National Traditions in the Social Sciences
national traditions extending back some centuries.
Although the high period of the play of national
traditions has largely passed and social science now
seems to be relatively universalistic, national contexts
still continue to shape the work of the social scientists
within each national community.
See also: Academy and Society in the United States:
Cultural Concerns; Area and International Studies:
Sociology; Nation: Sociological Aspects; Pragmatism:
Philosophical Aspects; Qualitative Methods, History
of; Quantification in the History of the Social Sciences;
Quantitative Cross-national Research Methods; Sci-
ence and Social Movements; Scientific Academies in
Asia; Social Science, the Idea of; Theory: Conceptions
in the Social Sciences; Traditions: Social; Universities,
in the History of the Social Sciences
Bibliography
Cherns A B (ed.) 1974 Social Science Organization and Policy.
Mouton, The Hague, The Netherlands
Collins R 1994 Four Sociological Traditions. Oxford University
Press, New York
Coser L A 1965 Men of Ideas: A Sociologist’s View. Free Press,
New York
Deutsch K, Platt J, Rader J 1986 Ad
ances in the Social Sciences,
1900–1980: What? Who? When? How? Lanham University
Press, MD
Heilbron J 1995 The Rise of Social Theory. Polity Press,
Cambridge, UK
Levine D 1995 Visions of the Sociological Tradition. University
of Chicago Press, Chicago
Olson R N 1993 The Emergence of the Social Sciences,
1642–1792. Twayne, New York
Wagner P, Weiss C , Wittrock B, Wollman H (eds.) 1991a Social
Sciences and Modern States: National Experiences and Theor-
etical Crossroads. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge,
UK
Wagner P, Wittrock B, Whitley R (eds.) 1991b Discourses on
Society. Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht, The
Netherlands
Wuthnow R 1989 Communities of Discourse: Ideology and Social
Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment and European
Socialism. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA
C. Crothers
Nationalism and Expressive Forms
Nationalism is a complex, often problematic concept
for social scientists. But among existing definitions of
the term, one finds three critical areas of agreement.
First, the rise of nationalism is historically specific.
Nationalism emerged in the late eighteenth century,
appearing first in Europe, then in North and South
America. In the twentieth century, nationalism spread
to many Asian countries and to the new independent
nations of Africa. Second, nationalism exemplifies an
10328
ideological movement, promoting the autonomy,
unity, and sovereignty of those gathered in a single
territory. A nation’s citizens are believed to be joined
not by ethnicity, but by a single public culture and a set
of shared political goals. Finally, nationalism evokes a
strong collective sentiment. While ruling elites may
sow the first seeds of this fervor, it is argued that all
citizens come to experience a shared collective identity
and to embrace a common national purpose. (Calhoun
1993 or Hutchinson and Smith 1994 offer thorough
discussions of nationalism.) The third element of
nationalism, a strong collective sentiment, provides
the focus for this entry. This article explores the most
powerful expressions of nationalistic sentiment—a
nation’s symbols. The sections which follow highlight
the ways in which national symbols bring nationalism
alive.
1. National Symbols: The Nation Made Real
Ostensibly, national symbols may seem little more
than calling cards by which nations identify themselves
to one another. But closer reflection reveals that
national symbols accomplish much more. Just as a
weapons objectify feelings of anger, or romantic
musical interludes objectify feelings of love, national
symbols concretize the highly abstract; they make
tangible the subjective nature of the nation—its
moods, desires, and goals. Historian Michael Walzer
(1967, p. 194) writes, ‘The nation is invisible; it must
be personified before it can be seen, symbolized
before it can be loved, imagined before it can be
conceived … national symbols provide a starting
point for such political thinking.’
One can think of national symbols as modern
totems. Like the signifiers of the primitives, these
symbols merge the mythical, sacred substance of a
collective with a specified, manifest form—one that is
grounded in the everyday experience of sight, sound,
or touch. By blending subject and object, national
symbols move beyond simple representation. In a very
real sense, national symbols become the nation. Recall
Durkheim’s (1915, p. 251) observations: ‘The soldier
who dies for his flag, dies for his country; but as a
matter of fact, in his own consciousness, it is the flag
that has the first place.’
2. Symbols as Expressions of Nationalism
As tangible entities, national symbols become the
perfect vehicle with which to rally the citizenry. These
symbols take on various social functions that heighten
the experience of nationalism and facilitate its shared
expression.
2.1 Crystallizing National Identity
National symbols vivify nationalistic sentiments by
crystallizing national identity. In this regard, Anthony

Giddens (1985, pp. 216–19) identifies national sym-
bols as the content of nationalism. These symbols es-
tablish the distinctiveness, the cultural autonomy of a
population. They become the basis of a unique con-
ceptual community.
To accomplish crystallization, political leaders give
national symbols high exposure. Governments equip
official institutions with national flags and emblems.
Anthems, mottoes, and pledges of allegiance are
taught in the primary grades and recited daily through
the completion of secondary education. In many
nations, citizens sing the anthem or salute the flag at
the onset of concerts, sporting events, and other public
assemblies. Political leaders often erect national
monuments and designate historical sites. Such areas
commemorate past strengths or sufferings of the
national body. Citizens are encouraged to visit such
sites and share in the sacred ideals that they enshrine.
Often, national leaders create special holidays that
revolve around such shrines. For example, each April,
the Japanese celebrate Yasukuni Matsuri, a holiday
during which citizens are encouraged to visit Tokyo’s
Yasukuni shrine and honor Japanese soldiers who
died for their country (Gregory 1975, p. 153). On
Memorial Day in the United States, flowers and flags
decorate the gravesites of military casualties, with
citizens engaged in parades or memorial services
designed to honor the dead. By interjecting national
activities into the routine calendar of events, national
leaders disrupt citizens’ individualistic orientations;
they refocus citizens on collective life and recharge
their nationalist sentiments.
2.2 Nationalism Through Bonding
National symbols can inspire nationalistic sentiment
by creating bonds between citizens. This bonding
power emanates from the symbols’ sacred nature. As
citizens join in veneration of the symbol, individual
interests become secondary to those of the nation.
Collective reverence toward national symbols brings
individuals out of themselves and into communication
with others. At such moments, national symbols bind
citizens in a shared consciousness, liking them despite
differences in wealth, social standing, power, or age.
‘By uttering the same cry, pronouncing the same word,
or performing the same gestures in regard to these
(symbolic) objects, individuals become and feel them-
selves to be in unison’ (Durkheim 1915, p. 262).
National anthems can unite citizens every time they
are performed, bringing citizens together (physically
and\or mentally) in patriotic communion. During
World War II, the BBC promoted this goal, airing
weekly broadcasts of the Allied Power’s national
anthems. European listeners (numbering in the
millions) reported a strengthened resolve and in-
creased camaraderie after hearing such broadcasts. In
Nationalism and Expressi
e Forms
targeted nations, the broadcasts reportedly increased
citizens’ nationalistic fervor (Mead 1980, p. 46). A
similar phenomenon can be witnessed when citizens
sing the anthem or salute the flag at the onset of
sporting events or international competitions. In
attending to the symbol, a seemingly disconnected
crowd is momentarily united as they collectively
applaud their national essence.
National heroes also bond citizens in ways that
intensify nationalistic sentiments. Heroes become civil
deities capable of uniting citizens in common beliefs.
For decades, Vladimir Lenin served this purpose in the
Soviet Union. Ironically, his death best marks the
initiation of this power. As a man, Lenin was admired,
but as a symbol he became the paste of a society. A
posthumous tribute in the Soviet Newspaper Pra
da
highlights the point: ‘Lenin lives in the hearts of every
member of our party. Every member of our party is a
small part of Lenin. Our whole Communist family is a
collective embodiment of Lenin’ (Pra
da, 23 January
1924, quoted in Lane 1981, p. 216). In passing from life
to death, Lenin transcended the rigidity of observable
human behavior. Thus in death, his image is freely
molded to suit the evolution of each nationalist cause.
Barry Schwartz (1987, 1996) documents a similar
phenomenon in researching American heroes such as
Washington and Lincoln, Schwartz argues that, in life,
these men were undeniably important. But in death,
these men became divine and extraordinary. Images of
Washington and Lincoln have effectively drawn mil-
lions together in ‘a moral communion.’ The com-
memoration of these heroes becomes much more than
the celebration of men. Rather, it defines and per-
sonifies the nation for which the men stand. In the
moral communion of which Schwartz speaks, these
heroes become the common food, the mystic substance
that unites citizens in their experience of the nation.
2.3 Nationalism Through Honor
National symbols heighten nationalistic sentiments
when they are used to honor the efforts of citizens. The
process creates a symbiotic relationship between the
living nation and the symbolic nation. Valorous
citizens breathe life into the symbol by providing
concrete examples of that for which the symbol stands.
At the same time, the efforts of ordinary citizens
become basked in the symbol’s sacred aura. During
the moments in which citizen and symbol are linked,
the nation becomes ‘real.’ At these moments, national-
ism becomes a lived experience.
Nations honor citizens in a wide variety of arenas.
In world competitions such as the Olympics or the
World Cup, nations honor winning athletes by playing
their national anthem and hoisting their national flag.
Similarly, nations welcome military victors against the
backdrop of their national anthem and flag. To
10329
Nationalism and Expressi
e Forms
commemorate their bravery, nations decorate military
heroes with medals that display their nation’s symbols.
When citizens die in service of their country, nations
drape the national flag over their coffins to signify their
heroism. Nations memorialize patriotic sacrifice with
national monuments: L’Arc de Triomphe in France,
the VoW lkerschlachtdenkmal in Germany, the Lenin
Mausoleum in the Soviet Union, and the Vietnam War
Memorial in the United States. National holidays also
serve the honoring function. Jose Marti Day in Cuba
honors the famous patriot and his struggles (January
28). Tomb-Sweeping Day in Taiwan honors the
nation’s dead (April 5). Matilda Newport Day honors
the Liberian patriot and the ideals for which she
fought (December 1). In all of these examples, national
leaders light the fires of nationalism with the best and
strongest of the nation’s citizens.
2.4 Symbols and Patriotic Action
National symbols often generate deep emotion. In so
doing, these symbols can motivate patriotic action.
National symbols become what Durkheim called a
‘rallying center’ for citizens. They can spur nations to
victory and comfort nations in defeat. They can buoy
citizens and heighten their resolve when national
resistance must be sustained. As such citizens fights to
protect their symbols just as they would fight to
protect themselves. In such fights rests the supreme
expression of nationalism.
National leaders recognize the motivational power
of national symbols. They often create or adopt
such symbols with motivational goals in mind. For
example, in 1792 Mayor Dietrich of Strasbourg
directed composer Claude-Joseph de L’isle to ‘produce
one of those hymns which conveys enthusiasm to the
soul of the people’ (Sousa 1889, p. 99). The result was
La Marseillaise. When the tune made its way through
France, it was credited with motivating volunteer
battalions to descend on Paris (Nettle 1967, p. 69). In
a similar way, Philippine General Emilio Aguinaldo
implored native musician Julian Felipe to write an
anthem that would rally his fellow Filipinos against
the forces of Spain. When the battle was over, the
General believed that such an anthem would further
solidify the new Philippine regime. Each time it was
heard, the song would rekindle the patriotism and
loyalty that secured victory (Nettle 1967, p. 168).
In many nations, national martyrs become moti-
vational symbols. Although prominent when alive,
such individuals can become inspirational after death.
They stimulate deep emotional commitments—
commitments that often lead to extraordinary action.
Consider Filipino activist, Benigno Aquino. While
living, Aquino and his followers energetically opposed
the Marcos regime. Yet, only after his assassination
(August 1983) were Aquino’s followers able to
10330
effectively unite and oust Marcos from power. Simi-
larly, Father Miguel Hidalgo y Castilla preached
revolution to the Indian peasants in Mexico for years.
Yet, only with his execution in 1811 did his words
gain the power to trigger the 1814 insurrection.
2.5 Symbols, Nationalism, and Legitimacy
Strong nationalist sentiments are contingent on the
legitimacy of a nation’s authority. National symbols
play an important role in establishing and maintaining
that legitimacy. When nationhood ensues, flags, crests,
mottoes, and other national symbols facilitate
nationalistic sentiments by finalizing an entity’s new
status. For example, when over 100 nations celebrate
an Independence Day, they institutionalize the birth of
a national entity. Similarly, the inclusion of a nation’s
flag at the United Nations marks the acceptance of a
new, full-fledged member in the ‘national club.’
Symbols also legitimate changes to an established
nation’s internal authority structure. During such
transitions, symbols are often recreated or altered so
as to reify the shift in power. For example, upon
declaring independence, Venezuela added the phrase
‘19 de Abril de 1810—Independencia; 20 de Febrero
de 1859—Federacion; Republica de Venezuela’ to its
coat of arms. By linking the independence movement
to the past history of the arms, the new Venezuelan
government was more easily woven into the existing
national identity (Mucha 1985, pp. 38, 176, 181).
Similarly, changes made in 1991 to the Croatian
national flag became a powerful signal of the nation’s
new independent status. While part of the Yugoslavian
republic, Croatia’s national flag displayed a large red
star over a red–white–blue tricolor field. At inde-
pendence, the government replaced the red star with
five small shields representing different parts of the
country (Crampton 1992). In this way, Croatia down-
played its communist past and presented a new self-
study.
National leaders sometimes use national symbols to
cloak their policies in a nationalistic sentiment. By
merging their persona and plans with the nation’s
symbols, they seek legitimacy for themselves and their
administrations. It is not surprising, then, that when
rulers address their nations, national symbols are
often central to the setting. The US President frames
his public addresses with the national flag and our
national emblem, the eagle. Portraits of Mao Zedong
still provide a backdrop for the addresses of many
Chinese leaders. Heads of state often have a song, seal,
or flag which becomes a permanent accompaniment
to their presence—Hail to the Chief in the US, The
Royal Fanfare in Iraq, or the President’s flag in
Gabon, Korea, Liberia, Peru, etc. National rulers
often are honored on the country’s postage stamps
or national currency. Leopold III, for example, was

commemorated on Belgian coins. The accession of
Jigme Wangchuk was depicted on Bhutan’s currency.
Jawaharlal Nehru could be found on certain Indian
coins. Francisco Franco was pictured on Spanish
currency. Combining leader with symbol renders the
leader the standard bearers of all that the nation’s
citizens value and believe. Leaders, like symbols,
become the subject of nationalistic fervor.
2.6 Bottom-up Nationalism
When symbols are used to crystallize identity, create
bonds, honor, motivate action, or legitimate, their
ability to spur nationalistic sentiment travels down-
ward through the social system. The power of symbols
is directed from those that govern to the governed.
Conversely, when symbols become tools of popular
protest, the general public takes command of them.
Such conditions present popularistic or ‘bottom-up’
expressions of nationalism.
Bottom-up nationalism is most likely to emerge
when leaders and their constituents become glaringly
divided. When leaders violate the public trust, citizens
may reclaim the nation’s sacred symbols and return
them to ‘virtuous’ hands. French resisters, for
example, utilized this strategy during the Second
Empire. While Napoleon III outlawed La Marseillaise,
deeming it too dangerous for public consumption,
resistors embraced the anthem anew, resolving to
forward it as a reminder of revolutionary ideals. These
citizens sang La Marseillaise at both underground
settings and public protests. In this way, the anthem
was dubbed the ‘true’ nationalist message, directly
challenging the official government position (Mead
1980, p. 54). The American flag served a similar role in
the ‘Bonus March’ of 1932. Throughout this protest,
American veterans consciously cloaked their
grievances in the American flag. They carried the flag
during rallies; they posted it on their temporary
settlements. The flag became aligned with the veterans’
fight. By taking command of the flag, the veterans
placed the formal government leaders in opposition to
the will of the people. Thus, when President Hoover
ordered federal troops to forcibly evacuate the
veterans, millions of Americans were aghast. Physical
attacks on the veterans represented attacks on the
flag, and thus, antinationalist actions.
Bottom-up nationalism often involves the juxta-
positioning of symbols. In such cases, a ‘grass roots’
symbol is positioned against one strongly promoted
by ruling elites. In this way, citizens force a con-
frontation between what ‘is’ and what ‘should be.’
Chinese students in Tiananmen Square used the
Goddess of Democracy in this way. This 35 foot
sculpture, modeled after the Statue of Liberty, sat in
opposition to a massive portrait of Mao Zedong. Jux-
taposing statue and portrait pitted democracy against
communism. The strategy initiated a new nationalistic
surge in the face of old routines.
Nationalism and Expressi
e Forms
When the schisms between national leaders and
their constituents become severe, the general popu-
lation may actually reject its nation’s symbols. Under
such conditions, the role of national symbols can
change significantly. The symbols, like those who
control them, become the target of protest. Thus, the
expression of nationalism can involve some form of
attack on national symbols. For example, during the
1989 revolution, Romanian protesters frequently cut
the Communist ornament from the center of the
nation’s flag. This attack symbolically aborted the
reigning leadership, leaving room for the general
populous to reclaim its nation. A. Codrescu (1991,
p. 67) a journalist and Romanian exile, wrote ‘It is
through that hole that I am returning to my birth-
place.’ Recent independence movements in the Baltic
republics (1990–1) involved similar attacks. In
Lithuania, citizens danced on a toppled statue of
Lenin. In Russia, plans were made to dismantle
Lenin’s burial shrine. Defiling these symbols
crystallized citizens’ rejection of the standing
authorities. Further, the unity and intensity that
characterized such attacks located the center of
nationalism in the hands of the people.
3. Designing Nationalistic Expressions
National symbols represent the most powerful
expressions of nationalism. Consequently, one might
expect that the design of such symbols would be
grounded in each nation’s unique, indigenous charac-
teristics. Research shows that a nation’s indigenous
characteristics can indeed govern the selection of
symbol content—i.e., the particular notes or lyrics that
appear in an anthem, the particular colors or emblems
chosen for a flag, etc. Yet, when one studies the
structure or design of national symbols—i.e., the way
in which notes are combined to create an anthem
melody, the ways in which colors and shapes are
combined to create a flag design—the influence of a
nation’s indigenous characteristics prove far less im-
portant.
Cerulo (1995) conducted a detailed study of the
creation and adoption of national anthems and flags.
She explored the different factors that guided the
selection of symbol content vs. symbol design. Her
research suggests that symbol content forwards the
‘raw materials’ of a nation’s identity. As such, content
generally is guided by each nation’s unique cultural
history. In contrast, symbol structure represents the
strategy or ‘voice’ by which nations choose to express
their essence. In reviewing the more than 180 anthems
and flags currently in existence, Cerulo showed that
variations in such strategies of expression are a
‘supranational’ phenomenon.
Some nations choose to express their identities via
basic structures—designs built upon concise, restricted
10331
Nationalism and Expressi
e Forms
forms of expression. Other nations express their
identities using embellished structures—elaborate,
dense, and complex forms of expression. Differences
in structure are systematically linked to the broader
social conditions from which symbols emerge. Those
creating and adopting national symbols locate their
nations within certain economical, political, and social
‘maps.’ They then choose their strategy of expression
with reference to those who share similar locations in
these domains.
For example, a nation’s economic position within
the world arena is related to the structure of its anthem
and flag. Nations at the core of the world system—
those with the greatest power and resources—favor
very basic symbol designs. In contrast, nations that
lack wealth and power adopt symbols with highly
embellished designs. A nation’s political system (auth-
oritarian vs. democratic) is also associated with the
structure of its anthem and flag. While nations with
authoritarian leadership favor basic, sparse symbol
structures, nations with democratic systems tend to
adopt more elaborate, embellished structures. Specific
social events surrounding the adoption of symbols
impacts symbol designs as well. Events that unify the
collective in a common focus—i.e., independence
movements, nationalistic periods, victory in war,
etc.—prove to be associated with the adoption of basic
symbol designs. When symbols are adopted during
periods that fragment the population’s focus—i.e.,
bloody coups, economic depressions, lost wars, natu-
ral disasters, or revolutions—embellished symbol
designs are favored.
The patterns identified here should be thought of
as norms of symbol design. Cerulo’s work explains
the ways in which a core economic location calls for the
adoption of basic symbolic expression; she outlines
the ways in which a democratic political structure
presents the expectation for embellished symbolic ex-
pression, etc. Further, her data suggest that nations
who violate these expressive norms in creating and
adopting anthems and flags often find themselves with
symbols that fail to fully connect with the citizenry.
When symbol structures fail to conform to design
expectations, citizens often disengage from the
symbols.
This line of research presents an interesting thesis.
All national symbols are used quite similarly in the
expression of nationalism (i.e., crystallizing national
identity, bonding and honoring citizens, motivating
patriotic action, legitimating the nation, or providing
citizens with a means of protest). Yet, the specific
design of national symbols can make them more or
less effective in achieving their goal. When it comes to
the expression of national identity, where a national
audience ‘comes from’ (i.e., its cultural roots) may be
less important than where that audience ‘is’ (i.e., its
experience at the social moment during which symbols
emerge). Put another way, the ultimate ‘success’ of
national symbols may be more strongly influenced by
10332
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences
a citizenry’s community of experience than to its
community of record.
See also: Collective Beliefs: Sociological Explanation;
Collective Identity and Expressive Forms; Cultural
Expression and Action; Cultural Psychology; Cultural
Rights and Culture Defense: Cultural Concerns;
Cultural Studies: Cultural Concerns; Culture and
Emotion; National Character; National Socialism
and Fascism; Nationalism: Contemporary Issues;
Nationalism: General; Nationalism, Sociology of;
Nations and Nation-states in History; Nation-states,
Nationalism, and Gender; Political Culture; Religion:
Nationalism and Identity; Symbolism (Religious) and
Icon; Xenophobia
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K. A. Cerulo
Copyright # 2001 Elsevier Science Ltd.
All rights reserved.
Nationalism: Contemporary Issues
‘Nationalism’ is the belief that one’s own land and
people are unique and superior to all others, and\or
ISBN: 0-08-043076-7