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University of Haifa
Introduction
The Ayyubid Sultan Salah al-Din (Saladin) used the pious endow
pl. awqaf; alternatively hubs, hubus, pl. ahbas) as a major instru
efforts to gain political and military control over Egypt and Syria.'
of this aim, he systematically converted properties belonging to
into awqdf.2 The present study investigates some of the legal and so
of Saladin's waqf policy in the territories conquered by his arm
examine Saladin's endowment policy and his political aims from t
of the Sultan and his court.4 I will not reflect on the motives of the
those people of religion (al-mu'ammamun; literally 'the tur
co-operated with him, even though 'mingling with the monarc
sultan) apparently clashed with some of the principles stipulated
Sufi novices.5
On the political history of this period see Yaacov Lev, State and society in F
(Leiden, 1991), 61-3; for the history of the man and the period see Andrew S.
Saladin (Albany, NY, 1972); idem, 'Saladin's coup d'etat in Egypt', in Mediev
Eastern studies in honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya, (ed.) S. A. Hanna (Leiden, 1972), 1
Gibb, The life of Saladin (Oxford, 1973); idem, Saladin: studies in Islamic history [co
ed. Y. Ibish, Beirut, 1974); M. C. Lyons and D. E. P. Jackson, Saladin: the politi
War (Cambridge, 1982).
2 A recurring theme in Saladin's official dispatches is the personification of the c
Islam and Christianity in architectural terms, for example, the madrasa v. the Ch
al-Din al-Isfahani, al-Fath al-qusslfti'l-fath al-qudsi, ed. de Landberg (Leiden, 188
3 Saladin maintained that he was commissioned to carry out two tasks: to c
valley of the Ismaili-Fatimid heresy; and to purify Jerusalem of the infidels' d
al-Maqrizi, Kitdb al-Sulukfima'rifat ta'rzkh al-muluk, ed. M. M. Ziyada (Cairo, 1
Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub fi akhbar bani Ayyub, ed. J. D. al-Shayyal (Cairo
al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-a'sha fi sina'at al-insha' (Cairo, 1924), vi, 526-30; Gaudefroy-
Demombynes, 'Une lettre de Saladin au Calife Almohade', Melanges Rene Basset (Paris, 1925),
ii, 279-304; E. Sivan, 'Le caractere sacre de Jerusalem dans l'Islam aux xIIe-xiie siecles', Studia
Islamica, 27, 1967, 160; idem, L'Islam et la Croisade (Paris, 1968), 97, 115-16.
4 The data scrutinized in the article are collected from medieval chronicles and geographical
descriptions, as well as legal sources. It is based especially on an examination of endowment deeds
(kitdb al-waqf or waqfiyya) composed by Saladin's jurists (fuqaha'). The awqaf documents of the
two Jerusalem institutions, i.e., the ribat and madrasa al-Salahiyya, are the only complete
endowment documents written by Saladin's fuqaha' that have survived from that time. The
waqfiyya of the ribdt (or al-khanqah) al-Salahiyya was published by Ahmad al-'Alami, Waqfiyyat
Salah al-DTn (Jerusalem, 1981); and by Kamil Jamml al-'Asali, Watha'iq maqdisiyya ta'rikhiyya
(Amman, 1983), I, 83 ff. Both published texts contain several errors due to misreading of the
original manuscript. The waqfiyya of al-madrasa al-Salahiyya is transcribed in Taqi al-Din
al-Subkt, al-Fatawa (Cairo, 1355 A.H.), II, 126-33. A shortened version of the two waqfiyyat was
incorporated in the Ottoman catalogue of public waqfs in sixteenth-century Jerusalem published
by Mehmed Ipsirli and Mohammed Da'oud al-Tamimi, The Muslim pious foundations and real
estates in Palestine according to the sixteenth-century Ottoman tahrir registers (Istanbul, 1982 [in
Arabic]), 31 (no. 26); 35 (no. 36); cf. D. S. Powers, 'Revenues of public waqfs in sixteenth-century
Jerusalem', Archivum Ottomanicum, 9 1984, 163-202; and Kamil Jamml al-'Asali, Ma'ahid al-'ilm
fi bayt al-maqdis (Amman, 1981), 65 (where a list from registers 522 and 602 of the tapu tahrir-i
deftar-i is printed); Mustafa Bilge, 'A waqf of a madrasa in Jerusalem', in The third International
Conference on Bilad al-Sham: Palestine (19-24 April 1980), Vol. i: Jerusalem (Amman, 1983), 21-31.
Abu Layth al-Samarqandi, TanbTh al-Ghdfiin (Beirut, n.d.), 189; but see for the contrary the
sayings in the chapters on 'suhba ma'a al-sultan', in al-Sulami, Kitab Adab al-suhba, ed. M. J. Kister
(Jerusalem, 1954), 81; al-Suhrawardi, Kitab Adab al-mur-di-n, ed. M. Milson (Jerusalem, 1978),
clause 89.
6 Islamic pious endowment was and remained a vital institution. Because of this, the literature
on waqf is abundant. Scholars strive to reconstruct its historical sources, legal status, social
dimension, influence on arts and other subjects. The most recent collection of articles devoted to
these subjects is Randi Deguilhem (ed.), Le waqf dans l'espace islamique: outil de pouvoir socio-
politique (Damascus, 1995).
7 Apart from converting Christian sanctuaries into Islamic monuments, the Zengids used awqaf
to subsidize members of the religious establishment who flocked to their courts. Nur al-Din,
Saladin's original patron, dedicated abundant resources to building and maintaining colleges
(madaris) and Sufi hospices (khawaniq) in all the regions of his realm. See Ibn Shaddad Muhammad
al-Halabi, al-A'ldq al-khatlrafi dhikr umara' al-sham wa'l-jazira, ed. D. Sourdel (Damascus, 1953),
Ia, 93 ff.; 110, 11. 1-12; cf. Nikita Elisseeff, Nur ad-Din. un grand prince musulman de Syrie au
temps des Croisades (Damascus, 1967), III, 911-35 (annexes); Joan E. Gilbert,' Institutionalization
of Muslim scholarship and professionalization of the 'Ulama' in medieval Damascus', Studia
Islamica, 52, 1980, 127, 129; Cl. Cahen, Orient et Occident au temps des Croisades (Paris, 1983),
120, 177; Gary Leiser, 'Notes on the madrasa in medieval Islamic society', The Muslim World,
76, 1986, 16-19; Yasser Tabba, 'Monuments with a message: propagation of Jihad under Nur
a-Din', in V. P. Goss (ed.), The meeting of two worlds (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1986), 225-6.
8 Although there is evidence for the involvement of the Fatimid military establishment in the
collection of taxes as a method of payment for their services it is evident that Saladin expanded
the iqtd' in Egypt. Ibn Mammati, Kitab Qawanin al-dawawin, ed. 'Aziz 'Atiya (Cairo, 1943), 369
(no. 9); cf. Lev, State and society in Fatimid Egypt, 122-7; Tasugitaka Sato, State and rural society
in medieval Islam. sultans, muqta's andfallahun (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1997), 43-6.
9 Cl. Cahen, 'L'evolution de l'iqta' du Ixe au xInI siecle', Annales E.S.C., 8, 1953, 46; idem,
'Le regime des imp6ts dans le Fayyum Ayyubide', Arabica, 3, 1960, 12, 25; idem, ' Rflexions sur
le waqf ancien', Studia Islamica, 14, 1961, 37-56.
10 Karl S. Schaeffer, 'Jerusalem in the Ayyubid and Mamluk eras' (Ph.D. thesis, New York
University 1985), 181 ff., 195 if., 200-5.
" Heinz Halm, 'The re-establishment of Sunni fiqh in Jerusalem under Ayyubid rule', in The
third International Conference on Bilad al-Sham: Palestine (19-24 April 1980), Vol. I: Jerusalem
(Amman, 1983), 111-12.
12 G. Frantz-Murphy, The agrarian administration of Egypt from the Arabs to the Ottomans
(Cairo, 1986), 69-70.
22Taqi al-Din 'Umar, Saladin's nephew and close partner, founded in Cairo, in Sha'ban
566/April 1171, another Shafi'?1 madrasa in one of the mansions built by the Fatimids and known
as Manazil al-'Izz. From the public treasury he purchased the adjoining bath (hammam) and
stable (istabl). In addition he erected an inn (funduq). The incomes from these properties were
bestowed by him on the college that he had established. Denoix, Decrire le Caire, 129, no. 4;
Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 87; Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 44.
23 This mansion was the property of Qanbar, a freed slave in the service of the Fatimid court.
After his execution in Sha'ban 544/December 1149, the building was appropriated by the vizier
Ruzzayk (Ruzzik) b. Tala'i'; Ibn Muyassar, Akhbar Misr, 144, 11. 3-4 (A.H. 544); Ibn Tuwayr,
Nuzhat al-muqlatayn ft akhbar al-dawlatayn, ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Beirut, 1992), 183, 1. 4;
Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, Husn al-muhadara fi ta'rikh Misr wa'l-Qahira, ed. Muhammad Abu Fadl
Ibrahim (Cairo, 1387/1968), II, 260.
24 Ibn Khaldun, al-Ta'rf bi-Ibn Khaldun, ed. Tanji (Cairo, 1951), 121, 1. 3; Carl F. Petry, The
civilian elite of Cairo in the later Middle Ages (Princeton, 1981), 139, 327-8; Leonor Fernandes,
The evolution of a Sufi institution in Mamluk Egypt: the khanqah (Berlin, 1988), 21 ff.
25 After Nur al-Din's death (15 May 1174) Saladin moved toward Syria (October 1174). See
Lyons and Jackson, Saladin, 68-9, 74, 76-84.
26 Hence this building was known as 'al-dar al-ma'muniyya'; Ibn al-Ma'mun, Akhbar Misr,
26 (and n. 1); and Ibn Muyassar, Akhbar Misr, 147 (A.H. 549), ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo,
1981); Ibn Tuwayr, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn, 67, 1. 6; 72, 11. 9-10; On al-Bata'ihi see Leila S. al-'Imad,
The Fatimid vizierate (969-1172) (Berlin, 1990), 191-2.
27 This foundation was made before Farrukh Shah departed Egypt, in March 1176. Shortly
afterwards (in Safar 572/August-September 1176) Saladin endowed a village in the Hawran
(Huran) for students of Islamic law (fiqh). The supervision (nazr) of this waqf was given to the
Shafi'i jurist (faqih) Qutb al-Din al-Nishaburi. See Abu Shama, Rawdatayn, 643, 675 (' wa-ra'aytu
kitab al-waqf wa-'alayhi 'allamat al-sultan'), 679, 683; Ibn 'Abd al-Zahir, al-Rawda al-bahiyya
al-zahira fikhitat al-mu'iziyya al-Qahira, ed. Ayman Fu'ad Sayyid (Cairo, 1996), 88-9; Cf. Lyons
and Jackson, Saladin, 99-104.
28 Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 141-3.
29 After the victory at Hittin, Saladin gained control of many assets that had belonged to the
Latin Kingdom, the Church and the monastic orders. After the conquest of Acre (2 Jumada
al-awwal 583/10 July 1187) Saladin allocated to the faqrh Diya al-Din 'Isa al-Hakari property of
the Templars, including houses, buildings, residences, an alloment and a landed estate (manazil,
purify the Holy City 'of the filth of the hellish Franks, to st
garments and to put on the robe of honour '.30 Christian images
and Islamic symbols added; at al-Aqsa mosque a pulpit (minbar
the mihrab was cleaned and uncovered and the Quran wa
Buildings, agricultural lands and other assets were expropriated f
Church and converted to support the Muslim community.
Saladin appointed a prayer leader (imam) at the Dome of the
al-Sakhra) and bequeathed him a house, a field and a garden.
later, on 15 Ramadan 585/27 October 1189, Saladin establi
(ribdt) for Sufis named al-Salahiyya,33 located in the residenc
Patriarch (ddr al-batrik) of Jerusalem.34 His aim was to encou
ment of Sufis in that city. As the Third Crusade approached Jeru
sounded the alarm and hastily prepared to confront the Chris
letter to the Abbasid court at Baghdad, he stated that the Pop
all Christians to go to Jerusalem.35 To strengthen the city's
confiscated the Church of Sancta Anna36 and on 13 Rajab 588
he established a madrasa on its premises.37
Before leaving for Damascus in Shawwal 588/October 1
planned to establish another waqf in Jerusalem: he gave ord
Baha' al-Din b. Shaddad to institute a hospital in Jerusalem
Saladin's death in Damascus on 4 March 1193 prevented him f
project to its end, some Mamluk and Ottoman documents mention
stan al-Salahi in Jerusalem.39
46 The Fatimid's di-wan al-ahbas is described by Ibn Tuwayr, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn, 100-1.
47 The translation of the founding inscription of al-Madrasa al-Salahiyya in Cairo reads: 'This
madrasa was built at the request of the shaykh, the faqih al-Khabushani for the Shafi'i fuqaha'
(Ramadan 575/February 1180)'. See G. Wiet, 'Les inscriptions du mausolee de Shafi'i', Bulletin
de l'Institut d'Egypte, 15, 1933, 170-1; Abu Shama, Rawdatayn, 688; al-Maqrizi, Khitat, II, 400,
11. 31-7; al-Suyuti, Husan al-Muhadara, II, 257; Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt',
225 ff.
48 For payment in foodstuffs and food prices, see N. A. Ziadeh, Urban life in Syria under the
early Mamluks (Beirut, 1953), 101-2; E. Ashtor, 'An essay on the diet of the various classes in
the medieval Levant', R. Forster and 0. Ranum (ed.), in Biology of man in history: selections
from the Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations (Baltimore, 1975), 125-62; J. Gilbert,
'Institutionalization of Muslim scholarship and professionalization of the 'Ulama' in medieval
Damascus', 120-1; for al-ta'addub bi-awamir al-masha'ikh, cf. Abu 'Abd al-Rahman al-Sulaml,
Jawami' adab al-sufiyya, ed. E. Kohlberg (Jerusalem, 1976), 37 (no. 89), 23 (no. 55); and see also
al-'Asali, Watha'iq, I, 231 (no. 229).
49 For an eyewitness account of Fatimid Cairo see the description by Usama b. Munqidh,
transl. P. K. Hitti, An Arab-Syrian gentleman and warrior, 30 ff.
The number of Armenian soldiers in Egypt had increased during the eleventh
century and they had formed the backbone of the Fatimid army since the
seizure of power by Badr al-Jamali in 1073.55 From the 1130s onward, the
weakening power of the Ismaili-Fatimid Imams (heads of the Fatimid state)
paved the way for the emergence of a chain of powerful wuzara' (military
heads of governmental administration; singular wazir) in Cairo. During the
years 529-31/1135-37 the Imam was forced to nominate a non-Muslim vizier,
the Christian-Armenian Bahram,56 who was subsequently replaced by the
Sunni vizier, Abu 'l-Fath Ridwan b. Walakhshi.57 The appointment of the
latter to head the Fatimid administration sparked intercommunal violence in
50 For the meaning of qabw (pl. aqba'; colloquial qabu, cellar; vault) in Jerusalem, see Van
Berchem, Mat6riaux, 110, 1. 3; 197, 1. 3; Donald P. Little, A catalogue of the Islamic documents
from al-Haram as-Sarrf in Jerusalem (Beirut, 1984), 289; Denoix, Decrire le Caire, 142.
51 Since the present study focuses on the political and social dimensions of Saladin's awqaf in
Jerusalem, I have refrained from elaborating on topographical aspects. I will deal with these in a
separate article. Nevertheless, it seems appropriate to note that the borders are described in
accordance with the requirements of Islamic law, starting from the south (qibla), moving to the
eastern side and ending in the west.
52 The property of the Sancta Anna church included a vineyard near Jerusalem. cf. Mayer,
Bistiimer, 249.
53 H. Vincent and F. M. Abel, Jerusalem Nouvelle (Paris, 1926), 685-98; P. Benoit, ' Dcouvertes
Archeologiques autour de la Piscine de Beth6sda', in Jerusalem through the ages, 25th
Archaeological Convention (Jerusalem, 1968), 48*-57*.
54 Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Archeological researches in Palestine during the years 1873-1874
(London, 1899), I, 116-26; Mayer, Bistiimer, 250 ('Zwei Laden am mittelalterlichen Haupmarkt
in Jerusalem').
55 M. Canard, 'Notes sur les Armeniens en Egypte a l'fpoque Fatimite', Annales de l'Institut
d'Etudes Orientales de la Faculte des Lettres d'Alger, 13, 1955, 144-5; Lev, State and society in
Fatimid Egypt, 96, 128-30; and cf. G. Leiser, 'The madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle
East', 30-4.
56 Al-Maqrizi, Itti'az al-hunafa', II, 159-62; the vizier Bahram was the nephew of Gregory
(al-basak in the Arabic sources), the Armenian Catholicos of Egypt. Despite his being a non-
Muslim, the Imam al-Hafiz bestowed on him the two honorific titles, 'Sword of Islam' and
'Crown of the Caliphate'. On Bahram see M. Canard, 'Un vizir chretien a l'epoque fatimite:
1 Arm6nien Bahram', Annales de l'Institut d'Etudes Orientales de la Faculte des Lettres d'Alger,
12, 1954, 88-111; idem, 'Notes sur les Arm6niens en Egypte a l'epoque fatimite', 154-5; L.
al-'Imad, The Fatimid vizierate, 109-19, 193; C1. Cahen, Orient et Occident au temps des Croisades,
85; Farhad Daftary, The Isma'-lts: their history and doctrines (Cambridge, 1990), 222-3, 268-9.
57 Al-Azadi, Akhbdr al-duwal al-munqati'a, ed. Andr6 Ferre (Cairo, 1972), 98-9;
(Arabic); 433, 436 (English); E. Sivan, 'Notes sur la situation des chretiens a l'fpoque ayyubide',
Revue de I'Histoire des Religions, 172, 1967, 122-3.
65 Ibn MammatT, Kitab Qawainn al-dawawm, 341.
66 Al-Murtada b. Quraysh al-Makhzumi wrote: 'I myself carried out the order (marsum). I
retained the sum of money needed to cover the expense (nafaqa) of ten days and all that was left
I sent him and so did all the other members in the entourage.' 'Uthman al-Nabulsl, 'Kitab Luma'
al-qawanm al-mudiyya ft dawanrn al-diydr al-misriyya', ed. C. Becker and C1. Cahen, Bulletin
d'Etudes Orientales, 16, 1958-60, 11, 1. 19-12, 1. 8.
67 Al-Nabulsi, 11. 14-17; for other reports on shortages of money, cf. Lyons and Jackson,
Saladin, 293-94.
68 For similar conditions in a khanqah established during the early Mamluk period in Jerusalem,
see Van Berchem, Materiaux, 214, 11. 1-7 (Arabic); 214-15 (transl.).
69 Petry, The civilian elite of Cairo, 246 ff.
madrasa. It was established as 'a law-school for the Shafi' i madhhab of Islamic
law and for the fuqaha' residing in it who devote themselves exclusively to
learning ('ilm) and are considered as righteous (salah).'70 Several articles in the
kitdb al-waqf of this madrasa specify the tasks of the mudarris. The teacher
and his pupils should arrive at the madrasa early in the morning as was
customary. They should start by reciting chapters from the Quran. Afterwards
the mudarris should commence to teach the legal doctrine of the Shafi'i school
as well as differences of opinion and jurisprudential principles (madhhaban
wa-khildfan wa-usulan) and other religious legal sciences (al-'ulum al-shar'iyya).
Then each mu'-d was to drill his students and repeat what the mudarris
had taught.
The documents indicate that Saladin's policy was a direct continuation of
the measures taken by his Zengid predecessors. As noted, Nur al-Din had
maintained close ties with the Hanafi fuqaha'. Many of the mudarrisun that
he appointed were newcomers from the eastern lands of the Islamic world,
including Iran and Transoxania, which were under Turkish dominion.71 A
comparison between the immigration policy of the Zengids and that of the
Ayyubids leads to a similar conclusion. Fuqaha' and Sufis flocked to the courts
of Nur al-Din and Saladin.72 Saladin encouraged Sunni people of religion to
settle in Egypt. The biographical entries of the first generation of mudarrisun
nominated by him to head the institutions he had established, as well as data
on fuqaha' and other religious functionaries in the Sultan's entourage, show
that many of them were newcomers. Saladin, who adhered to the Shafi'i
madhhab, had to count on immigrant fuqaha' and mudarrisun to fill the posi-
tions in the new maddris that he had established in Cairo and to staff other
religious posts previously occupied by Ismailis.
An example of the prominent place occupied by newcomers in the religious
establishment of Ayyubid Egypt is provided by the career of the faqih and
mudarris Majd al-Din Muhammad b. Muhammad al-Khutani (d. 576/1180),
the first mudarris nominated by Saladin to head the madrasa Suyiifiyya,73 and
to serve as supervisor of its endowment (n-dzir).74 He was to be paid 11 gold
dinars monthly, and the rest of the waqfs revenue was distributed according
to al-Khutani's discretion among the talaba who belonged to the Hanafi
madhhab. Pay was scaled to the ranks (tabaqdt) of the students who attended
the classes. Muhammad al-Khutani is described as an emigre who came to
Syria to participate in the Holy War.75 The kitdb al-waqf of the madrasa
70Abu Bakr Muhammad Ibn al-'Arabi of Seville, who visited Jerusalem during 1092-95,
described a Shafi'i college in the city. Ihsan 'Abbas, 'Rihlat Ibn al-'Arabi ila al-mashriq kama
sawwaraha qanun al-ta'wil', al-Abhath, 21, 1968, 79-5; Ibn Wasil, Mufarrij al-kurub, ii, 407
identified it with the Sancta Anna. Ibn Wasil's father served as the mutawalli of the madrasa (in
A.H. 622).
71 D. Sourdel, 'Les professeurs de madrasa a Alep', Bulletin d'Etudes Orientales, 13, 1951,
113-15; idem, 'Reflexions sur la diffusion de la madrasa en orient du xIe au xIIIe siecle', Revue
des Etudes Islamiques, 44, 1976, 167, 173-9; Madelung, 'The spread of Maturidism', 148-61; for
madaris built by Nur al-Din, cf. N. Elisseeff, Nur ad-Din, III, 913-35.
72 Cl Cahen, 'L'Emigration persane des origines de l'Islam aux Mongols', in La Persia nel
Medioevo (Rome, 1971), 181-93; idem, Orient et Occident, 120; Richard W. Bulliet, Islam: the
view from the edge (New York, 1994), 150-1.
7 Ibn Abi al-Wafa' Muhl al-Din 'Abd al-Qadir al-Qurashi, al-Jawahir al-mudiyya fi tabaqat
al-hanafiyya, ed. 'Abd al-Fattah Muhammad al-Hilu (Cairo, 1993), III, 348-9 (no. 1521); Leiser,
'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 217 ff.
74 For the role of the nazir as an administrative director who managed waqf, cf. Axel Moberg,
'Zwei agyptische Waqf-Urkunden aus dem Jahre 691/1292', Le Monde Oriental [Uppsala] 12,
1918, 13, 1. 15-15, 1. 15 (Arabic); 47-9 (transl.); According to G. Makdisi, The rise of Colleges:
institutions of learning in Islam and the West (Edinburgh, 1981), 47: 'Mutawalli or nazir could
also be the mudarris' (Dr Y. Lev called my attention to this reference).
75 Ibn Abi al-Wafa', al-Jawahir al-mudiyya fi tabaqat al-hanafiyya, III, 348 (no. 1521); Sivan,
L'Islam et la Croisade, 103-4.
76 His nickname, Ibn Zayn al-Tujjar, gave the institution its popular name. Later, during the
Mamluk period, this name was superseded by another: al-Madrasa al-Sharifiyya. See al-Maqrzi,
Khitat, i, 363, 1. 28-364, 1. 5.
77'Leiser, 'The restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 192.
78 Al-Maqrizi, Khitat, I, 485, 11. 1-4; n, 364, 11. 22-31; Abu Salih, Churches and monasteries, 3,
11. 14-19 (Arabic); 3 (English transl.); 'Uthman al-Nabulsi, Kitdb Luma', 26; Leiser, 'The
restoration of Sunnism in Egypt', 268 ff.; idem, 'Hanbalism in Egypt before the Mamluks',
Studia Islamica, 54, 1981, 169; idem, 'The madrasa and the Islamization of the Middle East', 44.
79 Ibn Khalikan, Wafayat al-a'yan wa-anba' abna' al-zaman, iv, 239-40 (no. 597); Ibn Jubayr,
Rihla, ed. Wright, 48; G. Leiser, 'Hanbalism in Egypt', 165; idem, 'The madrasa and the
Islamization of the Middle East', 42.
80 This is attested by Ibn Jubayr's description of Damascus (in 580/1184), Ibn Jubayr, Rihia,
ed. Wright, 271, 1. 20 272, 1. 5, 275, 11. 14-21, 290; transl. Broadhurst, The travels of Ibn Jubayr,
282-3, 286.
81 cf. Sivan, L'Islam et la Croisade, 69, 102, 108 (n. 6).
82 Ipsirli and Tamimi, Muslim pious foundations in Palestine, 32 (no. 28), 47 (no. 73).
The kitdb al-waqf of the Suyufiyya madrasa state that the founder (waqif) of
this institution was the Sultan Salah al-Din himself, whose insignia and signa-
ture ('alima; khatt)87 appears on the waqf document,88 which contained the
Ayyubid motto (nass) 'Praise be to God who is the cause of my success.'89
Because the waqfiyya was written some months after the actual endowment of
the waqf it contained an appendix in which the founder stated that he author-
ized any of the witnesses (al-'udul) to confirm the authenticity of the waqfiyya
and to execute its terms literally and in accordance with its contents (al-qada'
to attend the classes after the afternoon ('asr) prayer.' With regar
the founder stipulated that the entire group (jama'a) should co
place every day after the 'asr prayer, to read noble chapters (
magnificent Quran and to invoke formulae in praise of God
appropriate, and to say prayers on behalf of the founder and
waqif wa-al-muhabbis) and all the Muslims.
In both documents Saladin prescribes how the endowments shou
setting forth the arrangements for the management of the waqf
that the legal administrator (al-ndzir al-shar'i) of the waqf s
profits accruing from the assets (ray'i al-jihat) according to h
discretion (ra'y) and independent reasoning (ijtihad). Matters
waqf of the ribat should be decided by its head (shaykh) wh
nazir. No one else shall have any say regarding the endowme
stipulates the conditions for the transfer of posts. The document
personnel to be appointed to supervise the endowments and
personal who are entitled to reside in the premises. Saladin co
qddT Baha' al-Din Yusuf b. Rafi' b. Tamim,100 the chief judge of t
army and of Jerusalem and the adjoining province, to teach in
madrasa and to supervise (nazar) its waqf. He had a free hand
the income would be spent. He was given the right to teach
through a deputy (nd'ib).l01 The last section of both waqfiyya
validity of the certificate. The concluding paragraph contain
phrases about the immunity of the properties and the eternity of
ment. But this was not a guarantee against expropriation, as evinc
cases reported in the chronicles.
Conclusion
99 A common division of the Quran for purposes of recitation is into a quarter of a part
(ruba' al-hizb), namely, into a fourth of 30 (30 days of Ramadan). A multi-volume Quran donated
by one of the Marinid sultans to al-Aqsa Mosque is exhibited in the Haram Museum in Jerusalem.
The waqfiyya of this Sultan is reproduced in Ahmad al-'Alami (composer), Waqfiyyat al-maghariba
(Jerusalem, 1981), 87 if.; for other endowment of Qurans split into divisions of 30 (awqafa hddha
al-ajza'; thalathmn; waqafa hddha al-ajza' wa-hiya thalathun), see F. Deroche, 'Collections de
manuscrits anciens du Coran a Istanbul', in Etudes medievales et patrimoine Turc: Festschrift
M. K Ataturk (Paris, 1983), 147 (a); 148 (b); 154 (h).
100 He is the well-known historian Ibn Shaddad. See Gabrieli, Arab historians of the Crusades,
xxix; Ehrenkreutz, Saladin, 225.
101 Petry, The civilian elite of Cairo, 228-9.
102 With his endowments as well as in his land tenure policy. Several pre-Crusader awqdf
inscriptions from Palestine have been discovered. See for example M. Sharon, 'A waqf inscription
from Ramlah', Arabica, 13, 1966, 77-84; M. Gil, A history of Palestine 634-1099 (Cambridge,
1992), 315 (no. 470); on the role of Saladin in the development of the waqf institution cf.
C1. Cahen, ' Rflexions sur le Waqf ancien', 37-56.
able to destroy his foes' economic basis, and also to purchase the support of
groups that proved to be his most prominent and effective adherents. By taking
over his enemies' properties and by turning them over to fuqaha' and fuqara',
Saladin could command the gratitude of these groups. He frequently created
awqdf to reward members of the Islamic religious establishment. The allocation
of incomes served as a vehicle to inspire several social forces to cluster around
him. By these means Saladin was able to induce Muslims from diverse ethnic
groups to settle in territories under his control.'03 In this way he filled religious
positions in the land that his armies had conquered. These newcomers were
devoted to the general cause of Islam and to Saladin personally. They praised
the victorious Sultan (al-malik al-nasir) as the greatest mujdhid or champion
of Holy War against the enemies of Sunni Islam. Saladin thereby effectively
promoted his image as a pious king striving to strengthen the cause of Islam.
Control over properties and their endowment served him as a powerful tool
to legitimize his position and to attract immigrants to his dominion.
The awqdf which Saladin established in Jerusalem played a vital role in the
social and economic life of the city for centuries. Historical sources from the
Mamluk and Ottoman periods attest that generations of Muslim rulers sub-
sequently added properties to his endowments and established new ones.
Together, these awqdf shaped the Islamic character of Jerusalem.
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