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Visual Representation of Metaphor SF Approach
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A social semiotic approach
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Dezheng Feng and Kay L. O’Halloran
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The Hong Kong Polytechnic University / National University of Singapore
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Complementing cognitive theories which attribute the understanding of visual
metaphors to situational and cultural contexts, this study adopts a social semi-
otic perspective to investigate how visual images themselves are constructed
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to cue conceptual metaphors. The visual realization of metaphors in represen-
tational, interactive and compositional meaning structures is elucidated based
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on Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) visual grammar. It is found that most types
of visual metaphor identified by cognitive linguists can be explained within
the framework. Instances of visual metaphor in advertisements are analyzed in
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terms of their persuasive effects. It is concluded that the social semiotic frame-
work is able to provide a comprehensive account of the visual realization of
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metaphor, and in addition, the study also offers a cognitive explanation of how
resources like camera positioning and composition acquire meanings.
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1. Introduction
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ceptual phenomenon (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), realized in both language and
other communication modes, such as visual image, gesture and architecture (e.g.
Forceville, 2009; Goatly, 2007; Kovecses, 2002). Recently, the study of non-linguis-
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tic realization of metaphor has attracted much attention, following the pioneering
works of Forceville (1994, 1996), Carroll (1996), Morris (1993), and others. How-
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ever, these early attempts define visual metaphors in terms of “their surface real-
ization or formal characteristics” (El Refaie, 2003, p. 78). El Refaie (2003) argues
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how metaphors are visually expressed. In other words, we are interested in the
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visual mechanisms which are used to construct metaphors. From this perspective,
Carroll (1996) and Forceville (1996) can be viewed as efforts to describe the visual
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realization of conceptual metaphors, which accord with El Refaie’s (2003) cogni-
tive definition.
However, the descriptions are inadequate, as “there seems to be a whole range
of different forms through which metaphorical concepts can be expressed visu-
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ally” (El Refaie, 2003, p. 80). We argue that the inadequacy is due to the lack
of understanding and systematic description of meaning making mechanisms in
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visual images. As a result, cognitive linguists attribute the understanding of vi-
sual metaphors to the situational/cultural context, but pay less attention to the
text-internal mechanisms of visual images. From a semiotic point of view, while
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acknowledging the role of context and human cognition, we argue that visual
images themselves are constructed in certain ways to cue metaphors. Therefore,
our aim is to provide a systematic account of the visual mechanisms for the re-
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alization of metaphor, based on Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) social semiotic
visual grammar. This endeavor complements Feng’s (2011a) explanation of visual
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are chosen for their creative use of visual images (cf. Forceville, 1996). The main
conceptual framework of the social semiotic approach is presented in Section 2.
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Alongside Forceville’s (1994, 1996) theory of pictorial metaphor, the field of mul-
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Social semioticians argue that these principles are applicable to non-linguistic
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resources as well, which results in the development of metafunctional frame-
works for semiotic resources such as visual image, architecture and mathematical
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symbols (e.g. Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006; O’Toole, 2010; O’Halloran, 2005). Ac-
cording to Kress and van Leeuwen (2006), visual images, like language, fulfill the
metafunctions of representing the experiential world (representational meaning),
interacting with viewers (interactive meaning), and arranging the visual resources
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(compositional meaning).
Representational meaning is realized by the configuration of processes (e.g.
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actions), participants (e.g. actors), and circumstances (e.g. locations). Kress and
van Leeuwen (2006, pp. 45–113) further identify two types of structure in terms of
representation: narrative and conceptual. These structures are defined in terms of
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the relationship between the image participants, that is, whether it is based on the
“unfolding of actions and events, processes of change” (i.e. narrative), or based on
“generalized, stable and timeless essence” (i.e. conceptual). Interactive meaning
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involves the four parameters of symbolic contact, social distance, power relations,
and involvement between viewers and visual participants. Contact is constructed
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by the nature of the visual participants’ gaze at viewers; social distance is con-
structed by shot distance (e.g. close or long shot); power relation is constructed
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(Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006, p. 177). Information value is realized by the place-
ment of visual elements (e.g. top or bottom, left or right); salience deals with the
prominence of visual elements, through size, sharpness of focus, color contrast,
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and so on; framing is concerned with the connection between visual elements.
In what follows, we discuss how this social semiotic framework can explain the
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ceptual metaphor a is b. ‘A’ is termed the target domain and ‘b’ the source domain.
In cognitive metaphor theory, metaphor is classified into two broad categories:
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conventional and creative (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980), or inactive and active (Goatly,
1997). Conventional metaphors are those that structure the ordinary conceptual
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system of our culture, while creative metaphors are those which give us new un-
derstandings of our experience (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 139). For example,
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well as many creative metaphors, serve the purpose of understanding through
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domestication, a process in which abstract ideas and unfamiliar persons or events
are converted into something close, familiar, and concrete (Morris, 1993, p. 201).
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However, creative metaphors may also defamiliarize the target domain for rhe-
torical or decorational purposes, especially in poetry and art. In visual images,
both the target and the source of the metaphor are usually concrete objects, thus
constituting the concrete is concrete metaphor (Forceville, 2009, p. 27).
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Forceville’s (1996) examples mostly belong to this type (e.g. shoe is tie, popcorn
is wine, ticket is deck chair, etc.) (see also El Refaie, 2009, p. 175). However,
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abstract concepts can also be metaphorically represented in visual images, and
in this study, the visual realization of both defamiliarization and domestication
metaphors is investigated.
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In terms of visual realization, Forceville (1996) distinguishes three kinds of
pictorial metaphors: MP1 (only the source or the target is present), MP2 (the
source and the target are present and integrated) and pictorial simile (the source
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and the target are juxtaposed). Forceville’s (1996) three types of pictorial meta-
phor are based on the systemic choices of spatial relations between the “meta-
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phorical subject” (typically the target domain, that is, the primary subject) and
the “pictorial context”. From the social semiotic perspective, Forceville’s “meta-
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phorical subject” and “pictorial context” belong to one unified grammatical unit
in the representational meaning structure. Meanwhile, aside from representa-
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tional meaning, visual images also have interactive and compositional meanings,
which are important resources for the visualization of abstract concepts. In this
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paper, the metafunctional resources are seen as metaphor potential and we shall
explore how they realize visual metaphors, building on Feng (2011b).
The role of context (e.g. linguistic context, discourse purpose, cultural back-
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ground, etc.) is also acknowledged in the social semiotic approach, in this case
for the identification of the source and target domains. However, countering
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Forceville’s (1994, p. 7) claim that “invoking the pictorial context helps little to
determine the order of the terms,” we argue that the structural features of repre-
sentation provide essential cues for the determination of visual metaphors. There-
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fore, the aim of the present study is to see what the social semiotic visual grammar
can offer in modeling the representation of metaphor.
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tures.
324 Dezheng Feng and Kay L. O’Halloran
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3.1 Defamiliarization metaphors
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In this sub-section, we propose a social semiotic model for the “object is object”
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metaphor which is the focus of Forceville (1994, 1996). As mentioned above,
Forceville’s “metaphorical subject” and “pictorial context” are seen as belonging to
one unified grammatical unit in representational meaning structures. Represen-
tational meaning in visual images is modeled in terms of processes, participants
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and circumstances, and each image is a configuration of choices from these three
categories. In narrative structures, the metaphorical subject relates to other ele-
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ments through actional, verbal, or mental processes; in conceptual structures, it
relates to other elements through relational processes in the form of taxonomic
relations (classification processes), part-whole relations (analytical processes) or
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identifying relations (symbolic processes).
Defamiliarization metaphors are mainly constructed by anomaly, or un-
conventionality, of visual elements in the representational structure, in a similar
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manner to the colligational interpretation of metaphor in language (Goatly, 1997,
p. 111). As there is variation in the conventions associated with different process
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domain. For example, in a car advertisement in Feng (2011a, p. 63), the car is
worn on a man’s wrist like a watch. Apparently, the car takes the place of a watch,
which results in colligational anomaly. By taking the place of a watch, the car
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adopts its attributes, constituting the metaphor car is watch. The medium of
an action (e.g. the tools which are used to perform the action, see Halliday, 1994,
p. 154) can also be substituted. In Forceville’s (1994, p. 10) example, a person is
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killing himself by pointing a gas nozzle on his head. The metaphor gas nozzle
is gun is constructed because the gas nozzle adopts the role of a gun. El Refaie’s
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(2003, p. 79) example in which a group of Kurdistan refugees are holding the flag
with its inscription “New Kurdistan” can also be explained with participant sub-
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stitution. Conventionally, the army carries the flag and claims sovereignty after
conquering a place. Here, the conventional actor is substituted by refugees, which
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2008, the image shows five athletes ready to run a 100-meter race, but the middle
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track is occupied by a car. As a result, the car adopts the most salient feature of the
athletes, that is, fast. In Teng’s (2009, p. 198) example, where an American news-
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paper is put among horror books on a bookshelf labeled “horror”, the resultant
metaphor American news is like horror novels is another case of this type of
realization. Second, two entities may be put together unconventionally to form a
covert category (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). The formation of covert categories
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requires a crucial visual feature – that is, symmetry in composition, such as equal-
ity in size, framing and arrangement (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006, p. 79). This
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process is similar to the visual simile in Forceville’s (1996) categorization, but the
conceptualization of two juxtaposing entities as forming an unconventional co-
vert category helps to explain the metaphorical mapping – the unconventionality
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of the category alerts us to the metaphor and being members of the same category
makes the mapping of attributes possible. However, the source and target do-
mains cannot be structurally determined in this case because they are represented
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on the premise that they are equal, and we have to draw upon other cues like the
linguistic context and the discourse purpose. The advertisement in Plate 1 is a
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good case in point. The minivans are juxtaposed with weight-lifting champions.
They form a covert category by being identical in number and arrangement. Since
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it is an advertisement for the minivan, the minivan is the target and the metaphor
thus formed is minivans are weight-lifting champions. The salient feature of
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in the whole. This can happen in two ways. First, the unconventional part a takes
the place of the conventional part b and hence inherits its salient features. The
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Plate 1. Wuling minivan, from Qilu Evening Paper, July, 19th, 2008, A10
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well-known example from Forceville (1996, p. 110), which shows a man’s torso
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with a suit but with the tie substituted by a shoe, illustrates this type of metaphor.
By taking the place of the tie, the shoe inherits the salient features of the tie and
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the metaphor shoe is tie is formed (see Forceville, 1996, p. 10 for detailed analy-
sis). However, there are also rare cases in which the substituted part is the target,
as in Forceville’s (1996, p. 123) car advertisement in which the life buoys take the
place of car tires. The metaphor formed is car tires are life buoys, in which
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the unconventional part is the source. This is where the structural cue of realiza-
tion contradicts the contextual cue, and we have to resort to the latter to identify
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the metaphor.
Second, an entity (or part of it) is superimposed on another entity (or part
of it). The superimposition may or may not change the conventional identity of
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the entity. If it doesn’t, the superimposed entity becomes an unconventional part
of the whole, and as in the case of substitution, the unconventional part is the
target. However, this case differs from substitution, because the superimposed
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entity inherits the attributes of the whole which it forms a part. We can call this
type Superimposition 1 (S1). An example is found in Yus (2009, p. 162), where a
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saucepan has an image of the continents of the earth superimposed upon it. The
superimposition doesn’t change the identity of the saucepan. As part of the sauce-
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pan, the earth inherits one of its attributes, that is, warms up gradually.
The superimposed entity may also change the identity of the original image
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and they together form an unconventional whole, or a hybrid, similar to the for-
mation of covert categories in classificational processes. In this case, the superim-
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posing part is the source and its salient features are added to the whole. We shall
call this type Superimposition 2 (S2). For example, in an advertisement in which
a pair of butterfly wings is added to a motorbike, the salient features of butterflies
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such as beauty and lightness are projected onto the motorbike, which produces
the metaphor motorbike is butterfly. However, this example can also be seen
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as the motorbike substituting the body of the butterfly, which results in the same
metaphor. Yus (2009, p. 164) provides a similar example in which dice dots are
superimposed on a ballot box. The superimposing part is the source which lends
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the features of the dice and results in the metaphor ballot box is dice, which
further stands for election is gambling.
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that the source and target domains of defamiliarization metaphors can mostly
The visual representation of metaphor 327
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Narrative anomaly
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Participant substitution
Circumstance substitution
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Visual anomaly Classificational anomaly
Member substitution
Unconventional covert category
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Analytical anomaly
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Part substitution
Part superimposition
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Figure 1. Visual anomaly in the representational structure
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be identified by examining the way they are represented (i.e., anomaly in dif-
ferent process structures). However, since metaphors are not constructed by de-
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construction may contradict with the more explicit contextual cues of interpre-
tation. Such awareness of context makes our approach social semiotic, whereby
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conventional metaphors, because the working mechanism remains the same, re-
gardless of how conventionalized the mappings are. Domestication metaphors
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tonymies or metaphors (El Refaie, 2009, p. 177). However, visual images seldom
work alone in the process of domestication, and as our main focus is on visual
metaphor, we only discuss the process of visual domestication briefly.
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328 Dezheng Feng and Kay L. O’Halloran
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A typical strategy of domestication metaphors is that the image shows the
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source domain and the linguistic context specifies the target by labeling the im-
age. In social semiotic terms, they constitute a symbolic attributive process (Kress
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& van Leeuwen, 2006, p. 105), in which the image is the token and the verbal label
endows it with a value. In cognitive terms, the “value” is understood in terms of
the “token”. This kind of verbal-visual metaphor works in the same way as Super-
imposition 1 (S1) metaphor in analytical processes, except in this case, it is the
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verbal text that is superimposed. Most researchers talk about multimodal meta-
phor in this sense (e.g. El Refaie, 2003; Forceville, 2009). For example, in a cartoon
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in El Refaie (2003, p. 83), the image shows a fortress with the word “EUROPA” on
it. The token (i.e. the fortress) only refers to Europe because the value (EUROPA)
is superimposed on it. The metaphor thus formed is Europe is fortress.
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The “value” of a visual “token” may not be explicitly labeled by linguistic text,
but is sometimes implicit in the cultural context. This is the case with conven-
tional metaphors, such as orientational metaphors in which spatial orientations
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(e.g. up, down) are endowed with metaphorical meanings based on our embodied
experience (e.g. happy is up) (see Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). For example, the
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windows with lights on form an up-pointing vector in Plate 2, which echoes the
cultural practice that a person’s office, salary and benefits are adjusted to a higher
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level when he/she gets promoted. The visual process of “moving up” is also rep-
resented in the verbal text. The metaphorical target, or the symbolic meaning,
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Plate 2. Toyota Camry, from The Straits Times, 4th October, 2008, C2
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4. Interactive meaning and the visual representation of metaphor
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Cognitive studies of visual metaphor mostly focus on what is in the image, instead
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of how the image is represented. In social semiotic terms, only representational
resources are investigated, while interactive and compositional resources remain
largely implicit. As an exception, El Refaie (2009) discusses the visual realization of
orientational metaphors in political cartoons, associating spatial orientations with
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concepts like power and time. However, a systematic account of the metaphori-
cal meaning of spatial orientations in visual images is not yet available. Kress and
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van Leeuwen’s (2006) semiotic model of interactive and compositional meaning
resources provides a comprehensive framework for systemizing such metaphors.
Building on Feng (2011a, 2011b), we discuss the visual realization of metaphor in
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interactive and compositional meaning structures in Sections 4 and 5.
Interactive and compositional meaning resources construct conventional
metaphors. The mappings between the source and target domains in conventional
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metaphors are not based on similarities, but on correlations derived from our ba-
sic experience of the world (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 155). The interpretation
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of such metaphors does not depend on immediate context, but on physical and
cultural experiences that are common to human beings in general or to specific
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cultural communities (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, p. 14). Therefore, to prove the
validity of the conventional metaphors realized by interactive and compositional
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ing to Kress and van Leeuwen (2006), contact is realized by gaze, social distance
by shot distance and subjectivity by camera angle (see also Dyer, 1989; Messaris,
1994). Since gaze and camera angle converge in most cases (i.e. gaze normally
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converges with front angle and absence of gaze with oblique angle), we shall only
discuss the resources for social distance and subjectivity, under the term camera
positioning.
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the target domain (Feng, 2011a). This mapping can be considered as a master
metaphor which entails all the sub-mappings between camera positioning and in-
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teractive meaning. In this way, Kress and van Leeuwen’s (2006) descriptive gram-
mar is reformulated as a conceptual metaphor system that is visually realized, as
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shown in Figure 2.
To prove the validity of the metaphor system, we need to provide experiential
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bases for the mappings. The metaphorical meaning of camera positioning is pre-
mised on the iconic nature of visual images. That is, shot distance reproduces the
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330 Dezheng Feng and Kay L. O’Halloran
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Image-viewer relation is camera positioning
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Social distance is Power relation is Involvement is
shot distance vertical angle horizontal angle
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Close relation is close shot Image power is low angle Involvement is frontal view
Equality is eye-level angle
Distant relation is long shot Viewer power is high angle Detachment is back view
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Figure 2. The visual realization of metaphor in interactive resources (Feng, 2011b, p. 27)
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structural features of physical distance in real life and camera angle reproduces
features of the ways we look at and interact with people. The basis of the mapping
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between physical distance (hence shot distance) and social distance is well estab-
lished in the study of proxemics (e.g. Hall, 1969) and will not be elaborated here.
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The mapping between image-viewer power relation and vertical camera angle is
based on the structural features of real-life situations in which we “look up” to
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powerful people and “look down” upon weak people (Messaris, 1994, p. 9). The
mapping between involvement and horizontal camera angle is based on real life
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situations where we face the person we want to interact with and gaze at him/her,
and turn our face (gaze) away if we don’t want to interact.
Through these experiential bases, it can be argued that these metaphors do
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exist and are conventionalized in our ordinary conceptual system. However, these
conventional or default interpretations of camera positioning may be overridden
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by other factors in specific contexts. For example, Dick (2005, p. 53) points out
that sometimes film scripts require a high or low angle shot for the sake of consis-
tency rather than for symbolism. For this reason, social semiotic interpretations
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are often criticized for being too rigid, while in reality the connections are fluid
and subject to change. From the cognitive perspective, this is because certain se-
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miotic choices (e.g. low angle) are not motivated by the default experiential basis,
but by other factors (e.g. intertextual and discursive consistency). In such cases,
the overriding factors are usually more salient and point to one specific interpre-
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Ambiguity may arise as a result, particularly as metaphors are by their very nature
open to more than one interpretation (El Refaie, 2009, p. 182).
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In the corpus of 100 print car advertisements, 67% uses high camera angle,
which suggests the advertisers’ intention to build consumer power (Feng, 2011a).
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The visual representation of metaphor 331
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However, low camera angle is sometimes used to construct product superior-
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ity, for example, in the case of expensive cars such as Mercedes-Benz and BMW.
Viewers look up to the cars (and the characters), as if they are superior. Such ad-
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vertisements thus persuade viewers by subliminally guide their interpretation of
the car as a symbol of high status.
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5. Compositional meaning and the visual representation of metaphor
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Lakoff and Johnson (1980, p. 126) point out that linguistic forms are endowed
with content by virtue of spatial metaphors. This observation is certainly appli-
cable to visual images where space plays an even more important role across a
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larger number of dimensions. For example, visual semiotic resources include
the spatial positioning of different elements, their relative size, and the distance
between them. These semiotic resources construct compositional meanings of
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information value, salience and framing (Kress & van Leeuwen, 2006). The infor-
mation values of given/new, ideal/real and important/unimportant are realized by
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size and the distance between elements are included in the visual metaphor sys-
tem, as shown in Figure 3.
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the experience that in most cultures, people write and read from left to right, so
we take the left as given information and the right as new. In ideal is up, “ideal”
has two different but related entailments, that is, desirable and unrealistic (Feng,
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istic is up uses a different sense of “up” – that is, high. It is difficult or unrealistic
to get things that are too high (e.g. stars). Therefore, ideal things, while desirable,
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may be unrealistic. Real is down is based on the same experience as unrealis-
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tic is up. The association between central and important is so conventionalized
that “important” has become a lexical meaning of “central”. It may arise from our
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biological composition whereby the most vital organs (e.g. heart and lungs) are
located near the center of our bodies (Goatly, 2007, p. 40). In terms of foreground/
background, Feng (2011a, p. 70) explains their meanings in relation to the notion
of “depth”, which is “the distance between the viewers’ eyes and any point in the
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visual field” (Messaris, 1994, p. 51). The foreground is perceived as nearer to the
viewer than the background. Our biological feature of vision results in different
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visual impacts of the objects at different distances: we notice what is in the fore-
ground first (most likely for reasons of survival) and take it as more important
than that which appears in the background.
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Aside from information value, spatial orientations may also construct other
abstract concepts. Left/right and foreground/background orientation can also
represent the concept of time, resulting in the general time is space metaphor
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(El Refaie, 2009, p. 179; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Taking left/right orientation as
an example, it includes the sub-mappings of past is left/present is right or
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ever, if human beings are in the image, then their front represents future and their
back represents past (El Refaie, 2009, p. 179).
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The other two conceptual metaphors we identify are importance is size and
social closeness is physical closeness. El Refaie (2009, p. 176) notices that
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the size of objects in an image does not just construct salience, but also impor-
tance. The mapping is based on the association between physical power and social
power. Goatly (2007, pp. 35–39) provides a detailed study on its realization in both
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dex of their social distance. It is similar to the mapping between shot distance and
image-viewer closeness, and it reproduces real life situations more directly.
Aside from conceptualizing abstract concepts, in visual media such as adver-
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of its large size and central position, and is therefore perceived as the most im-
portant object. The price, in contrast, is positioned at the bottom left with a small
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font size and thus is interpreted as real, given and unimportant (i.e. not the focus
of attention). The price is strategically downplayed because it is high, and is not
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the selling point. This is manipulative because for many people, price may be the
most important information.
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The visual representation of metaphor 333
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ing
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Plate 3. Alfa-Romeo, from The Straits Times, 4th October, 2008, C8
(reproduced with permission)
6. Conclusion Pub
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As a new development of the conceptual metaphor theory, the working mecha-
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capacity and situational/cultural context, this study argues that the structural
features of visual images themselves play an essential role in the construction of
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which include those in both Carroll’s (1996) and Forceville’s (1996) definitions,
can be explained by colligational anomalies in representational structures. Vi-
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resources, whose meanings are derived from correlations in our physical and cul-
tural experience, realize conventional metaphors. Through the analysis of car ad-
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vertisements, this study also demonstrates how the visual resources which invoke
metaphorical interpretations are exploited as tools of persuasion.
We conclude that the social semiotic framework can provide a comprehen-
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sive account of the visual realization of both creative and conventional meta-
phors. Meanwhile, the approach also offers a cognitive explanation of how visual
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this study has demonstrated that the integration of social semiotics and cognitive
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metaphor theory is significant for the understanding and explanation of visual
semiosis. Therefore, we conclude with the hope that these two theoretical ap-
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proaches will be combined in further explorations of multimodal discourse.
Acknowledgement
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The research for this article was supported by the Interactive Digital Media Pro-
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gram Office (IDMPO) in Singapore under the National Research Foundation’s
(NRF) Interactive Digital Media R&D Program (Grant Number: NRF2007IDM-
IDM002-066).
References
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Messaris, P. (1994). Visual literacy: Image, mind and reality. Boulder: Westview Press.
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Morris, R. (1993). Visual rhetoric in political cartoons: A structuralist approach. Metaphor and
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Symbolic Activity, 8(3), 195–210.
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O’Toole, M. (2010). The language of displayed art. (2nd ed). London: Routledge.
Yus, F. (2009). Visual metaphor versus verbal metaphor: a unified account. In C. Forceville &
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Authors’ address
Dezheng Feng
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Room AG 422, Department of English
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University
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Hung Hom, Kowlong, Hong Kong
Phone: +852 6580 8797
will.feng@polyu.edu.hk
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Kay O’Halloran
Multimodal Analysis Lab, Interactive & Digital Media Institute
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Dezheng Feng, PhD, is Research Assistant Professor in the Department of English, The Hong
Kong Polytechnic University. His research interests include the critical analysis of multimodal
discourse, social semiotic theory and cognitive linguistics. His recent publications include
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Kay O’Halloran is Director of the Multimodal Analysis Lab in the Interactive Digital Media In-
stitute (IDMI) and Associate Professor in the Department of English Language and Literature
pro
at the National University of Singapore. Her main research areas include a social semiotic ap-
proach to multimodal discourse analysis with a particular interest in mathematics and scientific
texts, and the development of interactive digital media technologies for multimodal analysis of
ted