Master Drawings Association Master Drawings: This Content Downloaded From 164.11.132.139 On Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC

You might also like

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 20

The Spanish Origins of the Marqués del Carpio's Collection of Drawings

Author(s): María López-Fanjul


Source: Master Drawings, Vol. 48, No. 4, Drawings in Spain (WINTER 2010), pp. 463-481
Published by: Master Drawings Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/25767250
Accessed: 10-11-2019 11:06 UTC

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Master Drawings Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Master Drawings

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The Spanish Origins of the Marques del
Carpio's Collection of Drawings

Maria Lopez-Fanjul

"So/o lo raro, unico, y singular puede alcanzar el nombre Giovanni Pietro Bellori (1613?1696) was the
de precioso, grande y lleno de estimacion" ("Only the first to highlight the importance of Carpio as a col
rare, the unique, and the exceptional can be called lector of drawings, pointing out that he had assem
beautiful, great, and worthy of admiration"). So bed "molto numero di disegni, de' piu celebri Pittori
wrote Juan Velez de Leon about the art collections antichi, e modemi" ("a large number of drawings by
of his master Don Gaspar de Haro y Guzman, 7th the most famous old and modern painters").5
Marques del Carpio (1629-1687).1 Of these collec Although the need for research into this aspect of his
tions, one stood out from the rest for being "rare, collecting activities was clear from the mid-twenti
unique, and exceptional" in seventeenth-century eth century onward,6 it has only been within the last
Spain, and that was his collection of drawings. As a decade that serious consideration of his drawings
great-nephew of the distinguished Conde-Duque de collection has been undertaken. Recent studies,
Olivares (1587-1645) and the first-born son of Don however, have focused entirely on Carpio's collect
Luis de Haro (1598-1661), both favorites of King ing activities in Naples, in particular his formation of
Philip IV (reg. 1621?65), Carpio was destined to fol forty-three albums of drawings.7 Until now, the
low the same route to political success in the Spanish Spanish origins of his drawings collection have not
court.2 After losing royal favor, however, he pursued received equal attention, nor have the loose draw
a political career in Italy, first as Ambassador to the ings that were not inserted into albums. Further use
Holy See from 1677 to 1682 and then as Viceroy of ful information can be gleaned from documentary
Naples from 1683 until his death.3 sources, especially the Carpio inventories, which
Owing to the Marques del Carpio's interest in provide an unrivaled tool for the study of the col
art, his political career has been consigned to the lecting of drawings in seventeenth-century Spain.
annals of history, and he is now best remembered as The great majority of the Marques del Carpio's
the most important collector of paintings in seven life?forty-eight of his fifty-eight years?was spent
teenth-century Spain4 and also?of special note to on the Iberian Peninsula. His roots were Spanish,
the readers of this journal?as the country's first sig and it was there, as we shall see, that he started his
nificant collector of drawings. His example inspired collection of drawings?at a time when interest in
a tradition that became firmly established there only the theory and acquisition of drawings was just
in the eighteenth century. Through a sequence of beginning to take root.8
later sales and exchanges, the drawings that Carpio The notion of drawing, its practice, meaning,
assembled went on to form the nucleus of some of and types were discussed for the first time in Spain
the most important Spanish private collections of the in the theoretical writings of Francisco Pacheco
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, as well as even (1564-c. 1644), Vicente Carducho (c. 1576-1638),
tually the great public collections in Spain. and Jusepe Martinez (1600-1682), and a bit later, at

463

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
the end of the century, by Antonio Palomino exquisite collections of drawings.14 And Carducho
(1655-1726).9 The first drawing academies appeared recounts being present at meetings where aristocrats
in the country around the same time. These not bought and sold drawings.15 In addition, the records
only contributed to the establishment of drawing as of the visit to Spain in 1623 of the Prince of Wales,
part of artistic training and practice, they also later Charles I (reg. 1625?49), mention the signifi
became platforms for the collecting of drawings.10 cance of such collections as those of Juan de Tassis y
Around this same time, drawings began to be col Peralta, 2nd Conde de Villamediana (1582-1622)
lected systematically by Spanish aristocrats, for and Geronimo de Funes Munoz, Baron de Ayodar
instance by Manuel de Acevedo y Zuniga, 6th (dates unknown).16 Among the few exceptions are
Conde de Monterrey (1586-1653) and Francisco de the framed drawings that belonged to Infante Don
Benavides Davila y Corella, 9th Conde de Juan Jose of Austria (1629-1679)17 and the 6th
Santisteban (1640?1716), as well as by humanists and Conde de Monterrey, both contemporaries of
artistis such as Juan de la Espina (1563?1643), Carpio. According to Carducho, on display in
Vicente Victoria (1650-1712), Francisco de Soils Monterrey's Madrid palace were "grandiosos dibujos
(1620-1684), and Carducho, among others.11 de los nadadores de lapiz Colorado de mano de Micael
Had the Marques del Carpio not lived in Italy Angel [Miguel Angel\" ("large red chalk drawings of
(where he had access to the most important markets bathers by Michelangelo [1475-1564]"),18 a Self-por
of the day),12 his drawings collection would surely trait by Polidoro da Caravaggio (c. 1497?c. 1543), an
not have become one of the most significant in Icarus by the Cavaliere d'Arpino (1568-1640), and a
Europe. Even so, it would still have been the most drawing by Albrecht Diirer (1471-1528), among
outstanding in his native Spain in the seventeenth others.19
All of these Spanish aristocrats favored Italian
century. It is thus fitting, in the context of this spe
cial issue devoted to drawings in Spain, that we drawings to the virtual exclusion of other schools,
examine the collection of drawings that the Marques mirroring their preferences for Italian paintings.20
assembled before leaving for Italy, charting for the Unlike other Spanish nobles, however, Carpio
first time its true dimensions, and furthermore to began his collection before actually visiting Italy. His
explore the principles that guided his purchases after drawings greatly outnumbered those collected by his
his removal to Rome and Naples. To appreciate fellow countrymen, and for the first time they were
fully the collection's unique character, we will dis shown alongside paintings and prints, as well as in
cuss two representative categories: his collection of rooms exclusively reserved for their display.
framed drawings by great masters and sheets Following his appointment as ambassador in
acquired as historical documents and bound in 1674, Carpio left Madrid but had to wait a full three
books in his library. years in Murcia for royal confirmation before he
finally officially took up his post and arrived in
Framed drawings by great masters Rome in 1677.21 By then his second wife, Teresa
When the Marques del Carpio departed Madrid in Enriquez de Cabrera (d. 1716), and his daughter,
1674 for his new post as Spanish Ambassador to the Catalina de Haro y Guzman (1672-1739), whose
Vatican, he left behind his art collection. Among future husband later became the 10th Duque de
these works were more than 100 ornately framed Alba, had returned to Madrid. Carpio thus arrived at
drawings, protected by glass, hanging on the walls of the ambassadorial residence in Rome, the Palazzo di
his family home, the palacio de S. Joaquin. These Spagna, without his family and without the collec
were the treasures of his collection of drawings, the tion he had put together in Spain. In June of that
ones that deserved to be on public view. year he ordered an inventory of his possessions in
There were no examples displayed on such a Madrid. This 1677 inventory is the first in which the
large scale in other contemporary Spanish collec framed drawings are recorded, in other words, those
tions. In fact, there are very few documented cases of that he had started to collect from 1651 onward (see
framed drawings hanging in Spain at the time,13 even Appendix on pp. 473-74).22
though, according to Juan Agustin Cean y Bermudez According to this room-by-room inventory, the
(1749-1829), the nobility in Baroque Spain had drawings were interspersed among canvases and

464

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
prints,23 but they were also hung in two rooms
exclusively dedicated to their display: the "pieza
detrds del mirador1 ("room behind the mirador [a form
of turret]") and the "pieza junto al mirador encima de
la galena" ("room next to the mirador above the
gallery"). All of them were exhibited with the
utmost care, protected by glass in carved and gilded
frames of black ebony or pearwood.
The drawings do not seem to have been arranged
thematically. In the "apossento detrds de la Sacristia"
("room behind the vestry"), for example, drawings of
the life of S. Rosa and the dead Christ were hung
alongside the Fall of Phaeton. Some were framed
together in groups, presumably those that were
smaller or of similar subject, as indeed was the case of
"un quadro de unos dibujos de Nuestra Senora dando el
niho a San Francisco y otros diferentes Santos. Con su
marco dorado y tallado de bara de cahida y bara y media de
ancho" ("a framed panel with some drawings of Our
Lady giving the Infant Christ to St. Francis and oth
ers of different saints. With a gilded frame of one bara
[=85 cm] in height by one bara and a half in width").
Although all these works were accurately
described as drawings in the inventories, in only four
instances was the artist named. These were a Europa
by Luca Cambiaso (1527?1585); "una muger con una
barquilla" ("a woman with a small boat") by Raphael
(1483-1520);24 a portrait of Carpio's first wife, Maria
Antonia de la Cerda, by Andres de Smidt (dates
unknown),25 a Flemish artist who had settled in in the church of the Madonna delTOrto, Venice.
Figure 1
Spain; and the only Spanish drawing that can now Because it shows only the detail of the central and
be documented in the Carpio collection: a "bor lower parts of Tintoretto's canvas and does not include JACOPO
ROBUSTI, called
roncillo" (small preliminary sketch) on canvas by the upper portion with Moses in Glory on Mt. Sinai, TINTORETTO
Francisco de Herrera the Younger (1627?1685), this may explain why its subject was not identified in (circle of)
now lost, for the choir of S. Felipe el Real, Madrid.26 the first inventory, where it was described simply as Adoration of the
That four artists were named in the inventories is "de muchasfiguras" ("of many figures").29 Golden Calf
due to the importance that Carpio attached to them, The drawing by Raphael of a woman and a boat Madrid, Museo
for paintings by artists such as Raphael, Cambiaso, may have been a study for his fresco of the Finding National del Prado
and Tintoretto were among the most prized treas of Moses in the Vatican Logge.30 Years later, as
ures in Spanish royal and noble collections at the Ambassador to the Holy See, Carpio acquired
time. And Herrera, who became court painter and another drawing related to this fresco, a copy by
architect during the reign of Charles n (reg. 1665 Aniello Falcone (1607-1656), which he incorporat
1700), would also have been highly appreciated. ed in the album that was sold at Christie's, London,
A fifth drawing, which was recorded as anony in 1973.31 During his time in Italy, the Marques took
mous in 1677, was authenticated in 1689 by Claudio advantage of market opportunities to enlarge his col
CoeUo (1642-1693) as "del Tintorettor21 Today this lection of works by Raphael, acquiring at least seven
drawing can possibly be identified with the Adoration more drawings by the artist, which he then framed
of the Golden Calf in the Prado, Madrid (Fig. I),28 and hung in his Roman palazzo, the Vigna di S.
which is related to Tintoretto's painting of the subject Pancrazio, and later in his Neapolitan residence.32

465

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Carpio's taste for the work of Raphael was a con Carderera (1796-1864), Jose de Madrazo (1781
stant feature of his life. He inherited a series of nine 1859), Fernandez Duran, and Pablo Bosch
tapestries of the Acts of the Apostles from his father, (1862-1915).38
Don Luis; these tapestries, matching the famous set There is no known reproductive print or paint
commissioned for the Sistine Chapel by Pope Leo x ed version of the lost portrait drawing of his first
(reg. 1513-21), were woven in Brussels for the wife by Andres de Smidt, which suggests that Carpio
English King Henry viii (reg. 1509-47) and later wanted to keep it in its original form. This work
belonged to Charles i, who, as Prince of Wales, pur anticipates one of the most important ventures relat
ed to drawing that the Marques carried out in
chased the original cartoons by Raphael and brought
them to England.33 During these years, Carpio Rome: the commissioning of his own drawn por
acquired the famous Alba Madonna (Washington, trait, which from then on would mark his political
DC, National Gallery of Art), which he bought in representations during the viceroyalty.39
1686 and which descended in the family until sold Over 100 drawings remained in Madrid, and
in the nineteenth century.34 Carpio also inherited after Carpio's death in 1687, they were recorded in
from his father at least three canvases by Cambiaso, the inventory prepared for his estate sale as being in
to which he added another ten that he had acquired the palacio de S. Joaquin.40 The difficulties of his trip
as a young man in Madrid. He hung these in S. to Rome made the transfer of the art collection to
Joaquin, where his collection continued to grow, Italy impossible. Nevertheless, the Marques discov
even during his stay in Rome.35 ered in his new post a market that provided oppor
Although it is no longer considered securely tunities to form a vast and far richer second collec
autograph, the drawing related to Tintoretto's tion of drawings than he had done in Spain. Proof of
Adoration of the Golden Calf painting must have been this are the forty-three albums and some three hun
one of the great jewels of the Madrid collection, dred framed drawings by great masters such as
given Carpio's marked interest in Venetian drawings Titian, Guido Reni, Correggio, Leonardo da Vinci,
and especially the work of this artist. Years later, he and Michelangelo that were recorded in Italy at the
bought most of the Tintoretto studio estate while time of his death.41

living in Rome, where he possibly acquired the


drawings in the Carpio album in the British Drawings bound in books in the library
Museum, London.36 Also in Italy, he added drawings Apart from the framed drawings and those compiled
by other Venetian artists to his collection, including in albums in Italy, the Marques del Carpio accumu
Titian (c. 1488-1576), as well as Paolo Farinati lated many drawings that reflected the various
(1524-1606) and Paolo Veronese (1528-1588). aspects of his public and private life, documenting
After the death of the Marques, the drawing of his own personal history from his youth. These were
the Adoration of the Golden Calf, along with more preserved in his Madrid library, along with his spec
than forty-five others, went to his brother Juan tacular collection of around 2,700 books and 1,400
Domingo de Haro y Guzman (1640-1716), who manuscripts, which he had inherited from his great
was married to Ines Francisca de Zuniga y Fonseca, uncle the Conde-Duque de Olivares. It was deemed
11th Condesa de Monterrey (d. 1710), and it was he to be one of the most important private libraries of
who acquired the largest number of drawings at seventeenth-century Europe.42
Carpio's estate sale.37 The drawing was then lost to In those days libraries were considered among the
sight until 1931, when it went to the Prado with the most prized possessions of the nobility. In Spain they
bequest of Pedro Fernandez Duran (1846-1930). became a sign of distinction among the aristocracy
During the 300-year interval, it very likely remained and one of the main ways to preserve information
together with a considerable number of Carpio about the family's lineage. The book and manuscript
drawings, which made their way from seventeenth collections became irreplaceable sources in the edu
century noble collections into the hands of the great cation of young nobles, since they testified to the
private collectors of the eighteenth and nineteenth family's history and grandeur. They were passed
centuries, such as Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos down to the heir of each title as valued treasures that
(1744-1811) and Cean y Bermudez to Valentin established the nobility of the family name. An

466

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
example is the "Manuscrito sobre protocolo y dis Giovanni Lorenzo Bernini (1598-1680).46
posicion en los actos publicos," a compilation that Carpio's documentary drawings collection is
was part of Don Luis's library, but for which the strongly linked to his biography. Among the more
original drawings by Alonso Carbonel (1583-1660) interesting examples are the drawings that he obtained
and Juan Gomez de Mora (1586?1648) were, in fact, while a prisoner in Portugal during the Portuguese
gathered together and bound at the request of the Restoration War with Spain (1640-68), following the
Marques del Carpio (e.g., Fig. 2).43 Most of the forty dissolution of the Iberian Union in 1640.47 It is well
one manuscripts in this compilation contain designs known that he was sent to serve as a soldier after
and documents related to celebrations that took place being found guilty of conspiring to blow up the the
in Madrid during the years Carpio served as gover ater at the Buen Retiro Palace in 1662.48 Despite
nor at the Buen Retiro Palace, from 1653 until 1660. attempts to secure his freedom through British diplo
During this same period the Marques acquired mats, the Portuguese king, Afonso VI (reg. 1656?83),
other drawings associated with the different official did not authorize his release until the end of the con
positions that he held. These he had bound into vol flict,49 when the Marques acted as the Spanish crown
umes for in his library in Madrid. Among them, for representative at the signing of the peace treaty
instance, were the set designs?now lost?by Luigi between the two countries on 11 February 1668
Baccio del Bianco (1604?1657) for the first comedy (when Spain officially recognized Portugal's inde
that he staged in Madrid, La fiera, el rayo y la piedra pendence).50 Yet even during these years and in spite
("The beast, the ray, and the stone") by Pedro of the obvious difficulties of his situation, Carpio
Calderon de la Barca (1600?1681), which was per managed to acquire new works for his library and his
formed in 1652.44 Baccio had been sent to Madrid collection of drawings.
the previous year by Ferdinand II de' Medici, Grand His collection of Portuguese books was particu
Duke of Tuscany (1610?1670), at the request of larly distinguished,51 and among them were bound
Philip iv. He worked as a set and costume designer volumes containing copies of the political gazette
and director of plays at the Buen Retiro Palace Mercurios de Portugal, of which only four have sur
under the direction of Carpio, who was involved in vived.52 The pamphlets?the Mercurios53?were
the production of the palace's theatrical performanc bought by Carpio in Lisbon, as is documented by an
es and other royal entertainments for a decade from inscription inside the cover of the fourth volume.54
1650.45 The Marques must have bought these All four volumes contain pamphlets dated between
designs directly from the artist, establishing a practice 1663 and 1669, all of them related to the Marques
that he later repeated in Italy, for example with himself or to his stay in the country.55 The pamphlets

Figure 2

JUAN G6MEZ DE
MORA

Project for the


Auto-de-Fe (Act
of Faith) of 1632

Madrid, Biblioteca
Real, Patrimonio
Nacional

467

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
must have been purchased separately before 1669
and later bound at Carpio's request.
Five anonymous drawings are bound into the
first volume of the Mercurios, each serving as a fron
tispiece to a chapter. They are clearly part of one and
the same commission and were probably all five
acquired by the Marques at the same time. They
reveal the same technique, style, and relation
between their iconography and the text of the
Mercurios they precede. All five drawings are highly
finished, surrounded by decorative frames?which
are also drawn56?and they were doubtless produced
by the same artist.
The draftsman must have been a local Portu
guese artist active before 1669, perhaps even the
same artist who produced the illustrations in the
Festas que se ftzerao pelo casamento del Rey D. Alfonso
VI (1666), published on the occasion of the marriage
of Afonso VI of Portugal to Dona Maria Francisca of
Savoy in October of 1666.57 The works in both
groups are stylistically and technically related, with
the media handled in the same manner, although the
Festas are colored rather than monochrome; details
are delicately rendered in pen and ink, while the rest
of the modeling was carried out with the brush and
wash or parallel hatched strokes.
Compositionally, the works in both sets were
conceived as emblems, with the representation of a
scene accompanied by a motto. In Spain in the sev
enteenth century such representations were consid
ered as figurative poems, a type of visual memory
combining the universe of aspirations and values
encouraged by power.58 In the case of the Mercurios,
these emblems belong to the intense propaganda
campaign that took place from the time of the
restoration of the Portuguese crown in 1640, when
' the 8th Duque de Braganza became the Portuguese
king John IV.59 More specifically, these five works

Figure 3 propound the pro-Braganza ideas spread by the


ANONYMOUS
Portuguese clergy who sought to define the coun
PORTUGUESE try's history in three distinct periods: the glorious
ARTIST expansion before 1580; the dark period under the
Allegory of the
rule of the Spanish kings (Philip n, Philip ill, and
New Portugal Philip iv); and the new and promising Braganza peri
Madrid, Biblioteca od established in 1640. The acquisition of these
Francisco de drawings, with their obvious anti-Spanish iconogra
Zabalburu
phy, must be understood as part of Carpio's personal
reminder of the political conflict in which he found
himself, and as a testimony of his own life story.

468

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
The first drawing (Fig. 3)60 represents an Allegory which was intended to decorate the Arch of the
of the New Portugal, symbolizing the era of growing Merchants in tribute to imperial power, and Non suf
prosperity under the House of Braganza after the ficit Orbis, which was part of St. George's Arch glori
country gained its independence from Spain. From fying the nature of royal power.
an iconographic point of view, the main subject, the The second drawing (Fig. 4)64 refers to the third
messenger Mercury approaching a seated allegorical historical period and to the clergymen who support
figure of Portugal (her dress decorated with the old ed the Braganza regime. It shows a winged figure
Portuguese coat of arms),61 is framed within a car playing a clarion from which hangs a banner
touche crowned by a bowl of fruit and flowers inscribed, Vejo Sum grande Rej humano / levantar sua
flanked by two flying putti. Portugal holds the globe bandeira / vejo como por pineira /ogripha morrer no Cano
of the world in her left hand and a trumpet in her ("I foretell a great human king / who raises his flag.
right hand: from the trumpet sound the words non / I see, as if through a veil, / that the Griffin dies at
vnvs svficit orbis ("The globe [world] is not Cano"). From an iconographic point of view, the
enough").62 By her feet are a helmet and a spear. design is based on the frontispiece (Fig. 5) by Lucas
Mercury, with his winged helmet and caduceus, Vorsterman the Elder (1595-1675) to Francisco
holds a lion skin decorated with the new Portuguese Manuel de Melo's Ecco politico responde em Portugal a
shield;63 from the paws of the lion flutters a banner la voz de Castilla (1645).65 The passage of text on the
with the text ex-vngve leonem ("from the claw banner corresponds to the 145th verse of the Trovas
[we may judge] the lion"), in other words, from a ineditas de Bandana (1603) by Goncalo Anes
small part we may gauge the whole, referring to the Bandarra (1500-1556). At the time, these texts were
greatness of the Portuguese empire despite the small widely interpreted as prophesying the return of the
size of the country. The same conceit was used in the Portuguese king Dom Sebastian, who disappeared in
Festas of Afonso VI for two emblems: Todo o a crusade in Morocco in 1578; in the drawing, the
Emyspherio he pequeno ("All the hemisphere is small"), text alludes to the restoration of the Braganza in
Portugal.66 More specifically, the scene is composed
to draw a comparison between one of the great
defeats of the Spanish army with the biblical account
of the fall of the walls of Jericho. Thus, the figure
can be seen as the Echo that announces the new
Braganza era, alluding also to the Israeli trumpeters
and to the Portuguese clergymen, who were known

ANONYMOUS ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^HEl LUCAS


PORTUGUESE ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H VORSTERMAN
ARTIST l^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Bl THE ?LD?R
Allegory of the l^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H Francisco Manuel
Victory of .^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Bl ^e Melo, Ecco
over Spain l^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^lHHHIf politico responde em
^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^nflfijXy
Madrid, Biblioteca ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^L^L^Ra a la voz de
j^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^HHH| Castilla
de ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^| 1645)

469

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
as "clarions of Jericho," conquerors of Portuguese
hearts for the Duque de Braganza, the new Joshua.67
Old Jericho is represented allegorically by the out
lines of a hill town on the horizon, accompanied by
the word estremos, a reference to the Battle of
Estremoz (also known as the Battle of Cano and in
Portugal as the Battle of Ameixial). The main part of
the text reading "the Griffin dies at Cano" alludes to
the defeat of the Infante Don Juan Jose at Cano on
8 June 1663.68 It was during that battle that Carpio
was taken prisoner by the Portuguese.
The third drawing (Fig. 6)69 displays the most
ornate border of the set and the simplest scene, an
allegory of the Duque de Braganza and his new gov
ernment. This consists of a right arm emerging from
a cloud and holding a scepter, topped by a hand with
an eye in the palm. Above the hand is the text viG
ilat et lustrat ("Watches and enlightens"). This
composition may have been directly inspired by one
of the emblems (Fig. 7) created by the Spanish man
of letters Diego de Saavedra Fajardo (1584-1648)
and published in his Idea de un principe politico cristiano
representada en cien empresas (1640),70 a hundred short
essays on the education of a prince. As Saavedra
explains, the prince is represented as the scepter and
sees through his advisors, the eyes. The same motif
was used for the Festas of Afonso VI, specifically in
one of the drawings decorating the Arch of the

470

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Figure 8
ANONYMOUS
PORTUGUESE
ARTIST

Allegory of the
Divine Origin of
the Duque de
Braganza and
Portugal

Madrid, Biblioteca
Francisco de
Zabdlburu

Merchants, with images of the military virtues and recte deffenditur. and quod jure tenetur ("Be just if you
imperial values of the Portuguese. want justice"), again a reference to the "good" gov
The fourth drawing (Fig. 8)71 alludes to the ernment of the Braganza monarchs.
divine origin of the dukes of Braganza and conse The fifth drawing (Fig. 9)73 is based on Verse 257
quently of Portugal as well. It represents the of Book 1 of Virgil's Aeneid, a text that at the time
Braganza genealogy up to the coronation of Afonso was also considered prophetic. In that passage,
VI as King of Portugal. Mirroring the iconography of Venus, worried about the destiny of her son Aeneas,
the Tree of Jesse, King Dom Manuel I (reg. 1495? is reassured by Jupiter with the words that are
1521) is symbolized as the Earth in which roots inscribed on the banner at the center of the drawing:
grow and from which five branches emerge.72 manent i[m]mota tuorum fata tibi ("your child's fate
Surmounting the tree is an allegorical figure of remains unchanged").74 Jupiter appears here seated
Good Government with her sword and scales of jus on a throne, holding a thunderbolt and globe and
tice. To either side of the figure is the following text: accompanied by an eagle, with Venus and a phoenix

471

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
haps somewhat ironically anticipated
de Leon when he wrote: "en tanto qu
curioso que escriba mas hargam.te [lar
nobilisima materia" ("as long as there
teur who writes more lengthily a
noble subject").76
RBI ^^H* *W ? :* ^^^^ IiHH^^^^H

Maria Lopez-Fanjul y Diez del Corr


MPhil in art history from the Universi
Madrid, and an MA in Museum Ma
London City University, is currently a
the Courtauld Institute of Art, where sh
research on the collecting of drawings in

author's note
This article is a development of my
"Collecting Italian Drawings in Sev
ry Spain: The Marques del Carpio
which was financed by a pre-doct
from the Oriol-Urquijo University
wish to dedicate it to Prof Dr. Fer
Dr. Gabriele Finaldi, both of w
extremely generous with their enco
port, and help.

editors' note
Translated from the Spanish by Car

ABBREVIATIONS
at his feet.75 Represented at the lower right is the
Figure 9
ACA:
tower of the Lisbon palace of Archivo
Philip n,Casa
who,de Alba,
as Madrid
ANONYMOUS AHPM: Archivo Historico de Protocolos, Madrid
Philip I of Portugal, was the first Spanish king on the
PORTUGUESE
ARTIST Portuguese throne. The drawingAHN: Archivo
is thus Historico
also Nacional, Madrid
an alle
gory of the new Portugal: theBNE: Biblioteca independ
country's Nacional de Espana, Madrid
Allegory of the
ence is secured by fate and it, like the phoenix, will
New Portugal
rise again from the ashes of its defeat of the Spanish.
Madrid, Biblioteca
Francisco de As a collector of drawings, The
the Marques
appendix del from the Marques del
of drawings
Zabdlburu Carpio offers a much richer perspective than has
Carpio's Madrid collection listed on the next two
been previously understood. Hispages
interest
has been cannot be
compiled by combining data from the
inventories
attributed to his years in Italy, for it began of during
1677 (ACA,
hisMS. C221-12) and 1689
youth in Spain. Besides providing(AHPM,
freshMS. 9819, fols.into
insights 1006-67), and the copy of
the latter this
Carpio's activities and personal history, by Claudio Coello (AHPM, MS. 9819,
evidence
sheds light on the collecting offols.
drawings in
1068ff). The seven
first document was transcribed by
Leticia there
teenth-century Spain, proving that de Frutos (2005,
was vol. 2, pp. 66-97; see Note
suffi
cient interest and resources for3), the development
the second by Marcus Burke
of and Peter Cherry
(1997,
this practice on a relatively large pp. It
scale. 831-77;
is a see Note 4), while Coello's copy
subject
worthy of further in-depth investigation?a fact per
remains unpublished.

472

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
MARQUES DEL CARPIO'S MADRID DRAWINGS COLLECTION

1677 1689
i INVENTORY ACA, MS. C221-12 INVENTORY AHPM, MS. 9819
Un quadro de un dibujo de papel de muchas figuras y
con su marco dorado y ttallado de tres quartas ae caida
Jardin de S. Un quadro de Un dibujo de papel de muchas figuras
S. Joaquin, y mas de baray media de ancho [Annotation added
Joaquin, Con su marco dorado y tallado de tres quartas de fol. 780r
no. 194 cahida y mas de bara y media de ancho
by Claudio Coello: Un dibujo en papel de muchas
figuras de la adorazion del Vezerro ae Vara con mco.
[marco] de Ebano del Tintoretto]
Jardm de S. En el mismo numero una tabla con un dibujo con un Una tabla con un dibujo con marco dorado y tallado
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, marco dorado y tallado de media vara poco mas de fol. 760r de media bara poco mas de caida y bara y tterzia
no. 201 cahida y bara y tercia de ancho de ancho

Jardin de S. En el mismo numero un dibujo en papel de unos Un dibujo en papel de unos cirujanos que curan la
Cirujanos que Curan la pierna a un hombre de tres S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, cuartas de cahida y mas ae media bara de ancho. Con fof. 760 pierna a un hombre. De ttres quartas ae caida y mas
no. 201 su marco dorado
de media bara de ancho. con marco dorado

Jardin de S. En el mismo numero un dibujo en papel de Genie de Un dibujo en papel dej ente de Guerra y otras difer
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, Guerra y otras diferentes figuras de media bara de fol. 760r entes figuras ae media vara de caida y bara y ttercia
no. 201 cahida y bara y tercia de ancho. Con su marco negro de ancho con su marco negro

En el mismo numero un quadro de unos dibujos de Un quadro en papel de uno dibujos de nta" s.ra
Jardin de S. Nuestra Senora dando el nino a San Francisco y otros S. Joaquin, [nuestra senora] aando el nino a San Francisco y
Joaquin, fof 76Dv
no. 201 diferentes Santos Con su marco dorado y tallado de ottros diferentes santos. con su marco dorado y ttallado
bara de cahida y bara y media de ancho de bara de caida y bara y media de ancho

En el mismo numero pasillo de la Sacristia ay un


S. Joaquin, Un dibujo de papel de mucha Jente y Ganado con
dibujo en papel de mucha gente y ganado con un
jardin
no. 201de S.
oaquin, christal delante de menos de media vara de cahida y fof. 76Dv cristal delante. De menos de media vara de caida y
mas de media de ancho. con su marco negro de peral
mas de media de ancho Con su marco negro de Peral.

En el mismo numero dos dibujos en papel de la Vida


Jardin de S. de Santa Rossa cada uno con su christal delante de Dos dibujos en papel de la vida de Santa Rossa.
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, fol. 760v Cada uno con su cristal delante. De tterzia de caida y
no. 201 tercia de cahida y quaria de ancho cada uno. Con su
quanta de ancho con sus marcos de peral negro
marco de peral negro.
Jardin de S. En el mismo numero un dibujo en papel de unas fig
S. Joaquin, Un dibujo en papel de unas figuras. De tterzia de
Joaquin, uras de Tercia de Cahida y media vara de ancho. fol. 760v
no. 201 Con su marco de peral.
alto y media bara de ancho con un marco de peral

Jardin de S. En el mismo numero un dibujo en papel de Nuestro Un dibujo en papel de nuestro s.r [senor] en el
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, Senor en el Sepulcro de menos de quarta de Cahida y fol. 760v sepulcro de menos de quanta de caida y as de terzia
no. 201 mas de tercia de ancho. Con su marco de peral negro. de ancho con su marco de peral negro

Jardin de S. Otro dibujo en tabla que parece Carro de Faeton


Joaquin, demas de tercia de Cahida y menos de media bara de
no. 205 ancho. Con su marco negro y roto de peral.
Un quadro de un dibujo en papel de unos Consulos Un quadro de un dibujo en papel de unos consules
Jardin de S.
que en todos con Diez figuras de media vara de S. Joaquin, quentodos son diez figuras de media bara de caida y
Joaquin, fol. 766r
no. 246 Cahida y tres quartas de ancho. Con su marco de seis quartas de ancho con su marco de peral negro y su
peral negro y perfil dorado. perfil dorado
Un quadro de un dibujo en papel de una mugeres y Un quadro de un dibujo en papel de unas mugeres y
Jardin de S. ninos desnudos de poco mas de vara de Cahiaa y tres S. Joaquin, ninos desnudo de poco mas de media bara decaida y
Joaquin, fol. 767v
no. 266 quartas de ancho. Con su marco negro y un perfil
dorado.
dos quartas de ancho con marco negro y un perfil
dorado
Mas en este mismo numero dos dibujos de papel el
dos dibujos de papel el uno de una europa de mano
uno de una europa de mano de Luqueto y el otro con
Jardin de S. de Luqueto [Luca Cambiaso] y el otro con una
una muger con una barquilla de mano de Raphael con S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, fol. 769r muxer con una ban[r?]quilla de mano de rqfael con
no. 277 sus marcos dorados y tallados de tercia de Cahida y
sus marcos dorados y ttallados de terzia de caida y
media Vara de ancho ambos que estan sobre una media bara de ancho
puerta.
Jardin de S. Un lien$o de una gloria Con muchos Santos que es el
Joaquin borroncillo que esta pintado en el Cow de San
[no#] Phelipe original de Don Francisco de Herrera

Jardin de S. Un quadro de dibujos en papel de muchas figuras y Un quadro de dibujos en papel de muchas figuras y
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, una muerte de bara en quadro Con su marco negro y fol. 778v una muertte de media bara en quadro con marco negro
no. 414 unas Cantoneras dorados en las esquinas y cantoneras dorados en las esquinas
Jardin de S. Un quadro de dibujos en papel en que ay un hombre en Ottro quadro de dibujos en papel en que ay un hom
S. Joaquin, bre en medio enun ovalo la caveza avaxo ae una bara
Joaquin, no. medio de un obalo Caveca debajo de una bara de fol. 778v
415 Cahida y bara y quarta de ancho. Con su marco negro. de caida y bara y quarta de ancho con su marco negro

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
MARQUES DEL CARPIO'S MADRID DRAWINGS COLLECTION

1677 1689
INVENTORY ACA, MS, C221-12 INVENTORY AHPM, MS. 9819

Jardin de S. Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay en ellos un Hombre S. Joaquin,


Otro quadro de dibujos que ay en ellos un hombre
Joaquin, atado en un Arbol de bam de Cahida y bara y quarta fol. 778v attado a un arbol de bara de caida y bara y quarta de
no. 416 de ancho. Con su marco negro y perfil dorado. ancho con su marco negro y perfil dorado

Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay en el un Centauro Un quadro de dibujos que ay en el un centauro con
Jardin de S.
con un nino a las espaldas y un Canastito de frutas S. Joaquin, un nino a las espaldas y un canastillo de frutta en
Joaquin, fol. 778v las manos de bara en quadro Con marco negro y
>. 417 en las manos de bara en quadro. Con su marco negro
cantoneras de bulto doradas
y Cantoneras de bultto doradas.

Jardin de S. Otro quadro de dibujo en que ay una muger con dos S. Joaquin,
Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay una muger con dos
Joaquin, nitios en el regazo de tres quartas de Cahida y menos fol. 779r ninos en el regazo de ttres quartas de cayda y menos
no. 418 de bara de ancho. Con su marco dorado. de bara de ancho con su marco dorado

Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay tres mugeres que Ottro quadro de dibujos en que ay tres mugeres
Jardin de S. tienen el Retrato de Santo Domingo en las manos de S. Joaquin, que tienen el rettratto de santo Domingo en las manos
Joaquin, tres quartas de Cahida y bara de ancho. Con su | fol. 779r
no. 419 marco dorado.
de tres quartas de cayda y bara de ancho con su marco
dorado
Jardin de S. Otro quadro de dibujos en que esta pintado Nuestro S. Joaquin,
Otro quadro de dibujos en que esta pintado n"ro. s.r
Joaquin, Senor quando le ponen en la Cruz de tres quartas de fol. 779r [nuestro senor] quando le ponen en la cruz de tres
no. 420 Cahida y bara de ancho. Con su marco dorado. quartas de cayda y bara de ancho con marco dorado

Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay uno de Nuestro


Jardin de S. Senor y el nino con la mano sobre el mundo y san S. Joaquin,
Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay uno de n"ra sra.
Joaquin, fol. 779r [nuestra senora] de la Asumpzion de bara en quadro
no. 421 Pedro con las Haves de bara en quadro con su marco con su marco dorado
bianco con perfiles dorados.

Jardin de S. Otro quadro de dibujos del mismo genero y tamano S. Joaquin,


Otro quadro de dibujos del mismo tamano quel
Joaquin, que el antecedente con Nuestro Senor atado a la fol. 779r antezedentte con n"ro. sr. [nuestro senor] attado
no. 422 columna. a la columna

Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay en ello Nuestra


Ottro quadro de dibujos que ay en elos nr"a sra.
Jardin de S. Srnora y hechando el nino la Ven-dicion a un hombre
S. Joaquin, [nuestra senora] y el nino hechando la bendicion a un
Joaquin, y la Circunpcecion [sic] de Nuestro Senor de tres fol. 779r
>. 423 quartas de Cahida y bara de ancho Con su marco
hombre y la circunzision de nuestro Senor de tres
quartas de cayda y bara de ancho Con su marco negro
negro.
Otro quadro de dibujos en que ay una muger con un
Jardin de S. paxaro que se le pone en la mano de menos de bara
Joaquin,
no. 424 de Cahida y bara y quarta de ancho Con su marco
dorado.

Jardin de S. S. Joaquin, Quarenta y quattro quadricos de diferentes tamanos y


Mas quarenta y cinco quadricos de diferentes tamanos
Joaquin, fol. 779r
no. 425 y dibujos en papel. Con cristales delante. dibujos en papel con cristales delante

Mas dkz y siete dibujos de diferentes tamanos en Mas diez y siete dibujos de diferentes tamanos en
Jardin de S. papel uno de ellos con marco de ebano con perfil de
Joaquin, papel uno de ellos Con marco de evano. Con perfil de j S. joaquin,
no. 427 marfil y los Siete con marcos dorados y todos los \ fol. 779r marfil y los siete con marcos dorados y los demas
demas con Marcos negros de diferentes tamanos. negros de diferentes tamanos

Jardin de S.
Mas once dibujos pequenos de diferentes tamanos en ! S. Joaquin, Mas ocho dibujos pequenos de diferentes tamanos en
Joaquin,
no. 432 papel con cristales y sus marcos negros. j fol. 779v papel con sus cristales y marcos negros

Jardin de S.
Mas cinco dibujos de papel de diferentes tamanos sin S. Joaquin, Mas seis dibujos en papel de diferentes tamanos sin
Joaquin, bidrieras. fol. 779v vidrieras
no. 433
Jardin de S.
Joaquin, Un dibujo en papel con su marco negro.
no. 437
Otro dibujo en que esta comenzada a rretratar mi sra.
Otro dibuxo de que esta comencada a retratar mi
Jardin de S. Senora Dona Antonia Maria de la Zerda de mas de Da. [senora dona] Maria Antonia de la zerda. De
S.Joaquin,
Joaquin, fol. 780r mas ae bara de cayda y bara y ma. [media] de ancho
no. 440 vara de cahida y bara y media de ancho sin marco de
sin mco. [marco] de mano de Andres esmit. y el
mano de Andres Esmit y el antecedente. antezedente

Jardin de S. Un quadro en bosquexo en que esta un hombre escriv Un quadro de Bosquexo en que esta un ombre
S. Joaquin,
Joaquin, iendo y una perrilla echada de bara y tercia de cahida fol. 780r escribiendo y una perrilla echada de vaa y tterzia de
no. 442 y dos baras de ancho. Sin marco. caida y dos varas de ancho sin marco

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
NOTES 5. See Giovanni Pietro Bellori, "Vite di Guido Reni,
Andrea Sacchi e Carlo Maratti," MS. 2506, Bibliotheque
1. See Juan Velez de Leon, "Mamotreto," MS. 7526,
Municipale, Rouen; ed. by Michelangelo Piacentini,
Biblioteca Nacional de Espana (hereafter BNE), Madrid,
Rome, 1942, pp. 117-18.
fol. 142. Juan Velez de Leon was secretary to the
Marques del Carpio in Spain and Italy. 6. As was noted, for instance, by Francis Haskell, Patrons and
Painters, London, 1963, pp. 190-192; Burke 1984; and
2. Over the course of his career, the Marques del Carpio
Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez, Historia del dibujo en Espana:
was appointed Knight and Chief Commander of the
De la Edad Media a Goya, Madrid, 1986.
Order of Alcantara, chief huntsman to the king, Great
7. See Fernando Marias, "Don Gaspar de Haro, Marques
Chancellor of the Indies, and governor or chief adminis
trator of the Buen Retiro, the fortresses of Pardo,
del Carpio, coleccionista de dibujos," in Arte y diplomacia
Zarzuela, and Valsain, as well as the Royal Alcazarsdeof la monarquia hispdnica en el sigh XVII, Madrid, 2003,
Seville and Cordoba. pp. 209-19; Leticia de Frutos, "La Gratitudine, specchio
della virtu: II dono di un lussuoso manoscrito ad un
3. For the Marques del Carpio as a politician, see P. Julian,
mecenate del XVII secolo," Rara Volumina, 1, no. 2,
"Campana del Marques del Carpio, D. Gaspar de Haro y
2005, pp. 5-21 (the only article that does not refer to col
Guzman, Virrey de Napoles, contra los bandidos del
lecting drawings in albums); Simonetta Prosperi Valenti
Abruzzo en 1684," Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y
Rodino, "Additions to the Drawings Collection of the
Museos, 7, 1903, pp. 247-59 and 395-406; M. E. Ghelli,
Marques del Carpio," Master Drawings, 46, no. 1, 2008,
"II vicere marchese del Carpio (1629?1687)," Archivio
pp. 3-33; Viviana Farina, "Collezionismo di disegni a
Storico per le Province Napoletane, n.s., 19, 1933, pp.
Napoli nel Seicento: Le raccolte di grafica del vicere VII
280?318; Alessandra Anselmi, "El Marques del Carpio y
marchese del Carpio, il ruolo di padre Sebastiano Resta e
el barrio de la Embajada de Espana en Roma (1677?
un inventario inedito di disegni e stampe," in Colomer
1683)," in Antonio Alvarez-Ossorio Alvarino and
(ed.) 2009, pp. 339-62; and eadem, "La collezione del
Bernardo J. Garcia Garcia, eds., La monarquia de las
Vicere: II Marchese del Carpio, padre Sebastiano Resta e
naciones: Patria, nation y naturaleza en la monarquia de
la prima raccolta raginata di disegni napolitani," in
Espana, Madrid, 2004, pp. 563-95; and Leticia de Frutos,
Francesco Solinas and Sebastian Schiitze, eds., Le Dessin
"El VII marques del Carpio (1629-1687): Mecenas y
napolitain: Actes du colloque international, Ecole Normale
coleccionista de las artes," PhD diss., Madrid, Universi
Superieure, 6-8 mars 2008, Rome, 2010, pp. 183-98.
dad Complutense, 2005. The latter was subsequently
Some articles have studied detailed drawings kept in the
published as El Templo de la Fama: Alegoria del Marques del
Carpio albums, for example Fritz Saxl, "The Battle Scene
Carpio, Madrid, 2010, but this omitted a large part of the
without a Hero: Aniello Falcone and His Patrons,"
original thesis dedicated to drawings (pp. 428-42) as well
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 3, 1939-40,
as the documentary appendix, so her dissertation will be
cited here. pp. 77-87; Michael Mahoney, The Drawings of Salvador
Rosa, London, 1977; Manuela B. Mena Marques, Dibujos
4. For the painting collection of the Marques del Carpio, italianos de los sighs XVII and XVIII en la Biblioteca
see, in particular, Jose Manuel Pita Andrade, "Los National, Madrid, Madrid, 1984; and Gabriele Finaldi,
cuadros de Velazquez y Mazo que poseyo el VII Marques "Dibujos ineditos y otros poco conocidos de Jusepe
del Carpio," Archivo Espanol de Arte, 25, 1952, pp. 223 Ribera," Boletin del Museo del Prado, 41, 2005, pp. 24-44.
36; Enriqueta Harris, "El Marques del Carpio y sus The first extensive study of any of the Carpio albums,
cuadros de Velazquez," Archivo Espanol de Arte, 30, 1957, devoted to part of the one preserved in the Society of
pp. 136?39; Gregorio de Andres, El Marques de Liche: Antiquaries, London (SAL MS. 879), was published by
Bibliofdo y coleccionista de arte, Madrid, 1975, p. 33; Marcus Beatrice Cacciotti, "La collezzione del VII Marchese del
B. Burke, "Private Collections of Italian Art in Carpio tra Roma and Madrid," Bollettino d'Arte, 86-87,
Seventeenth-century Spain," PhD diss., New York, 1994, pp. 133-96.
Institute of Fine Arts, 1984; Rosa Lopez Torrijos,
8. For the theory and collecting of drawings in seventeenth
"Coleccionismo en la epoca de Velazquez: El Marques de
century Spain, see chapter 2 of my dissertation,
Heliche," in Velazquez y el arte de su tiempo, Madrid,
"Collecting Italian Drawings in Seventeenth-century
1991, pp. 27-36; idem and Peter Cherry, Collections of
Spain: The Marques del Carpio's Collection," London,
Paintings in Madrid, 1601-1755, Los Angeles, 1997;
Courtauld Institute of Art (forthcoming). See also Diego
Frutos 2005; Alessandra Anselmi, "II VII marchese del
Angulo Iniguez and Alfonso E. Perez Sanchez, A Corpus
Carpio da Roma a Napoli," Paragone, 71, 2007, pp.
of Spanish Drawings, 4 vols., London, 1975-88; Manuela
80-109; and Leticia de Frutos, "Luca Giordano en la
B. Mena Marques, "Les Collections de dessins italiens en
coleccion napolitana del VII marques del Carpio," in Jose
Espagne," Revue de VArt, 70, 1985, pp. 83-90; Perez
Luis Colomer, ed., Espana y Napoles: Coleccionismo y mece
Sanchez 1986; idem, "II disegno italiano nelle collezioni
nazgo virreinales el siglo XVII, Madrid, 2009, pp. 363-77.
spagnole," in Anna Forlani Tempesti and Simonetta

475

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Prosperi Valenti Rodind, eds., Disegno e disegni, per un ril Princeton, 1983; Stella Rudolph, "Vincenzo Vittoria fra
evamento delle collezioni dei disegni italiani, Florence, 2003, pitture, poesie e polemiche," Labyrinthos, 7?8, nos.
pp. 3-12; Ismael Gutierrez Pastor, "Sol que da vida y 13-16, 1988-89, pp. 223-66; Bonaventura Bassegoda i
prudencia de todas las habilidades: Teoria y practica del Hugas, "Noves dades sobre el canonge Vicente Vittoria
dibujo en la Espana del Barroco," in Arturo Anson (1650-1709), tractadista, pintor, gravador i collec
Navarro and Ricardo Centellas Salamero, eds., Dibujo cionista," Bulletin of the Museu National d'Art de Catalunya,
espanol del renacimiento a Goya: La coleccion de la reina Maria 2, 1994, pp. 37-62; idem, "Vicente Vitoria (1650-1709):
Cristina de Borbbn, Zaragoza, 2008, pp. 37-51. Coleccionista de estampas y estudioso de la obra grabada
a partir de Rafael," in Mediterraneo y el arte, Espanol,
9. See Vicente Carducho, Didlogos de la pintura, su defensa,
Valencia, 1996, pp. 219-24; and Victor Marco Garcia,
origen, esencia, definition, modos y diferencias (Madrid, 1633),
"Pintores valencianos en la Roma de finales del siglo
ed. by Francisco Calvo Serraller, Madrid, 1979; Antonio
XVII," in Carlos Jose Hernando Sanchez, ed., Roma y
Palomino, El museo pictbrico y escala bptica (Madrid,
Espana: Un crisol de la cultura europea en la Edad Moderna, 2
1715?24), facs. ed. with preface by Juan A. Cean y
vols., Madrid, 2007, vol. 2, pp. 745-63. On Soils, see
Bermudez, 2 vols., Madrid, 1947; idem, Las vidas de los
Palomino (ed. 1947), pp. 1010-1012; Aurora Miro,
pintores y estatuarios eminentes espanoles, ed. by Nina Ayala
"Francisco Solis," Archivo Espanol de Arte, 46, 1973, pp.
Mallory, Madrid, 1986; Francisco Pacheco, Arte de la pin
401-22; and F. Tabar Anitua, "Obras ineditas de
tura (Seville, 1649), ed. by Bonaventura Bassegoda i
Francisco de Solis," Kultura, 2, 1982, pp. 41-49.
Hugas, Madrid, 1990; Jusepe Martinez, Discursos practica
Palomino gave 1629 as the date of Solis's birth, but Miro
bles del nobilisimo arte de la pintura (Madrid, 1853), ed. by
published the original baptismal record dated 15 March
M. D. Manrique, Madrid, 2006; Francisco Calvo 1620. On Carducho, see Maria Luisa Caturla, "Docu
Serraller, Teoria de la pintura del sigh de oro, 2nd edn.,
mentos en torno a Vicencio Carducho," Arte Espanol, 26,
Madrid, 1991; and Karin Hellwig, Die spanische Kunst
1968-69, pp. 145-221; Mary Volk Crawford, Vicencio
literatur in 17 Jahrhundert, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1996.
Carducho and Seventeenth-century Castilian Painting, New
10. For art academies in seventeenth-century Spain, see York, 1977; and Maria A. Vizcaino Villanueva, "El pin
Gregorio Cruzada Villaamil, "Conatos de formar una tor en la sociedad madrilena durante el reinado de Felipe
academia madrilena de dibujo o escuela de dibujo en IV," PhD diss., Madrid, Universidad Complutense, 2005,
Madrid en el siglo XVII," El Art en Espana, 6, 1867, pp. pp. 152-53.
167?72 and 256?70; Julian Gallego, El pintor de artesano a
12. For the market for drawings in seventeenth-century Italy,
artista, Granada, 1976; Francisco Calvo Serraller, "Epilogo:
see Genevieve Warwick, "The Formation and Early
Las academias artisticas en Espana," in Nikolaus Pevsner,
Provenance of Padre Sebastiano Resta's Drawing Collec
Las academias de arte, Madrid, 1982, pp. 209-39; Juan Jose
tion," Master Drawings, 34, no. 3, 1996, pp. 239-78;
Martin Gonzalez, El artista en la sociedad espanola del siglo
eadem, "Gift Exchange and Art Collecting: Padre
XVII, Madrid, 1984; and Jonathan Brown, "Academies
Sebastiano Resta's Drawing Albums," Art Bulletin, 79,
of Painting in Seventeenth-century Spain," in Anton
1997, pp. 630-46; eadem, The Arts of Collecting: Padre
W.A. Boschloo et al., eds., Academies of Art between
Sebastiano Resta and the Market for Drawings in Early
Renaissance and Romanticism, The Hague, 1989, pp. 177?
85. Modern Europe, Cambridge, 2000; and eadem, "Connois
seurship and the Collection of Drawings in Italy, c. 1700:
11. For Monterrey, see Note 19 below. For the Santisteban The Case of Padre Sebastiano Resta," in Christopher
drawing collection, see Lopez-Fanjul (forthcoming), Baker et al., eds., Collecting Prints and Drawings in Europe,
chap. 3; Vicente Lleo Canal, "The Painter and the c. 1500-1750, London, 2003, pp. 141-54.
Diplomat: Luca Giordano and the Viceroy, Count of
13. For the collecting of drawings by the seventeenth-century
Santisteban," in Elizabeth Cropper, ed., The Diplomacy of
Spanish nobility, see Lopez-Fanjul (forthcoming), chap. 3.
Art: Artistic Creation and Politics in Seicento Italy, Milan,
2000, pp. 121-50; Gloria Marisol Cerezo, Atesoramiento 14. See Juan A. Cean y Bermudez, Diccionario histbrico de los
artistico e historia en la Espana moderna: Los IX condes de mas ilustres profesores de las bellas artes en Espana, Madrid,
Santisteban del Puerto, Jaen, 2006. For Espina, see Emilio 1800, pp. liv-lv and 149-250.
Cotarelo, Don Juan de Espina: Noticias de este celebre y enig
15. See Carducho (ed. Calvo Serraller 1979), p. 435.
mdtico personaje, Madrid, 1908; Carducho (ed. Calvo
Serraller 1979), p. 438; and Francisco J. Sanchez Canton, 16. See ibid., p. 435; Perez Sanchez 1986, p. 5; and Julian
"Los manuscritos de Leonardo que poseia Don Juan de Gallego, Diego Velazquez, Madrid, 1983, p. 55. For
Espina," Archivo Espanol de Arte, 14, 1940-41, pp. 39-42. Villamediana's purchases and his stay in Italy, see Giovani
On Victoria, see Anthony Blunt, "Don Vincenzo Pietro Bellori, Le vite de' pittori, scultori e architetti moderni
Vittoria," Burlington Magazine, 109, no. 766, 1967, pp. (Rome, 1672); facs. edn., Bologna, 2000, p. 214.
31-32; Edward L. Goldberg, "Vicente Victoria and the
17. Not all the drawings of Don Juan Jose are registered as
Tuscan Academy," in Patterns in Late Medici Art Patronage,

476

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
framed; see Elvira Gonzalez Asenjo, Don Juan Jose de made on the occasion of her death (AHN Consejos
Austria (1629-1679): Mecenas de las artes, Madrid, 2005, suprimidoes leg. 42039, pp. 97-130), but no drawings are
especially pp. 700-727. No example has been found in recorded in this document, nor are there any mentioned
the collection of Carpio's father, Don Luis, although this in the 1651 inventory of his assets made on the occasion
could be due to lack of information; see his estate inven of his marriage to her (AC A 221-222; see Pita Andrade
tory (Archivo Duques de Medinaceli Toledo, legajo 104 1952, pp. 223-36; and Burke and Cherry 1997).
2), transcribed in Frutos 2005, vol. 2, pp. 11-42.
23. They are recorded in the "apossento detrds de la Sacristla"
18. See Carducho (ed. Calvo Serraller 1979), p. 425. ("room behind the vestry"), in the "alcoba del cuarto alto"
("alcove of the upper room"), as well as in the new
19. See Archivo Historico de Protocolos de Madrid (here
gallery and adjacent corridors. One of the most important
after AHPM) 7684, pp. 274-371; Alfonso E. Perez
characteristics of the Carpio inventories is the care with
Sanchez, "Las colecciones de pintura del Conde de
which they are written, clearly differentiating entries for
Monterrey (1653)," Boletin de la Real Academia de Historia,
drawings, prints, and paintings. For more information on
174, 1977, pp. 417-59 (esp. pp. 448, 441, and 456);
terminology in the seventeenth century, see Lopez-Fanjul
Burke and Cherry 1997, pp. 505 (fol. 297), 514 (fols.
(forthcoming), chap. 2.
340, 339v, and 341). The drawing by Arpino was the
only one that was inherited by Monterrey's wife, Leonor 24. See ACA 221-12, no. 277 (see Frutos 2005, vol. 2, p.
Maria de Guzman, according to the inventory of her col 82), and AHPM 9819, fol. 769 (see Burke and Cherry
lection (see AHPM 7685, pp. 861- 66; and Burke and 1997, p. 848, no. 312); for complete transcriptions, see
Cherry 1997, p. 530 [fol. 862v]). table on p. 473.

20. As was remarked by Francisco de Holanda (1517-1584), 25. See ACA 221-12, no. 440 (see Frutos 2005, vol. 2, p.
Spanish patrons were not at all interested in Spanish art; 90), and AHPM 9819, fol. 780 (see Burke and Cherry
indeed, as he further noted, it was "fashionable to hold it 1997, p. 856, no. 465); for complete transcription, see
in low esteem" (see Nigel Glendinning, "The Spanish table on p. 474.
ness of Spanish Art in the Golden Age," Oxford Art
26. See ACA 221-12, without number (see Frutos 2005, vol.
Journal, 2, 1988, pp. 69-76 [esp. p. 69]). See also Alfonso
2, p. 87); for complete transcription, see table on p. 473.
E Perez Sanchez, Pintura italiana del sigh XVII en Espana,
This drawing by Herrera is the only example by a
Madrid, 1965; Burke 1984; and Burke and Cherry 1997.
Spanish artist registered in all the Carpio inventories. The
For other studies of collecting patterns in seventeenth
word borroncillo comes from borron, that is, a rough draft
century Spain, see Jose Miguel Moran and Fernando
executed in black and white and on any support in order
Checa Cremades, El coleccionismo en Espana: De la cdmara
to work on light and shade; it derives from the word bor
de maravillas a la galena depinturas, Madrid, 1985; Jonathan
rador, the name of the paper on which rough drafts were
Brown, Kings and Connoisseurs: Collecting Art in Seventeenth
created and to which changes (including erasures) could
century Europe, Princeton, 1995; Miguel Moran Turina
be easily made; see Sebastian de Covarrubias, Tesoro de la
and Javier Portus Perez, El arte de mirar: La pintura y su
lengua castellana o espanola (Madrid, 1611), facs. ed.,
publico en la Espana de Velazquez, Madrid, 1997; and Jose
Madrid, 1979, p. 230; and Maria Moliner, Diccionario del
Luis Cano de Gardoqui y Garcia, Tesoros y colecciones:
uso del Espanol, 2 vols., Madrid, 1989, vol. 1, p. 402.
Origenes y evolution del coleccionismo artistico, Valladolid,
2001. 27. See ACA 221-12, no. 194 (see Frutos 2005, vol. 2, p.
76), and AHPM 9819, fol. 780; for complete transcrip
21. On the three-year delay in Murcia and the financial con
tion, see table on p. 473. In AHPM 9819 there are two
sequences that this represented for Carpio and his family,
versions of the same inventory, the second of which was
see Frutos 2005, vol. 1, pp. 400-415; and Jose Carlos
transcribed by Claudio Coello, but only the first was
Agiiera Ros, "Don Gaspar de Haro y Guzman, VII mar
published by Burke and Cherry 1997.
ques del Carpio, comitente artistico durante su viaje a
Roma como embajador de la Santa Sede," in Patrones, 28. Inv. no. MNP D-2960 (as circle of Jacopo Tintoretto).
promotores, mecenas y clientes: Adas VII Congreso Espanol de Brush and brown wash, with white heightening; 526 x
Historia del Arte (CEHA), Murcia, 1988, pp. 431-34. 410 mm; see Nicholas Turner, with the assistance of Jose
Manuel Matilla, Museo del Prado. Catdlogo de dibujos, V:
22. For the inventory of 1677, Archivo Casa de Alba (here
Dibujos italianos del siglo XVI, Madrid, 2004, p. 98, no. 21,
after ACA), 221-12, see Frutos 2005, vol. 2, pp. 66-97;
repr. (in color). In the inventory of 1677 as well as in that
first quoted by Enriqueta Harris and Duncan Bull, "The
of 1689-90, measurements were taken with the frames,
Companion of Velazquez's Rokeby Venus and a Source for so the dimensions cannot be considered reliable for the
Goya's Naked Maja," Burlington Magazine, 128, no. 1002, identification of works.
1986, pp. 643-43. Eight years earlier, in 1669, an inven
tory of the assets of the Marques del Carpio and his first 29. As Simonetta Prosperi Valenti Rodino indicated for the
wife, Maria Antonia de la Cerda (d. 1669), had been first time (see Giulia Fusconi and Simonetta Prosperi

477

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Valenti Rodino, "Un'aggiunta a Sebastiano Resta 38. For the circulation of the Carpio collection from seven
collezionista: II Piccolo preliminare grande Anfiteatro pittorico," teenth century to the present time, see Lopez-Fanjul
Prospettiva, 33-36, 1983-84, pp. 237-59 [esp. p. 254, n. (forthcoming), epilogue.
12]), Padre Sebastiano Resta (1635-1714) inscribed pages
39. For Carpio, his portraits, and the relevance of drawings,
of some of the Carpio albums. However, these inscrip
see "Drawing and Self-propaganda," in ibid., chap. 5.
tions cannot be considered the equivalent of a collector's
mark for Carpio, nor do they appear on the drawings, but 40. See AHPM 9819, dated between 1689 and 1690. The
on the pages of the albums. Unfortunately, from what we inventory was mentioned for the first time and partially
have been able to discover up until now, neither the transcribed by Marques del Saltillo, "Artistas madri
framed drawings nor those kept in albums have any spe lenos," Boletin de la Sociedad Espanola de Excursiones, 57,
cific mark or annotation that positively links them with 1953, pp. 233-34; and transcribed in full in Burke and
the collector. It is thus impossible to establish beyond Cherry 1997, pp. 831-77.
doubt Carpio's ownership of any work that was framed.
41. The number of albums was established by Cacciotti
30. There is no knowledge of an independent easel painting 1994; see also Lopez-Fanjul (forthcoming), chap. 4.
by Raphael of this subject, so the drawing must have
42. There are four different inventories of the Carpio library:
been a study for a scene that was part of a larger com
one written after the death of his first wife (AHN,
mission.
Consejos suprimidos leg. 42039); one related to his
31. Now in the collection of Luigi Grimaldi Filioli, Naples. Madrid auction (AHPM, 9819); one made in Rome in
Red chalk; 198 x 142 mm; sale, London, Christie's, 20 1682 (ACA, 302, pp. 177-214); and another devoted
March 1973, lot 36, repr. This album was mentioned for exclusively to the manuscripts that he owned at his death
the first time by Francis Russell and Luisa Vertova, "Un (ARAH, 9/5565). In addition, there are the lists of book
nuovo album spagnolo di disegni italiani," Antichita Viva, returned from Naples to Madrid after he died (ACA,
11, no. 6, 1972, pp. 64-65. 221-2). For the library of the Conde-Duque de Olivares,
see Gregorio de Andres, "Historia de la biblioteca del
32. For Carpio and the framed drawings that he acquired in
Conde-Duque de Olivares y descripcion de sus codices,"
Italy, see Lopez-Fanjul (forthcoming), chap. 4.
Cuadernos Bibliogrdficos, 28, 1972, pp. 131-42; and
33. Don Luis bought the tapestries at the auction of Charles Gregorio Maranon, "La biblioteca del Conde-Duque,"
I through his agent, the Spanish ambassador Don Alonso Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, 107, 1935, pp.
de Cardenas (1592-1664), and they remained in the col 677-92. The Marques del Carpio's library is being stud
lection of the dukes of Alba (heirs through the marriage ied by Felipe Vidales and Fernando Bouza, and the AHN
of Carpio's daughter) until 1823. The set eventually inventory is being investigated by Felipe Vidales and
ended up in Berlin, where it was destroyed during World myself.
War II.
43. RBP, 11/1606 bis. Pen and black and red ink and wash;
34. Inv. no. 1937.1.24 (oil on panel, transferred to canvas; 285 x 432 mm. The compilation of documents is
diam.: 94.5 cm). For Carpio's purchases of paintings by inscribed on fol. 3, in brown ink, Plantas originales que se
Raphael, see Frutos 2005, pp. 301-2 and 1228-1231. han ejecu / tado / en esta corte. En Processiones del corpus. /
Yanto Jeneral de la fee. En que su mag1, [majestad] / asistio /
35. See Frutos 2005, vol. 1, pp. 317 and 320; and vol. 2, pp.
271 and 537. Y fiestas de tows y canas / que se han celehrado. En la plaza
de palacio Y en la / mayor de madrid. desde el ano de mil Yssm.
36. Inv. nos. 1907,0717.1-90. See Sidney Colvin, "Tintoretto [y seiscientos] Y heinte y seis asta el de mill y seiscientos / y
at the British Museum," Burlington Magazine, 16, nos. sesenta / Mandadas Recogex / Por el exm0. Senor d. Gaspar de
1-2, 1910, pp. 189-200 and pp. 244-261; and Hans Haro.y guzman / mi senor conde de morente. Marqs de liche de
Tietze and Erica Tietze-Conrat, The Drawings of the la orden / de Alcantara gentil / hombre de la camara. de su
Venetian Painters in the 15th and 16th Centuries, New mag1, [majestad] / su montero May.' [mayor] que por ocupai0".
York, 1979. For the purchase of Tintoretto's estate, see [ocupacion] del exm0 [excelentisimo] senor d. / Luis mendez de
Fernando Checa Cremades, "El marques del Carpio Haw su padre, con Horden / de su mag1 [majestad] sirve las
(1629-1687) y la pintura veneciana del Renacimiento: alcaldias. de los Reales Sitios / del Buen Retiro. Pardo y
Negociaciones de Antonio Saurer," Anales de Historia del Balssayn. This manuscript was published as part of the
Arte, 14, 2004, pp. 193-212. collection of Don Luis; see Jose Manuel Barbeito, "El
'Manuscrito sobre Protocolo y Disposicion en los Actos
37. See ACA 221-2, inv. nos. 225, 447, and 479. For an
Publicos' de la biblioteca de Palacio," Reales Sitios, 163,
exhaustive study of the complexity of this auction, which
2005, pp. 36-51. Thirty-four of these documents
took place in Naples and Madrid, see Maria Jesus Munoz,
belonged to the Marques and a further seven were added
El mercado espanol de pinturas en el sigh XVII, Madrid,
between 1695 and 1704 (RBP II/1606bis, fols. 231-50).
2008, esp. pp. 99-127.

478

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
44. See AHPM 9819, fol. 896: "25 dibujos de la primera come gunpowder to be placed under the seats they were due to
dia para Madrid." These drawings, which are today occupy at a theatrical performance at the palace. His
untraced, were not recorded as such in the 1677 inven involvement was never proven, but, even so, he was
tory and must have been included in one of the general declared guilty. His sentence of death was later commut
entries of the library. It has been assumed on numerous ed to ten years of exile and two years of service as a pri
occasions that this reference was to Baccio's eleven vate soldier under the command of Anelo de Guzman (d.
designs for Calderon's play Perseus and Andromeda, pre 1677) in the Portuguese Restoration War, during which
served in the Houghton Library, Harvard University, he was taken prisoner at the Battle of Estremoz. Four
Cambridge, MA (MS. Typ 258H; see Phyllis Dearborn documents relate to this trial: BNE (MS. 11011, fols.
Massar, "Scenes for a Calderon Play by Baccio del 58-70, MS. 10596, fols. 47-99v, and MS. 10695, fols.
Bianco," Master Drawings, 15, no. 4, 1977, pp. 365-75, 158-75) and Real Biblioteca VIII/9390, fols. 274-90.
pis. 21-31), but this was not the first comedy by the play See also BNE: MS. 10596 (sentence), MS. 10695 (im
wright that was produced by Baccio in Madrid. prisonment), and MS. 11011 (trial).

45. Carpio's role as governor at the Buen Retiro was praised 49. The letters of Afonso VI repeatedly denying Carpio's
many times by his contemporaries; see Rodrigo Mendez release and the English mediation in the conflict are pre
Silva, Gloriosa celebridad de Espana en elfeliz nacimiento, y served in the National Archives, London (SP 89/6, 89/7,
solemnisimo bautizo de su deseado principe don Felipe prbspero 89/8, and 89/9).
(Madrid, 1658), MS. 3/14166, Madrid, BNE, fols. 24
50. See ACA, 118-8, document 319 (correspondence
28; and L. Ulloa y Pereira, Fiestas que se celebraron en la
between Carpio and the queen, and Carpio's undated let
Corte por el nacimiento de don Felipe Prbspero (Madrid,
ter from Yelbes, Portugal, to Diego de Alcala [dates
1658), MSS. 3/40791, R/4443, and R/5271, BNE. For
unknown] confirming his appointment as Embajador
this subject, see also J. E. Varey, "Velazquez y Heliche en
extraordinario ["Special Ambassador"] for the signing of
los festejos madrilenos de 1657-1658," Boletxn de la Real
the treaty).
Academia de la Historia, 169, no. 2, 1972, pp. 407-22; and
idem, "La mayordomia mayor y los festejos palaciegos del 51. See AHPM, 9819, fols. 900-902v. Other nobles, such as
siglo XVII," Anales del Instituto de estudios madrilenos, 4, the Duque de Osuna and the Infante Don Juan Jose of
1969, pp. 145-68. For Carpio and the relation between Austria, also collected Portuguese books; see Fernando
his painting collection and his passion for the theater, see Bouza, Papeles y opinion: Politicas de publication en el Siglo
Louise K. Stein, "Three Paintings, a Double Lyre, Opera, de Oro, Madrid, 2008, p. 145.
and Eliche's Venus," in Suzanne Stratton-Pruitt, ed., The
52. Madrid, Biblioteca Francisco de Zabalburu, 73-66,
Cambridge Companion to Velazquez, New York, 2002, pp.
73-67, 73-68, and 73-69. The first two: 20.5 x 14.5 cm.
170-93. For the Buen Retiro Palace, see Jonathan The last two: 18.7 x 14 cm. These volumes were men
Brown and John Elliot, A Palace for a King, New Haven
tioned for the first time in Bouza 2008, p. 145. I am
and London, 1980; and Andres de Ubeda de los Cobos,
deeply grateful to Prof. Bouza for calling this to my
ed., El palacio del Rey Planeta: Felipe IV y el Buen Retiro.
attention and to Mercedes Noviembre, librarian of the
exh. cat., Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2005.
Archivo Zabalburu, for her help. I have identified these
46. See Burke 1984, p. 154. According to Giovanni Pascoli volumes in the 1670 Carpio inventories and the auction:
(Vite de' pittore, scultori e architetti moderni, Rome, 1730 AHN, Consejos suprimidos leg. 42039, fol. 67v: "L7n
36, p. 202), Carpio visited, sometimes daily, the studios legajo de diez tomos de Mercurios [36 re]"; and AHPM 9819,
of Niccolo Berrettoni (1637-1682), Giuseppe Ghezzi fol. 903, box 78: "Diez ttomos [sic] yntitulados Mercurios y
(1634-1721), and Giovanni Francesco Grimaldi (1606 Relaciones de Porttugal en Portuguese
1680).
53. The Mercurio Portugues was a political gazette that
47. The Portuguese Restoration (Luso-Hispanic) War began appeared in mid-seventeenth century in opposition to
in 1640 when Portugal declared its independence fol the Castilians.
lowing the arrival of the 8th Duque de Braganza on the
54. The flyleaf of volume 73-69 in inscribed, El ex 0 [excelen
Portuguese throne as John iv (reg. 1640-56). Portugal
tisimo] Marques de eliche mi sr. [senor] / compro este libroen La.
had been governed by the House of Habsburg for the
Ciud [ciudad] de Lisboa sdo [siendo] / prisonero de la batalla del
previous sixty years?beginning in 1580, when the
Cano de es / tremos en el Cast0 [castillo] de San Jorge de dha
Spanish monarch Philip II (reg. 1556-98) successfully
[dicha] Ciud. [ciudad] ano de 1663. The acquisition of these
claimed the Portuguese throne (as Philip I of Portugal;
works could be related to the Portuguese man of letters
reg. 1581-98) through his mother, Isabella of Portugal
Antonio Luis Ribeiro de Barros (dates unknown), who
(1503-1539).
provided Carpio with accommodation in Lisbon after his
48. In February 1662 Carpio was accused of an attempt on release and visited him during his imprisonment. Years
the lives of the royal family for having ordered a barrel of later, Barros moved to Madrid, where he was working

479

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
under the sponsorship of the Admiral of Castile. For Perez, Pintura y pensamiento en la Espana de Lope de Vega,
Carpio and Barros, see Frutos 2005, vol. 1, pp. 239-41. Hondarribia, 1999; Rafael Zafra and J. J. Azanza, eds.,
Emblemata aurea: La emblemdtica en el arte y la literatura del
55. In volumes 1 and 2 there are two prints directly related
Siglo de Oro, Madrid, 2000; V. Minguez, "El Rey Solar
to Carpio's stay and imprisonment in Portugal. The one
en la emblematica hispanica," in Los reyes solares,
in the first volume, unsigned and undated, represents the
Castellon, 2001, pp. 109-26; and Fernando Bouza, "Por
Marques during the Battle of Estremoz, where he was
no usarse: Sobre uso, circulacion y mercado de imagenes
taken prisoner. The second, dated 1665 and signed by
politicas en la alta Edad Moderna," in Joan Lluis Palos i
Felix de Costa (dates unknown) andjoao Baptista (dates
Penarroya and Diana Carrio Invernizzi, eds., La historia
unknown), represents the province of Alentejo. These
imaginada: Construcciones visuales del pasado en la Epoca
prints must have been bought separately and added by
Moderna, Madrid, 2008, pp. 41-64.
Carpio to the Mercurios. Unfortunately, it has been
impossible to obtain images of these two works. 59. On the subject of the "Restauracao," see Fernando Bouza,
'"Clarins de Iericho': Oratoria sagrada y publicistica en la
56. All the frames are different, and each is drawn over a pre
Restauracao portuguesa," Cuadernos de Historia Moderna y
liminary underdrawing in charcoal.
Contemporanea, 1000, 1986, pp. 13-31.
57. See Paco Ducal de Vila Vicosa, Fundacao da Casa de
60. Pen and brown ink, with brown wash, over traces of
Braganca, Biblioteca, coleccao D. Manuel, Cod. XCVI
black chalk; 205 x 145 mm.
II. These drawings were studied and published by Angela
Barreto Xavier et al., Festas que se fizeram pelo casamento do 61. This coat of arms is the one used at the time of Afonso in
rei D. Afonso VI, Lisbon, 1996. (reg. 1248?79), the first Portuguese monarch to use the
title "King of Portugal and the Algarves": it consists of
58. For emblems in Baroque Spain, see Mario Praz, Studies in
five small shields disposed in the shape of a cross, each
Seventeenth-century Imagery, Rome, 1939 (reprinted and
shield decorated with white dots also arranged to form a
enlarged in 1965 and 1975); Giuseppina Ledda,
cross, to which a red border with seven golden castles
Contributo allo studio della letteratura emblematica in Spagna,
was later added (see Note 63 below).
1549-1613, Pisa, 1970; John Landwehr, French, Italian,
Spanish, and Portuguese Books of Devices and Emblems, 62. The quote is from the Satires of the Roman poet Juvenal
1534-1827: A Bibliography, Utrecht, 1976; Philip Lloyd (fl. late 1st century or early 2nd century ad), Book IV,
Bostock, "A Study of Emblematic Theory and Practice Satire 10, which is devoted to the vanity of human
in Spain between 1580 and 1680," PhD diss., Oxford desires. Specifically, the phrase "One globe is all too lit
University, 1979; Julian Gallego, Vision y simbolos en la tle for the youth of Pella" refers to the ambitions of
pintura espanola del Sigh de Oro, Madrid, 1987; Pedro F. Alexander the Great (d. 323 bc); see Peter Green, ed.,
Campa, Emblemata Hispanica: An Annotated Bibliography of Juvenal: The Sixteen Satires. London, 1998. The same
Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700, London, 1990; satire was also applied to Philip ii.
Jose Manuel Diaz de Bustamante, Instrumentum emblem
63. It was during the reign of King Sebastian i (reg. 1557-78),
aticum, 2 vols., Hildesheim, 1991; Alison Adams, ed.,
who succeeded to the throne at the age of three, that the
"Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe: Tradition
border with seven castles was added to the royal coat of
and Variety," in Selected Papers of the Glasgow International
arms. He died aged twenty-four, and despite his short time
Emblem Conference, 13-17 August 1990, Leiden, 1992;
as monarch, his reign is remembered as a time of continu
Fernando Rodriguez de la Flor, Emblemas: Lecturas de la
ous growth and expansion. He was the last Portuguese
imagen simbolica, Madrid, 1995; Santiago Sebastian,
king before the arrival of Philip ii of Spain in 1580.
Emblematica e historia del arte, Madrid, 1996; Antonio
Bernat et al., Enciclopedia de los emblemas espaholes ilustrados, 64. Pen and brown ink, with brown wash, over traces of
Madrid, 1999; Peter M. Daly and John Manning, Aspects black chalk; 205 x 145 mm.
of Renaissance and Baroque Symbol Theory, 1500-1700,
65. Engraving; 190 x 123 mm; see Francisco Manuel de
New York, 1999; Barbara Skinfill Nogal, ed., Las dimen
Melo, Ecco polytico responde en Portugal a la voz de Castilla
siones del arte emblemdtico, Zamora, 2002; Mario Praz,
y satisface a un papel anonymo, ofrecido al Rey Don Felipe el
Imdgenes del barroco: Estudios de emblematica, Madrid, 2005;
Quarto. Lisbon, 1645, frontispiece. The pro-Braganza
and Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull, The
publications by Melo were especially famous at the time.
Emblem in Spain: History and Characteristics, New York,
For Melo and his work, see P. Serra, Conversas civis:
2008. For emblems and power in Spain, see Jose Antonio
Estudos sobre D. Franscisco Manuel de Melo, Salamanca,
Maravall, "La literatura de emblemas en el contexto de la
2003; and Gina Rafael and Luis Farinha Franco, D.
sociedad barroca," inTeatro y literatura en la sociedad barro
Francisco Manuel de Melo (1608-1666), Lisbon, 2008.
ca, Madrid, 1972, pp. 147-88; Fernando Moreno
Cuadro, "The vision emblematica del gobernante virtu 66. See Goncalo Anes Bandarra, Pardfrase y concordancia de
oso," Goya, 187-88, 1985, pp. 17-26; Javier Portus algunas profecias de Bandarra, Paris, 1603: "Vejo um grande

480

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Rei humano Alevantar sua bandeira como por peneira A Grifa black chalk; 205 x 145 mm.
morrer no Cano."
72. The House of Habsburg was omitted from the tree, and
67. See Fray Luis de Saa, Sermam encoastico e demostrativo da the duchy of Braganza appears as the only legitimate off
indubitauel justica com que o serenissimo Rey Dom loam o IV shoot of the original Portuguese dynasty, represented by
joy acclamado neste seu Reyno, Coimbra, 1641 (cited by Dom Manuel at the bottom. The direct line of descent,
Bouza 1986, p. 16): "Magestade porque as armas com que each generation represented by an inscribed disk, runs
VR. Magestade tern conquistado este seu reyno, os clarins de from Don Duarte de Portugal, 4th Duque de Guimaraes
Ierichoforao que os sacerdotes tocamos em sua apelidacao, seuin (1515-1540), who married Isabel of Braganza (1514?
do os sermoes que nesta accao se pregara de pecas de bater asfor 1576), daughter of James (Jaime), 4th Duque de Braganza
talezas dos coracoens, lusitanos, que as vozes destas legitimas (1479-1532); Duarte's younger daughter, Infanta
trombetas Euangelicas se rendido a seu natural senhor dado por Catherine de Guimaraes (1540-1614), who married her
Deus qual outro Iericho a Iosue." first cousin Joao I, 6th Duque de Braganza (1543-1583);
their eldest son, Don Teodosio II, 7th Duque de Braganza
68. The griffin was associated with the eagle or attribute of
(1568-1630), who married Ana de Velasco y Giron
St. John the Evangelist, thus an allusion to the Infante
(1585-1607), daughter of Juan Fernandez de Velasco, the
Don Juan (John) Jose of Austria.
Constable of Castile (c. 1550-1613); their son, King John
69. Pen and brown ink, with brown wash, over traces of (Joao) IV of Portugal, 8th Duque de Braganza (1640
black chalk; 205 x 145 mm. 1656), who married Luisa de Guzman (1613?1666),
daughter of Juan Manuel Perez de Guzman, 8th Duque
70. Woodcut; 70 x 90 mm; see Diego de Saavedra Fajardo,
de Medina Sidonia (1579-1636); and, at top, their son,
Idea de un principe politico cristiano, Munich, 1640, p. 365.
King Afonso VI of Portugal (1643-1683).
The emblem is accompanied by the motto "his provide
et provide." This work is a moral and philosophical 73. Pen and brown ink, with brown wash, over traces of
guide to the education of a Christian prince. The image black chalk; 205 x 145 mm.
of a scepter coming out of the clouds was commonly
74. The original text refers to Cytherea, an alternate name
used with similar meanings in other emblems of Baroque
for the goddess Venus (Aphrodite), who was the mother
Spain, for example in the representation of God (see of Aeneas.
Sebastian Covarrubias y Horozco, Emblemas morales,
[Madrid, 1610]; facs. edn., Madrid, 1978, emblems no. 75. The planet Venus (as the evening and morning star), like
97, 109, 123, 205, 238, and 264). the Phoenix, sets (dies) and rises every day.

71. Pen and brown ink, with brown wash, over traces of 76. See BNE, MS. 7526, fol. 138.

481

This content downloaded from 164.11.132.139 on Sun, 10 Nov 2019 11:06:52 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms

You might also like