translated in various ways. Rosalind Clark points out that Eleanor Hull translates this
remark as “I am guarding your deathbed and I shall be guarding it henceforth.”111 This could
either mean that she wants to prevent Cú Chulainn from dying, or that she wants to make sure
that he indeed dies. The translation suggested by Corthals is preferred, and suggests that
Morrígan wants to ensure Cú Chulainn’s death. As it turns out she cannot actually cause his
death since Cú Chulainn’s bravery defies fate.
Besides being able to see the future and possibly influence fate, Morrígan also has a
prophetic gift: she tells him that because of what she did here, the cattle raid of Cúailnge will
take place. Cú Chulainn points out that the cattle raid will make him even more famous.
Morrígan then answers with the same threats as in ‘The conversation of the Mórrígan with Cú
Chulainn’: she will attack him in the shape of an eel, a she-wolf and a hornless red heifer. These

108
Corthals, J.: Táin Bó Regamna. Eine Vorerzählung zür Táin Bó Cúailnge, Wien (1987) 51-52.
109
It is worth noting that we find a parallel of this tale in Cath Maige Tuired §93. The Dagda meets a Fomorian
girl and when she asks his name he gives her similarly long and absurd lists. The Fomorian girl doesn’t take this
as bad as Cú Chulainn does: in the end she and the Dagda have sex. She then tries to prevent him from going to
battle and threatens him in the same way as the Morrígan does to Cú Chulainn; she will hinder him in the form of
a stone and a giant oak. In the end she decides to help the Dagda beat the Fomoire by hindering them instead and
singing spells against them.
110
Corthals, 1987: 54-55.
111
Hull, 1898: 260.

29
threats are formulated a bit different in TBR: as a grey she-wolf she will take a bite out of him,
in TBC she threatens to rush the cattle upon him. In this version she is more explicit about what
she will do to him as a red hornless heifer. In TBC she says: “’I shall come to you in the guise
of a hornless red heifer in front of the cattle and they will rush upon you at many fords and
pools yet you will not see me in front of you.’”112 In TBR she says that she will be a white cow
with red ears and she will go into the water of the ford followed by a hundred of other white
red-eared cows. The whole herd will storm in the ford and she says that Cú Chulainn will be
decapitated there.
The threats Cú Chulainn utters in response are the same in both accounts. Only at the
end of the tale the woman’s identity is revealed. Her identity is not revealed in the text of TBC,
only the title shows that we are indeed dealing with Morrígan.
In TBR we get a detailed description of the appearance of Morrígan. The colour red is
dominant here. Miranda Green thinks the creatures and the colour red refer to the
Otherworldliness of Morrígan: “the wolf was greyish-red, the colour of the Cwn Annwn, the
hounds of the Welsh Otherworld; the heifer was white and red-eared, and again this
combination belongs to the supernatural realms, both in Wales and Ireland.”113 Osborn Bergin
notes that both Kenneth Jackson and Rudolf Thurneysen state that these cows are connected to
the fairyland and magic, but not necessarily confined to the Otherworld.114 This type of cattle
was still found in Northumberland when Bergin wrote the article, but in the literature they are
often connected to the supernatural. Wolves are also closely connected to the supernatural.
In ‘The death of Lóch Mac Mo Femis’115 in TBC Morrígan and Cú Chulainn perform
the threats they expressed in ‘The conversation of the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’. In this
episode we also find a reference to TBR: “Then it was that Cú Chulainn did against the
Mórrígan the three things that he had threatened her with in the Táin Bó Regamna.”116 Another
version of this episode is found in the Book of Leinster. Here Morrígan does the same things to
Cú Chulainn but it is remarkable that in this variant Morrígan, in the shape of a white red-eared
heifer, is accompanied by fifty other heifers, each pair linked together with a chain of white
bronze.117 These chains are also often mentioned in connection to birds as I mentioned above.

112
TBC 1: 177
113
Green, M.: Celtic goddesses: Warriors, virgins and mothers (London, 1997) 28.
114
Bergin, O.: “White red-eared cows”, Ériu 14 (1946) 170.
115
TBC 1, lines 1982-2025.
116
TBC 1: 181.
117
O’Rahilly, C.: Táin Bó Cúailnge from the Book of Leinster (Dublin, 1970) lines 1989-2004.

30
 In my opinion Morrígan shows characteristics of the mara in this fragment. Her evil
thoughts towards Cú Chulainn take the physical form of an eel, a she-wolf and a hornless red
heifer, just like the mara is the result of evil desires directed to a specific person. When
Morrígan comes to Cú Chulainn to heal her wounds, it becomes clear that the wounds Cú
Chulainn inflicted upon her affect all her guises. She does not show all the features of a mara
however; according to Folke Ström the mara often caused anxiety and a loss of breath since
she was said to strangle her victim.
Catharine Raudvere states that the mara was a metaphor for a person’s own fears and
the malevolent desires of others.118 Therefore the shape in which the mara appeared is varied
and personal and often depends on the situation. Raudvere points out that her research has
shown that when a mara appears in human form, she often appears as either a beautiful, inviting
young woman or an old ugly hag; these are also guises Morrígan often appears in.119 She
appears as a young woman in ‘The conversation of Morrígan and Cú Chulainn’,120 discussed
above, and she takes the guise of an old half blind woman milking a cow in ‘The healing of the
Mórrígan’.121 Cú Chulainn fails to recognize her and heals her in exchange for some milk. After
she is healed Morrígan reveals her true identity to him.
In Aided Con Culainn Morrígan tries to prevent Cú Chulainn from going to what will
be his final battle. The second day he finds his chariot broken: “Now, the Morrígan had smashed
the chariot the previous night, She did not want Cú Chulainn to go to the battle because she
knew he would not return to Emain Macha.”122
Here we see that even though Morrígan vowed to take revenge after Cú Chulainn refused
her, she still tries to protect him. Cú Chulainn, however, never pays any attention to her
warnings. His horse Liath Macha also tries to stop him by turning his left side to him three
times, Cú Chulainn tries to calm him by saying: “Badb struck us in Emain Macha never.”123
Then Liath Macha allows him to jump in the chariot. Leborcham, the daughter of two of
Conchobor’s slaves, also tries to stop him but her attempts are in vain.
After the above mentioned attempts to protect him have failed miserably, various events
take place that show that Cú Culainn is indeed riding towards his death.

118
Raudvere, C.: Foreställningar om maran I nordisk folktro (Lund, 1993) 105.
119
Raudvere, 1993: 124.
120
TBC 1, lines 1845-1871.
121
TBC 1, lines 2038-2055.
122
Tymoczko, M.: Two death tales from the Ulster Cycle: the death of Cu Roi and the death of Cu Chulainn
(Dublin, 1981) 42.
123
Tymoczko, 1981: 43.

31
 On the way to the battlefield Cú Chulainn stumbles upon “three hags of sorcery”,124 they
are cooking a dog. Cú Chulainn is faced with a dilemma: it is geis for him to refuse food,125 but
it is also geis to eat the meat of his namesake.126 The old women insult him by saying that their
cooking place must be below his standards and say: “One who cannot accept or endure little
things is not capable of great things.”127 This makes Cú Chulainn decide to take some of the
dog meat anyway, making his death inevitable: violating a geis always leads to misfortune, and
often death. He then visits his mother who three times offers him milk that turns into blood,
when he leaves his mother’s house and follows his way, he sees two lamenting girls washing a
piece of cloth covered with his blood. These are all signs indicating that his death is near.
Cú Chulainn arrives at the plain of Muirthemne and the battle begins. He dies after a
long fight. After his death a raven lands on his shoulder just before he is decapitated.128
Hennessy thinks this raven is Morrígan.129 If the raven is indeed Morrígan, it can be linked to
the remark Morrígan made to Cú Chulainn in Táin Bó Regamna; she told him that she was the
sealer or guardian of his death, depending on the translation. Her assumed appearance here
again emphasizes the special relationship between Morrígan and Cú Chulainn.
In this tale Morrígan tries in vain to reverse her own prediction. She warns him by
breaking his chariot, but cannot prevent that Cú Chulainn is riding towards his death. Here we
also see that Morrígan is inconsistent. After Cú Chulainn refused her in ‘The conversation of
the Morrígan with Cú Chulainn’, she does anything within her power to take revenge but now,
when his end is near, she tries to prevent him from dying.
Despite showing similarities with the mara in these tales, Morrígan also shows, in my
opinion, many characteristics of the female fylgja. She watches over Cú Chulainn just the way
the fylgja does, and the advice she gives also leads to Cú Chulainn’s downfall. There is a striking
difference, however. When Morrígan turns against Cú Chulainn after he refused her love, this
does not lead to Cú Chulainn’s death, the way it would if Morrígan was a fylgja. On the
contrary; Cú Chulainn outsmarts her and ends up severely wounding her. Morrígan also tries to
prevent his death; this is not something a fylgja could do. Morrígan’s role also shows similarities
with the valkyrja Brynhild’s role, as I will discuss in the following.

124
Tymoczko, 1981: 49-50.
125
A geis is a special sort of taboo.
126
Cú is the Irish word for dog.
127
Tymoczko, 1981: 50.
128
Tymoczko, 1981: 61.
129
Hennessy, 1870: 51.

32
The valkyrja Brynhild as a protective, guiding goddess
Just like Morrígan guides Cú Chulainn throughout his life, albeit sometimes in an
ambiguous way, valkyrjur also often choose a specific hero to protect. As an example I will
discuss the role Brynhild plays in Sígrdrífumál and Völsunga Saga.

Sígrdrífumál
In the Eddic poem Sígrdrífumál a valkyrja plays a similar role to the role Morrígan has
in relation to Cú Chulainn. Sigurd meets the valkyrja Sígrdrífa who is lying asleep in full
armour. He wakes her up and she wants to tell him her story. To strengthen his memory she
gives him a drinking horn filled with mead. After invoking the gods and goddesses to regain
her magical powers she tells him that she fought in a battle between two kings: Gunnar with the
helmet and Agnar. Odin had granted Gunnar victory in this battle and Sígrdrífa was supposed
to protect him, but she took matters into her own hands and killed Gunnar. Odin punished her
by stinging her with a sleepingthorn and before dooming her to marriage he told her that she
would never grant anyone victory anymore. Sígrdrífa then swore to never marry a man who
knows fear. After telling her story she shares the wisdom of the runes with Sigurd and gives
him advice. Sigurd then promises to marry her and they make an oath to be forever faithful to
each other. 130 The story of Sígrdrífa and Sigurd continues in Völsunga saga, where Sígrdrífa is
called Brynhild.131
Sígrdrífa closely resembles Morrígan: both women are associated with magic, battle and
the supernatural and both women declare their love to a specific hero and try to protect and
advise him. It is remarkable that in both cultures important female beings closely connected to
battle and death declare their love to a specific hero and offer him protection from dying.

Völsunga saga
There are two versions of Völsunga saga, one of which is found in the poetic Edda. The
oldest manuscript (Codex Regius) of this version dates from ca. 1270, the date of the original
compilation is uncertain, probably between the second half of the twelfth century and not after

130
Otten, 2004: 188-193.
131
Sigurd married Gudrun and through an evil plan plotted by Gudrun’s mother Sigurd makes the mistake to give
Gudrun a ring that belonged to Brynhild. After recognizing this ring Brynhild sinks into a depression. After Sigurd
comes to check on her she remembers the oaths she and Sigurd swore when they met in the mountains. I believe
she refers to the time she met him as a valkyrja, in Sígrdrífumál. There it is specifically stated that Sigurd met the
valkyrja Sígrdrífa on a mountain, the second time they meet she was staying at her foster father’s place. It is
surrounded by woods but there is no mountain mentioned. Brynhild’s reference to the encounter in the mountain,
if she indeed means the time Sigurd woke the valkyrja from her enchanted sleep, proves that Sígrdrífa and Brynhild
are the same person.

33
ca. 1250.132 The second version is much more elaborate and the oldest manuscript dates from
1400. This version was compiled not later than in 1260-1270.133
In the fragments of Völsunga saga that are found in the poetic Edda,134 Sigurd and
Brynhild (the same person as Sígrdrífa) meet again. As a valkyrja in Sígrdrífumál Brynhild
gives advice and tries to protect Sigurd, the hero she chose to become her husband. When it
becomes clear in Völsunga Saga that she will have to marry Gunnar, and that Sigurd has been
tricked into marrying Gudrun, her protective love for Sigurd soon turns into a destructive kind
of love: if she cannot have him, she will rather see him dead.
Brynhild can see the future and has precognitive dreams. She is connected to the
supernatural just like Morrígan is. She shows that she is not afraid to participate in battle. All
the predictions she makes come true which shows that she cannot alter fate after she has seen
it. On the battlefield, as a valkyrja, she does have the power to choose who will live and who is
going to Valhöll with her, but now she seems to accept destiny as something that is already
decided (probably because of earlier decisions and events) and beyond her influence. Instead
of desperately trying to change her fate and the fate of others, she chooses to sink into a
depression. Not much is left of the strong, proud woman of the beginning of the saga. She
eventually commits suicide. Her role goes beyond the role of the valkyrjur that only appear in
battle, she is also given a human side. This happens more in the heroic tales: the valkyrjur in
these tales are women with feelings, those present in the poems have less depth.
Brynhild’s role resembles the role Morrígan plays in TBC. In Sígrdrífumál she offers
her protection to Sigurd if he is going to marry her, just like Morrígan does with Cú Chulainn.
Her love turns just as quickly into hate when it becomes clear that Sigurd cannot marry her. She
does not actively try to hurt him, but her will to protect him has completely vanished. She is,
however, still responsible for his death. Brynhild’s actions, just like Morrígan’s, also have
devastating consequences: the deceit that keeps Brynhild and Sigurd separated, ultimately leads
to the downfall of the Niflungar, the race of heroes.
In both the Irish and Old-Norse culture the rejection of a woman by a hero or king has
fatal consequences. Máire Bhreathnach notes that Francis John Byrne stated that the mysterious
woman often associated with a hero’s death, is the woman who married the hero and helps to

132
Finch, R.G: The saga of the Volsungs (London, 1965) ix.
133
Finch, 1965: ix.
134
Otten, 2004: 194-210.

34
seal his fate. Byrne says this feature is also common in Old-Norse death tales: “There the king’s
death is often associated with an ill-advised marriage, sometimes to a witch.”135

135
Bhreathnach, 1982: 244.

35
 Conclusion

As seen in the chapters above, the Irish and Old-Norse cultures show many similarities. The
Old-Norse literature seems to have a more diverse range of beings with different functions
connected to battle, while the individuals present in the Irish literature unite many of these
functions into a single being. Morrígan for example has the aspect of protection and appearing
as an omen of death that the fylgja has in the Old-Norse literature, she also shows the rage and
has the frightening quality of the mara, and the way she delights in slaughter and battle and
chooses one specific hero to love and protect, shows similarities with the valkyrja.
I also found that specific motifs are presented in a similar way in both the Irish and the
Old-Norse culture. In both cultures the blinding of an eye (in the Irish culture the left eye in
particular) is seen as a way of gaining otherwise hidden knowledge, mostly connected to the
supernatural.
Prophecies of the end of the world, found in both cultures, also show striking
similarities; both mention a deterioration of the values of society as the start of the end of the
world. The washing of armour or body parts with blood is in both cultures present as a clear
omen of death and beings connected to war were in addition associated with birds of prey.
In both cultures we find an occurrence of (supernatural) girls transforming into swans.
In my opinion we cannot show with any certainty which culture influenced the other, the stories
in which these motifs occur are from different periods, and even in stories written down before
the Old-Norse invasions girls transforming into swans already occur.
Battle spirits are in both cultures not only connected to slaughter and battle, they also
had a strong affinity with the earth and fertility. Morrígan for example is strongly associated
with cattle and she sleeps with the Dagda to ensure his victory in battle, which will benefit
society. It is also striking that in both cultures these battle spirits are strongly associated with
fate. Their actions have devastating consequences and both the Old-Norse and the Irish battle
spirits have the power to choose who is going to die. They cannot always alter fate; in some
situations their powers are limited. Morrígan, for example, is unable to change Cú Chulainn’s
fate, and Brynhild’s influence on Sigurd and his actions is also limited.
The valkyrjur in the Old-Norse poems are presented as frightening beings, riding on
horses and taking part in battle. In the later heroic texts these beings obtain a bigger role. There
they often choose one particular warrior to become their husband and they then see it as their
task to protect him. When the marriage does not turn out the way they planned or when they do
not agree with their husband’s decisions, they become responsible for the hero’s downfall. In

36
this aspect the valkyrja can be compared to the relationship Morrígan has towards Cú Chulainn.
She is protective of him and gives him advice, but when he rejects her, she does everything
within her power to hurt him. Her treacherous nature is also revealed when she tricks Cú
Chulainn into healing her. When Cú Chulainn is riding towards his final battle, her protective
side takes over again, and Morrígan tries in vain to prevent him from riding towards his death.
The valkyrjur, however, are usually not as ambiguous as Morrígan is. Morrígan still tries to
influence fate when Cú Chulainn is doomed to die and presumably even lands on his death body
in the shape of a crow. The valkyrjur tend to accept that their former lover is doomed and do
not try to change fate, usually they become passive and sometimes even depressed.
The similarities between both cultures, as summarized above, are striking. The question
remains how to explain these similarities? No final conclusion can be given. It would be easiest
to connect them to the Viking invasions in Ireland around the eighth century AC, but
Marstrander pointed to older texts that already show motifs present in both the Old-Norse and
the Celtic culture.136 Perhaps then the answer can be found in a common Indo-European
heritage?
Wherever these similarities derive from, I personally am glad they exist, since they made
my research very interesting and sometimes challenging. Sometimes a motif arose that seemed
to be comparable, but was presented in such a different way that it would take too much research
to fully do it justice. As an example I mention the meaning and use of wolves. In both cultures
wolves are often present on battle fields, but in the Old-Norse mythology these wolves are either
real wolves or people wearing skins of wolves who then act as wolves, while in the Celtic tales
these wolves are mainly shape-shifters, people who have to ability to take the shape of wolves.
Besides the similar motifs I discuss in this thesis, there are many more that would have
been interesting to consider but unfortunately fell outside of the scope of my thesis. For helping
me find a structured way to present the results of my research I am indebted to Jan Erik Rekdal.
I would also like to thank him for his kindness and enthusiasm during my year in Oslo and for
his helpful suggestions on the various stages of this thesis. Furthermore I would like to thank
Bart Jaski for his patience, invaluable insights and improvements and Jacqueline Borsje for
introducing me to this interesting subject. Last but not least I want to thank Sean van der Meulen
for making the drawing on the cover.
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136
Marstrander, 1911: 203.

37
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41
 Abbreviations

ACC Aided Con Culainn, in: Hull, E. (London, 1898): The Cuchullin saga in Irish
literature.
BDC Bruide Da Choca, Stokes, W. (1900): “Da Choca’s hostel” in: Revue Celtique
21, 149-165, 312-327, 388-402.
CMT Cath Maige Tuired, the second battle of Mag Tuired, Gray, E. (Kildare, 1982).
CMTC Cath Maige Tuired Cunga, “The first battle of Moytura”, Fraser, J. (1916) in:
Ériu 8, 1-63,.
DIL Dictionary of the Irish Language, Quin, E. (Dublin, 1983) compact edition.
LG Leabhar Gabhála, The book of Conquests of Ireland, MacAlister, R. (Dublin,
1916).
s.v. sub voce (= under the head-word).
TBC 1 Táin Bó Cúailnge Recension 1, O’Rahilly, C. (Dublin, 1976).
TBC LL Táin Bó Cúailnge from the Book of Leinster, O’Rahilly, C. (Dublin, 1970).
TBDD Togail Bruidne Da Derga in Koch, J. T. (Aberystwyth, 1994): The Celtic heroic
age. 4th edition 2003, 166-184.
TBR Táin Bó Regamna, Corthals, J. (Wien, 1987): Táin Bó Regamna. Eine
Vorerzählung zur Táin Bó Cúailnge.

42